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Crowds, context and identity: Dynamic categorization processes in the 'poll tax riot'
Abstract
Reicher has recently developed the social identity model of crowd behaviour based on self-categorization theory (SCT). This model begins to tackle the thorny theoretical problems posed by the dynamic nature of crowd action (Reicher, 1996b). The present paper describes an ethnographic study of a crowd event in which there were changes in the inter-group relationships over time. It is suggested that the laboratory evidence in support of SCT is complemented by ethnographic research of this type. By exploring situations in which definitions of context and/or categories are not purposefully manipulated, we can demonstrate the explanatory power of a dynamic and interactive approach to social categorization.
... When such a social identity is shared amongst crowd members, collective norms and thus action (e.g. rioting and looting) become possible (Drury and Stott, 2011;Stott and Drury, 2000). Moreover, whereas deindividuation explanations suggest a loss of identity and thus control whilst in the presence of a group, the ESIM argues that the individual in fact gains an additional identity that is both context specific and operates concurrently alongside existing personal identities (Drury and Stott, 2011). ...
... Whilst some argue these tactics are necessary during a riot, given that crowds are known to perceive such tactics as excessive or unlawful, when and how these tactics are implemented is crucial (Waddington and King, 2009). Perceived indiscriminate use of force by police personnel is now understood to unite crowds against law enforcement , with police intervention becoming the source and target of disorder (Stott and Drury, 2000). Indeed, this dynamic between crowds and police has been evidenced in the United States (Heyer, 2022;Maguire et al., 2020); Hong Kong , Australia (Baker, 2020) and France (Heyer, 2022). ...
This article examines different theoretical explanations for rioting and crowd violence drawing on psychological, sociological and political perspectives. Varied ideas and research that have sought to better understand why people are motivated to riot are discussed whilst considering the history of past riots. The role of the law and in particular, police practices in tackling, and in many cases exacerbating crowd violence are also explored with a critical eye on the latest police science research. Both individual psychological motivations and deeper intersectional social inequalities are drawn together in this piece to comprehensively account for the reasons why people choose to riot. Alongside considering Willmott’s typology for differentiating rioters, recommendations are made for police practitioners and state authorities tasked with de-escalating the impact of riots when they occur. The efficacy of recommendations and theoretical explanations are considered directly in relation to the August 2011 and August 2024 English riots.
... For instance, Drury and Reicher (2000) use the example of when the police perceive the crowd to be dangerous, they respond by employing riot shields. These riot shields, in turn, can be perceived as illegitimate by protestors and reshape the protestors' ingroup norms and behaviours, resulting in more resistance and confrontational collective action (Stott & Drury, 2000). This has been observed in a seminal study of the ESIM (Reicher, 1996): Protestors who self-identified as peaceful students exercising their democratic right to protest initially distanced themselves from more radical group members. ...
... It contributes to the growing body of work showing that protestors do not act unpredictable and arbitrary based on their instincts, but that protestors' actions are strategic and chosen for a reason. Our findings show that increased interest in resistance reflects the rational acting out of the defining dimensions of the protestor's collective identity in relation to the police appearance (see also Stott & Drury, 2000). However, we do not know whether the protestors who are confronted with very visible police power intend to act against the police because they feel unjustly deprived of their right to protest in this particular situation, or whether this experience (when it happens in real life) has more long-term implications for individuals and might start to radicalize protestors. ...
Based on the Elaborated Social Identity Model of Crowd Behaviour, we tested in two experiments whether a forceful display of police power increases perceptions of illegitimacy of the police and the formation of resistance among protes-tors. In the high power condition, the police were dressed in riot gear (with helmets, armed with shields and batons). In the low power condition, the police were dressed in regular uniforms. In both studies, people participated in a demonstration against right-wing populism using a virtual reality setting and were either stopped by the police in riot gear or by the police in regular uniforms. The results of Study 1 (N = 155) show that the police in riot gear were evaluated as more illegitimate compared to the police in normal clothing. The results of Study 2 (N = 97) replicated this finding and illustrated that police in riot gear (compared to regular uniforms) increased protestors' intentions to engage in direct resistance against the police. This effect was mediated by perceptions of illegitimacy and anger directed at the police. Furthermore, weakly identified protestors were particularly affected by the display of power and were more likely to engage in anti-police resistance and collective action. Implications are discussed.
... However, in doing so, protesters come to view police behavior as illegitimate and unite around a new norm of conflict against the police to collectively resist and oppose the unfair treatment. Thus, police intervention creates the hostile crowd and public disorder that they feared (Stott & Drury, 2000). Moghaddam (2018) also describes a similar dynamic of "mutual radicalization" between authorities and protesters, whereby the actions of one group result in a negative or aggressive reaction from the other, leading both groups to become more polarized in their opinions of and actions toward each other (see also Konaev & Moghaddam, 2010;Gulliver et al., 2021;Louis et al., 2020). ...
... In support of ESIM, police actions and violence have been linked to the spread of rioting within protest events (Drury et al., 2020;Stott & Drury, 2000). Drury and colleagues (2022) investigated the development of a riot in Salford, Greater Manchester, which occurred as part of a national wave of unrest in England in August 2011 after the fatal police shooting of Mark Duggan, a man of mixed race. ...
... In other words, a perceived low level of PJ may promote identification with militant protestors. Relative collective power dynamics change as intergroup relationships are repositioned (Drury & Reicher, 2005;Stott & Drury, 2000). Greater collective power, combined with the higher-order collective identity, fuels not only reactive rioting targeting the police but also proactive rioting involving attacks on private and public properties seen as representatives of stakeholders associated with long-standing dissatisfaction and resentment toward wealth and income inequality, as well as high housing prices . ...
This research aims to comprehensively illustrate the importance of perceived procedural justice among the public to police and governing authorities in crowd management involving multiple identities and identifications. It simultaneously considers the group engagement model and the elaborated model of procedural justice. We collected data from 1,000 participants in Hong Kong at the end of the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement. Public perceptions of procedural justice, identification with militant protestors, moderate protestors, police, and the government, as well as their support for protestor violence, were assessed. Full structural equation modeling was employed to analyze the data and assess a complex model of procedural justice. We found a perception of low procedural justice contributed to increased public support for protestor violence by fostering identification with militant protestors. Additionally, a perceived lack of procedural justice was associated with heightened identification with moderate protestors, while simultaneously diminishing identification with the government, with the latter effect being fully mediated by reduced identification with the police. The significance of procedural justice for governing authorities in crowd management is multifaceted and should be considered within both the group engagement model and the elaborate model of procedural justice. The outcomes derived from the complex model of procedural justice provide insights for shaping comprehensive policing practices.
... Το γεγονός, δηλαδή, ότι τους αντιμετωπίζουν απεξατομικευμένα (ενδεικτικά βλ. Stott & Drury, 2000) προσδίδοντας τους μόνο την αστυνομική ταυτότητα λησμονώντας, παράλληλα, την ανθρώπινη ιδιότητα τους («επειδή φοράνε τη στολή ξεχνάμε ότι είναι άνθρωποι»). Στην περίπτωση, όμως, που οι πολίτες αλληλεπιδρούν με «έναν σερβιτόρο» ή «έναν καταστηματάρχη» παρουσιάζουν πιο κόσμια και ευγενική συμπεριφορά. ...
Η παρούσα μελέτη είχε ως στόχο την ανάδειξη των τρόπων με τους οποίους
κατασκευάζεται η αστυνομική βία στο λόγο νέων ενηλίκων στο ελληνικό πλαίσιο. Η εστίαση της έρευνας ήταν κυρίως στις κατασκευές της αιτιογένεσης του
φαινομένου, και στην ανάδειξη των ρητορικών και μακροκοινωνικών (ιδεολογικών) συνεπειών αυτών των κατασκευών. Τα δεδομένα προήλθαν από δεκαεπτά (17) ατομικές συνεντεύξεις με νέους, οι οποίες πραγματοποιήθηκαν διαδικτυακά λόγω των περιορισμών που επιβλήθηκαν στο πλαίσιο της διαχείρισης της πανδημίας του COVID-19. Η ανάλυση βασίστηκε στις αρχές της κριτικής λογοψυχολογίας και ανέδειξε τέσσερις κύριες επιχειρηματολογικές γραμμές τις οποίες κινητοποίησαν οι συμμετέχουσες/-οντες για να ερμηνεύσουν την αστυνομική βία: Η πρώτη επιχειρηματολογική γραμμή αφορούσε την προσωπικότητα και τις ατομικές διαφορές μεταξύ αστυνομικών, η δεύτερη εστίαζε στην αστυνομική κουλτούρα και τις διαδικασίες εκπαίδευσης, η τρίτη επικεντρωνόταν στο ρόλο της αστυνομίας ως κρατικού/συστημικού θεσμού και η τέταρτη εξέταζε το φαινόμενο ως αποτέλεσμα διομαδικής σύγκρουσης. Τα ευρήματα συζητιούνται αναφορικά με την ευθύνη της δράσης που κατασκευάζουν κάθε φορά και τη δυνητική συνεισφορά τους στην καταδίκη ή τη νομιμοποίηση και την κανονικοποίηση της αστυνομικής βίας.
... Το γεγονός, δηλαδή, ότι τους αντιμετωπίζουν απεξατομικευμένα (ενδεικτικά βλ. Stott & Drury, 2000) προσδίδοντας τους μόνο την αστυνομική ταυτότητα λησμονώντας, παράλληλα, την ανθρώπινη ιδιότητα τους («επειδή φοράνε τη στολή ξεχνάμε ότι είναι άνθρωποι»). Στην περίπτωση, όμως, που οι πολίτες αλληλεπιδρούν με «έναν σερβιτόρο» ή «έναν καταστηματάρχη» παρουσιάζουν πιο κόσμια και ευγενική συμπεριφορά. ...
Η παρούσα μελέτη είχε ως στόχο την ανάδειξη των τρόπων με τους οποίους κατασκευάζεται η αστυνομική βία στο λόγο νέων ενηλίκων στο ελληνικό πλαίσιο. Η εστίαση της έρευνας ήταν κυρίως στις κατασκευές της αιτιογένεσης του φαινομένου, και στην ανάδειξη των ρητορικών και μακροκοινωνικών (ιδεολογικών) συνεπειών αυτών των κατασκευών. Τα δεδομένα προήλθαν από δεκαεπτά (17) ατομικές συνεντεύξεις με νέους, οι οποίες πραγματοποιήθηκαν διαδικτυακά λόγω των περιορισμών που επιβλήθηκαν στο πλαίσιο της διαχείρισης της πανδημίας του COVID-19. Η ανάλυση βασίστηκε στις αρχές της κριτικής λογοψυχολογίας και ανέδειξε τέσσερις κύριες επιχειρηματολογικές γραμμές τις οποίες κινητοποίησαν οι συμμετέχουσες/-οντες για να ερμηνεύσουν την αστυνομική βία: Η πρώτη επιχειρηματολογική γραμμή αφορούσε την προσωπικότητα και τις ατομικές διαφορές μεταξύ αστυνομικών, η δεύτερη εστίαζε στην αστυνομική κουλτούρα και τις διαδικασίες εκπαίδευσης, η τρίτη επικεντρωνόταν στο ρόλο της αστυνομίας ως κρατικού/συστημικού θεσμού και η τέταρτη εξέταζε το φαινόμενο ως αποτέλεσμα διομαδικής σύγκρουσης. Τα ευρήματα συζητιούνται αναφορικά με την ευθύνη της δράσης που κατασκευάζουν κάθε φορά και τη δυνητική συνεισφορά τους στην καταδίκη ή τη νομιμοποίηση και την κανονικοποίηση της αστυνομικής βίας.
Buku ini merupakan referensi mengenai perilaku massa menurut
perspektif Psikologi. Literatur akademis dalam bentuk artikel yang
dimuat di jurnal ilmiah atau buku di Indonesia mengenai perilaku
massa masih sangat jarang. Padahal, Indonesia sangat kaya dengan fenomena massa, seperti aksi demonstrasi, fanatisme sepak bola, perayaan karnaval, dan ritual-ritual keagamaan. Harus diakui, fenomena dan perilaku massa berbeda dengan fenomena dan perilaku kelompok dan perilaku organisasi yang lebih terstruktur dan memiliki tatanan sosial yang lebih pasti dan jelas. Meskipun demikian, mengacu pada hasil-hasil riset mutakhir di bidang Ilmu Sosial umumnya dan Psikologi khususnya, dampak perilaku massa sama pentingnya dengan dampak perilaku kelompok atau perilaku organisasi terhadap aspek sosial, ekonomi, dan politik masyarakat.
Menutupi kesenjangan tersebut, buku referensi ini menelaah
sejarah massa, objek studi dan tantangan metodologis Psikologi
Massa, jenis-jenis massa, teori-teori serbaneka maupun teori-teori Psikologi, dan rekomendasi intervensi massa dalam se ing konflik, imerjensi, serta pertemuan massa. Sejarah massa membahas histori kemunculan dan dinamika fenomena tersebut. Objek studi massa dalam buku ini menelaah cakupan struktural, ontologis, dan perilaku massa sebagai dasar operasionalisasi defi nisi atau arti massa dalam perspektif Psikologi. Tantangan metodologis menekankan kesulitan-kesulitan yang dihadapi peneliti dan alternatif-alternatif solusinya untuk mempelajari secara ilmiah perilaku massa. Bab mengenai jenis-jenis massa berisi informasi dan analisis mengenai karakteristik, persamaan, dan perbedaan aneka ragam massa. Bab ini diikuti dengan pembahasan mengenai teori-teori massa, mulai dari teori-teori klasik sampai dengan teori-teori mutakhir dalam ranah Psikologi maupun ranah multidisiplin. Bab terakhir menguraikan rekomendasi intervensi untuk menangani konflik massa, perilaku
massa dalam imerjensi dan bencana, serta mempromosikan dampakdampak positif massa dalam se ing pertemuan. Kami berharap bahwa buku referensi ini bisa bermanfaat bagi peneliti, dosen, dan mahasiswa untuk memahami dinamika psikologis fenomena dan perilaku massa.
Life in society revolves around social norms. These norms play a crucial role in regulating and influencing individuals’ behavior, both at the societal and individual levels. They offer a psychological framework that reduces uncertainty, guides behavior, and aids people in adapting to their social surroundings. Moreover, by observing prevailing social norms, individuals gain insights into societal trends that preserve cherished values and traditions across generations, thus mapping the dynamics of social stability and change. Social change is closely tied to shifts in these norms, which can occur at varying speeds, influenced by factors at multiple levels of analysis, including societal, group, and individual levels. In this article, I analyze the various concepts of social norms found in the literature, with a particular focus on their role in psychology. I describe the main sources of normative influence and illustrate, with multiple examples, how they operate in different social contexts. In this way, I address how these norms guide and facilitate participation in collective actions, their intergenerational transmission, and their role in the emergence of radicalization in social protest contexts. Furthermore, I delve into how group norms are linked to intergroup contact experiences involving both advantaged and disadvantaged group members, as well as the expression of prejudice and affective polarization. I conclude by emphasizing the necessity of adopting a multilevel approach to comprehend the connection between norms and social change.
Die Klimakrise kann nicht gelöst werden, indem nur Einzelne ihr Verhalten ändern. Wir brauchen einen systemischen Wandel - einen Wandel im Kollektiv. Dieser beginnt mit engagierten Menschen: Personen, die Petitionen veröffentlichen, die eine Freiwilligengruppe organisieren oder zivilen Ungehorsam ausüben. Doch wie erhalten diese Menschen den Mut aufrecht, sich für einen sozial-ökologischen Wandel einzusetzen? Wie begeistern sie andere? Und wie entsteht daraus eine resiliente kollektive Bewegung?
Ausgehend von wissenschaftlichen Erkenntnissen aus der psychologischen Forschung wird praxisnah erklärt, wie Menschen zu Klimaprotest und Engagement motiviert werden und wie Klimagruppen widerstandsfähig, gesund und effektiv handeln können.
This book has two central aims. First, to demonstrate the importance of qualitative research through an examination of the type of data that it is capable of producing. Second, to do so using first-hand research accounts of ethnographic work. Toward these ends, the contributors cover a variety of topics: drug dealing; football hooliganism; entrepreneurial crime; the culture of policing; policing and the miners' strike; protest at Greenham Common; the politics of organizational change and race and sexuality in the field-work process. In reflecting upon personal experiences of field-work, together with the research strategies employed, the authors illustrate their arguments in both a detailed and accessible manner. The themes they discuss include the ethics and politics of field-work; reflexivity and data production; feminist field-work; the publication and production of studies, and an examination of the contrasting cultures of academia and what is normally termed the `field', where knowledges are authenticated according to different rules and power relations. As a result, Interpreting the Field, will have wide appeal for those who wish to understand the dynamics, advantages, and problems associated with ethnographic work: for example, undergraduates and post-graduates undertaking their own research. It will also be of interest to methodologists and those working in the areas of crime, deviance, and organizational studies, as well as general readers of social science literature.
First published in 1989, this persuasive and original work by John McClelland examines the importance of the idea of 'the crowd' in the writings of philosophers, historians and politicians from the classical era to the twentieth century. The book examines histories of political thought and their justifications for forms of rule, highlighting the persistent and profoundly anti-democratic bias in political and social thought, analysing in particular the writings of Machiavelli, Montesquieu, Hitler, Gibbon, Carlysle, Michelet, Taine and Freud.
This paper aims to extend the social identity approach to crowd behaviour (Reicher, 1984, 1987) in order to understand how crowd events, and crowd conflict in particular, develop over time. The analysis derives from a detailed account of a violent confrontation between students and police during a demonstration held in November 1988—the so-called ‘Battle of Westminster’. It focuses on how students came to be involved in the conflict, how the conflict spread and upon the psychological consequences of involvement. This analysis is used to develop general hypotheses concerning the initiation and development of collective conflict. It is concluded that, while the social identity model is of use in understanding these phenomena, it is necessary to recognize how social categories are constructed and reconstructed in the dynamics of intergroup interaction.
In recent years, traditional psychological models of crowd action (Le Bon, 1895; Allport, 1924; Diener, 1980; Prentice-Dunn and Rogers, 1989) have been undermined by some very powerful critiques (Nye, 1975; Graumann and Moscovici, 1986; Turner and Killian, 1987; McPhail, 1991). These critiques have focused upon the extent to which this ‘classic’ account tends to reify crowd action, treating it as an inherently irrational atavistic intrusion rather than as an outcome of complex social processes. Moreover, historical studies of crowd events have demonstrated the normative structure of crowd behaviour, even in fast-moving and changing situations (Thompson, 1971; Reddy, 1977) further undermining the ‘classic’ accounts view of such action as a randomly destructive outburst.
This chapter presents an integrated understanding of various impression formation processes. The chapter introduces a model of impression formation that integrates social cognition research on stereotyping with traditional research on person perception. According to this model, people form impressions of others through a variety of processes that lie on a continuum reflecting the extent to that the perceiver utilizes a target's particular attributes. The continuum implies that the distinctions among these processes are matters of degree, rather than discrete shifts. The chapter examines the evidence for the five main premises of the model, it is helpful to discuss some related models that raise issues for additional consideration. The chapter discusses the research that supports each of the five basic premises, competing models, and hypotheses for further research. The chapter concludes that one of the model's fundamental purposes is to integrate diverse perspectives on impression formation, as indicated by the opening quotation. It is also designed to generate predictions about basic impression formation processes and to help generate interventions that can reduce the impact of stereotypes on impression formation.
Part 1 Criminology, industrial conflict and the miners' strike: introduction - a history of neglect criminology and the "grip of new realism" British criminology and the miners' strike class consciousness and policing. Part 2 The strike and its context: policing industrial conflict - the lessons of history, The Featherstone Riot, The Llanelli Riots 1911, the General Strike, policing the Depression the Post-War British political economy - from boom to recession Heath 1970-74 - crsis management social contracts and the Labour Party Thatcher - term one Thatcher - term two preparations for the confrontation - the Government, the Union the Nottinghamshire Coalfield the strike in profile. Part 3 Miners and the police: attitudes - past and present, the experiences of change, the thick blue line, police confrontation, police tactics, the process of arrest, police powers and civil liberties, political detention policing and the question of "fairness" working miners and the police the politics of strike policing a police state? police, violence and industrial conflict the policing and its effects - behaviour and consciousness. Part 4 Miners and the law: civil law and criminal law - perceptions and distinctions industrial disputes and the law law as an arena of struggle bail conditions - a tactical weapon the Court process legal representation a new consciousness - law, society and industrial conflict. Part 5 Government, employers and welfare: puppets and puppeteers policing by local management working miners and the NCB policing through welfare military intervention government intent. Part 6 trade union officials - policing by bureaucracy: a role of social regulation divisions and vacillations - area leadership branch officials Scargill and the National Executive rank and file organization - the strike committee, the Ollerton Women's Action Group the Trade Union Movement and the TUC. Part 7 Miners and the mass media: introduction - the policing of ideas what they read, what they watched - women, working miners changing options of the media distortion, sensationalism and bias the role of the mass media the lessons drawn neutral and anonymous?. Part 8 Class consciousness, policing and the Ollerton striking community: class consciousness - a theoretical overview policing - an amplifier of consciousness class consciousness and the miners divisions and unevenness - picketing and non-picketing strikers, women, working miners trade unions, reformism and class consciousness the revolutionary party and class consciousness. Appendices: fieldwork - the setting, policing a class consciouness, the interview, participant observation, partisanship and points of caution.