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Haslam, N., & Holland, E. (2012). Attitudes towards asylum seekers: The Australian experience. In D. Bretherton & N. Balvin (Eds.), Peace psychology in Australia (pp.107-120). New York: Springer.
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Stereotype research emphasizes systematic processes over seemingly arbitrary contents, but content also may prove systematic. On the basis of stereotypes' intergroup functions, the stereotype content model hypothesizes that (a) 2 primary dimensions are competence and warmth, (b) frequent mixed clusters combine high warmth with low competence (paternalistic) or high competence with low warmth (envious), and (c) distinct emotions (pity, envy, admiration, contempt) differentiate the 4 competence-warmth combinations. Stereotypically, (d) status predicts high competence, and competition predicts low warmth. Nine varied samples rated gender, ethnicity, race, class, age, and disability out-groups. Contrary to antipathy models, 2 dimensions mattered, and many stereotypes were mixed, either pitying (low competence, high warmth subordinates) or envying (high competence, low warmth competitors). Stereotypically, status predicted competence, and competition predicted low warmth.
The welfare and future of asylum seekers in Australia have been very contentious contemporary issues. Findings based on content analysis of media releases in 2001 and 2002 reveal the unrelentingly negative way in which the federal government portrayed asylum seekers. While the government's negative tenor was constant during the study period, the specific terms of reference altered, from ‘threat’ through ‘other’, to ‘illegality’ and to ‘burden’. The negative construction of asylum seekers was clearly mutable. Analysis of newspaper reporting during the same period indicates that the media largely adopted the negativity and specific references of the government. The media dependence upon government statements and spokespersons in part explains this relation. The findings generally support the ‘propaganda model’ that holds a pessimistic view of the news media's critical abilities. However, the media departed somewhat slightly from the government's unchanging stance following some key events and revelations. Clearly, there is scope for disrupting the flow of negative constructions from government to media, and ultimately to audiences.
The proliferation of the subtle and slippery nature of the new racism has made it increasingly difficult to define racism and to develop an effective anti-racist rhetoric with which to challenge it. To explore the implications of the new racism for anti-racist discourse, this article uses discourse analysis to examine the parliamentary speeches of politicians opposing Australia's new asylum-seeking laws for what these refugee advocates challenge and make accountable as racist. Using a corpus of the 2001 Australian Hansard speeches on the MV Tampa, amendments to the Migration Act, and the Border Protection Bill 2001 as data we identify four ways in which the government's representation of asylum seekers was constructed as racist. These included: the use of categorical generalizations in talk about asylum seekers, the unequal treatment of asylum seekers compared with other categories of `illegal' immigrants, talk about the nation and cultural-difference-talk. We demonstrate how articulating these constructions of racism in political discourse (and no doubt, in everyday talk) is a socially delicate conversational act that was carefully managed. We suggest that anti-racism strategies must take this issue of the complex nature of making an accusation of racism into account, and search for ways to articulate such accusations in a hostile political climate.
In this article, we explore how speakers discuss whether or not it is racist to oppose asylum seekers. A discourse analysis is conducted on the parts of a corpus of data collected from focus groups with undergraduate students talking about asylum seeking in which they were asked if it is racist to oppose asylum. It is shown that speakers use the word ‘just’ as part of a contrast structure which is used to present a topic as self-evidently unreasonable. While some participants orient to the taboo against prejudice, it is shown that there is also an orientation to the idea that accusations of racism are unreasonable and that opposition to asylum is usually based on practical and economic reasons rather than racism. These findings are discussed in light of the growing literature surrounding the changing nature of race talk and new taboos on accusations of racism.
Since 1976 there have been three waves of boatpeople travelling to Australia, the last beginning in 1999. Following the Tampa incident in August 2001 it has been Government policy to prevent boats carrying asylum-seekers from entering the Australian migration zone. Despite opposition from opinion leaders, the policy is popular with a majority of Australians. This is not surprising. Support for such a policy has been building throughout the 25 year period. This support is not based in racism as some critics allege; rather it reflects the importance of borders in maintaining a strong sense of national community. A new word has b edded down in Australia's political vocabulary over the last 25 years: boatpeople. A boatp erson is someone who arrives by sea, unan-nounced, without a visa an d with the intention of seeking political asylum. They have been dominating the news since late August this year, but we have had intermittent experience of them for a long time. The first were five young men who arrived in D arwin from Vietnam in a small wooden boat in April 1976. They had been two months at sea, travelled 3500 kilometres, and had found their way to us with the aid o f a page torn from a school atlas. 1 But they were not the har-bingers of a steady influx; rather boat arrivals since 1976 have come in three distinct waves: the first from 1976 to 1981; the second, from 1989 to 1998; and the third, and largest, from 1999 to the present.
The words of political elites have the potential to play a significant role in the constitution and proliferation of racist discourse, especially when this discourse has the nuanced linguistic characteristics of ‘new racism’. This article examines the political rhetoric deployed in the articulation and defence of contentious government policy on Sudanese humanitarian refugee quotas in media interviews. Utilizing critical discourse analysis, we analyse a corpus of seven political interviews and identify a number of pervasive discursive features. These include descriptions, categories and multidimensional causal narratives that characterize the Sudanese as young, violent (i.e. gang members) and uneducated; the construction of ‘culture as cause’ narrative; and the differential orientation to the term race. Through our analysis, we show how causal inference and category description function multifariously in political discourse, contending with situated issues of policy justification, accusations of racism and the allocation of blame which exclusively rests with African refugees. The role of causal formulations in racist discourse is discussed.
Over the last decade or so under the Howard Government, there has been a great deal of controversy regarding the unauthorised arrival of asylum seekers. In this study, we analysed data collected from 602 Western Australians. We investigated why people think the way they do about asylum seekers using the function of attitude literature as a base; specifically participants' values, their experience with asylum seekers, and their reliance on other sources for information. Results indicated that the Perth community overwhelmingly based their attitudes (positive or negative) on their values. Finally, we integrate these findings with other research regarding prejudice against asylum seekers, and give suggestions for attempting to present an alternative – more positive – view of asylum seekers than that often given.
Australia has a significant intake of refugees each year. The majority enter through the humanitarian entrants program and a small percentage arrive seeking asylum. These processes have resulted in considerable debate, which has sometimes been associated with negative attitudes within the mainstream community. Research has indicated that realistic threat and symbolic threat are important components of the integrated threat theory for understanding opposition towards immigrants and refugees. Social desirability has also been indicated as potentially influential in the expression of negative attitudes. The current study examined the prevalence and correlates of negative attitudes towards refugees in an Australian sample. Participants comprised 261 volunteer university students (119 males and 142 females). Participants were assessed on a prejudicial attitude measure, measures of symbolic and realistic threat and the Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability Scale. The results indicated over half (59.8%) of participants scored above the mid-point on prejudicial attitudes. Males reported less favourable attitudes towards refugees than females. Analysis revealed both realistic and symbolic threats were influential in predicting prejudicial attitudes and, of these, realistic threat was the better predictor. The results are discussed in relation to the integrated threat theory of prejudice and in the context of addressing prejudice towards refugees in Australia.
Stereotype research emphasizes systematic processes over seemingly arbitrary contents, but content also may prove systematic. On the basis of stereotypes' intergroup functions, the stereotype content model hypothesizes that (a) 2 primary dimensions are competence and warmth, (b) frequent mixed clusters combine high warmth with low competence (paternalistic) or high competence with low warmth (envious), and (c) distinct emotions (pity, envy, admiration, contempt) differentiate the 4 competence-warmth combinations. Stereotypically, (d) status predicts high competence, and competition predicts low warmth. Nine varied samples rated gender, ethnicity, race, class, age, and disability out-groups. Contrary to antipathy models, 2 dimensions mattered, and many stereotypes were mixed, either pitying (low competence, high warmth subordinates) or envying (high competence, low warmth competitors). Stereotypically, status predicted competence, and competition predicted low warmth.
The concept of dehumanization lacks a systematic theoretical basis, and research that addresses it has yet to be integrated. Manifestations and theories of dehumanization are reviewed, and a new model is developed. Two forms of dehumanization are proposed, involving the denial to others of 2 distinct senses of humanness: characteristics that are uniquely human and those that constitute human nature. Denying uniquely human attributes to others represents them as animal-like, and denying human nature to others represents them as objects or automata. Cognitive underpinnings of the "animalistic" and "mechanistic" forms of dehumanization are proposed. An expanded sense of dehumanization emerges, in which the phenomenon is not unitary, is not restricted to the intergroup context, and does not occur only under conditions of conflict or extreme negative evaluation. Instead, dehumanization becomes an everyday social phenomenon, rooted in ordinary social-cognitive processes.
Three studies investigated moderators of the tendency to attribute greater humanness to the self than to others, an interpersonal counterpart of outgroup infra-humanization. Study 1 demonstrated that this self-humanizing effect is reduced when the other is the focus of comparison. Study 2 showed that the effect is reduced when the other is individuated. Study 3 indicated that empathy does not moderate self-humanizing: Self-humanizing failed to correlate negatively with dispositional empathy or perspective-taking. Study 3 also indicated that abstract construal moderates the self-humanizing effect using a temporal comparison. Participants rated their future self, but not their past self, as less human than their present self. Studies 1 and 3 also showed that self-humanizing is greater for undesirable traits: People may view their failings as "only human." All findings were distinct from those attributable to self-enhancement. Self-humanizing may reflect a combination of egocentrism, focalism, abstract representation of others, and motivated processes.
In October 2001, it was alleged that asylum seekers had thrown their children overboard in order to manipulate the Australian Navy to pick them up and take them to Australian territory. In response to this incident, Prime Minister John Howard announced on radio 3LO: ‘I certainly don't want people like that here.’ (Mares, 2002: 135) A discursive approach is adopted in this paper to examine how asylum seekers have been constructed to be ‘people like that’ in the print media. The analysis demonstrates that asylum seekers have been represented as illegal, non-genuine and threatening in these texts. These representations were employed within nationalist discourse to legitimate the government's actions and public opinion concerning asylum seekers and to manage the delicate issue of national identity. The discursive management of the collective identity of asylum seekers by the dominant culture to construct a specific social reality is discussed and illustrated.
Dutch participants were asked about their support for immigrant policies aimed at public assistance, opportunities, and rights for asylum seekers. In two studies, the degree of support was examined as a consequence of feelings of anger and sympathy toward asylum seekers. In the first study, both emotions were independently related to support for immigrant policies. Anger had a strong negative effect and sympathy a positive one. In the second experimental study, the effects of these emotional responses on support for immigrant policies were examined for two categories of asylum seekers: political refugees who have little choice but to migrate and so called economic refugees who themselves chose to migrate. These two categories feature in public debates and differ in the perceived responsibility of asylum seekers for leaving their home country. It was found that for political refugees only feelings of sympathy affected policy support, whereas for economic refugees only feelings of anger predicted policy support. In both studies, national identification was negatively related to support for immigrant policies and it did not moderate the effects of anger and sympathy. There was some evidence that anger mediated the relationship between national identification and policy support.
Australia's asylum seeker policies are not widely understood. They are complex, and have changed many times, particularly since 2001. This chapter outlines Australia's policies towards asylum seekers and refugees. First, it highlights the fundamental tenets of the Refugee Convention, which forms the basis of Australia's obligations to refugees. It then explaines the different categories of intake, and the different procedures asylum seekers and refugees encounter to start a new life in Australia. We demonstrate that Australia's policies are based on a distinction between two groups of people needing protection: 'offshore' refugees and 'onshore' asylum seekers. The different reception of these two groups by the Australian government could not be greater. The result is a system of two classes of refugees - a distinction that contravenes our international obligations.
The multidimensionality of patriotic and nationalistic attitudes and their relationship to nuclear policy opinions were investigated. One hundred and ninety-four college students, 24 high school students, and 21 building contractors were administered the 120-item Patriotism/Nationalism Questionnaire. One hundred and sixty-six of the college students were concurrently administered the 18-item Nuclear Policy Questionnaire. An iterated principal factor analysis was performed on the Patriotism/Nationalism Questionnaire and six factors were extracted for Varimax rotation. The results indicated that the factors were interpretable and distinct. Further analyses indicated the predictive validity of the subscales derived from the six factors for the Nuclear Policy Questionnaire, and exploratory analyses of variance examined the effects of selected demographic variables. The findings support the contention that patriotic/nationalistic attitudes entail multiple dimensions, and that they are differentially related to nuclear policy opinions. We conclude that researchers need to be more attentive to this multidimensionality, especially the distinction between patriotism and nationalism.
Previous quantitative research has found that people who report negative attitudes toward asylum seekers also tend to report the acceptance of information that is factually incorrect (negative 'false beliefs'). In the present study, we were interested in matching spontaneously generated false beliefs with negative attitudes toward asylum seekers, and in examining the presence of such beliefs in politicians' public statements. To do this, we analysed qualitative data collected from 602 Western Australian participants. Three false beliefs were frequently cited ('boat people are queue jumpers', 'asylum seekers are illegal' and 'people who arrive unauthorised are not genuine refugees'). As predicted, the total number of false beliefs significantly correlated with negative attitudes. The same beliefs were also identified in statements made by Federal Government representatives. Our results have important practical implications. If false beliefs about asylum seekers can be identified and corrected, this may have a significant effect on changing these attitudes in a positive direction.
Over the last few years in Australia, the issue of asylum seekers has been a significant feature of the media, and a topic that many people feel very strongly about. However, there is little empirical research regarding attitudes toward asylum seekers. The purpose of the present study was to examine such attitudes in the Perth community, and what predicts them. In Study 1, an Attitudes Toward Asylum Seekers (ATAS) scale was constructed. In Study 2, self-esteem, national identity, false beliefs, and sociodemographics were used in an attempt to predict ATAS in a random survey of the Perth metropolitan area. Results indicated a weak correlation between high self-esteem and negative attitudes, and a strong correlation between a high level of false beliefs and negative attitudes. As a result of this latter relationship, two hierarchical regression equations were constructed: one predicting negative attitudes, the other predicting false beliefs. Regarding the ATAS scale, being male, higher levels of education, right-wing political position, and high levels of national identity had significant predictive value. Regarding the false beliefs scale, higher levels of education, right-wing political position, high levels of national identity, and increased age had significant predictive value. Given the large number of participants who scored above the midpoint of the ATAS scale, coupled with the high level of false beliefs reported, we suggest that a great deal of education about asylum seekers is called for.
A prime example of metaphor use is to denigrate marginalized populations as a means of supporting adverse social policies against group members. This article de-scribes the use of organism, object, natural catastrophe/war and animal metaphors in the immigration restriction debate of the early 1900s. In addition to describing lin-guistic metaphors that served to dehumanize immigrants or portray them as a threat to social functioning, more global conceptual metaphors will also be discussed. As President George W. Bush discovered shortly after he referred to the "war on terrorism" as a "crusade," metaphors and other rhetoric can have a great amount of importance in the policy arena. Whether describing social problems, the proposed response to them, or even the players and groups involved, even a single word can be a potent vehicle for enhancing or diminishing support for one's position (Lakoff, 1995). It is not merely coincidental that political debate is often peppered with such picturesque terminology. As Donald Schön (1979) noted, problem set-ting, or the formation of how social problems are perceived, may be a more impor-tant policy issue than problem solving, and problems are framed in large part through the employment of metaphors (p. 255). To quote Krohn (1987), "those who attempt to defend questionable word choices by claiming 'it's only semantics' fail to understand that much more is involved than mere vocalization" (p. 142). This article describes metaphoric themes that were employed during the immi-gration restriction debate of early 20th century. This debate led to the most sweep-METAPHOR AND SYMBOL, 18(1), 33–47 Copyright © 2003, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.
Although social perception research has been carried out across a number of diverse domains, to the best of our knowledge, studies have not directly assessed the relationship between attitudes toward the out-group and perceptions of community support for those attitudes. In the present research, we report the findings of a study conducted in Western Australia using data collected from 653 participants from three different locations. The main thrust of our study was the accuracy of beliefs about consensus as it related to attitudes toward two marginalized groups: Indigenous Australians and asylum seekers. With respect to their attitudes toward these two groups, our respondents were placed in seven categories corresponding to their responses to our seven point attitude scales. Three main findings emerged. First, respondents at all seven levels overestimated community support for their views with respect to both Indigenous Australians and asylum seekers. Second, as respondents in both groups became more rejecting, their estimates of community support progressively increased in a linear fashion. Third, respondents in the more negative categories were significantly less accurate in their estimates than those in the more positive categories. How these findings might contribute to programmes designed to reduce prejudice is discussed. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
A social identity framework was employed to understand why people support the exclusionary treatment of refugee claimants (‘asylum seekers’) in Australia. Over and above individual difference effects of social dominance orientation and individuals' instrumental threat perceptions, insecure intergroup relations between citizens and asylum seekers were proposed to motivate exclusionary attitudes and behaviour. In addition, perceived procedural and distributive fairness were proposed to mediate the effects of social identity predictors on intergroup competitiveness, serving to legitimise citizens' exclusionary behaviours. Support for these propositions was obtained in a longitudinal study of Australians' social attitudes and behaviour. Small and inconsistent individual-level effects were noted. In contrast, after controlling for these variables, hostile Australian norms, perceived legitimacy of citizen status, and threatening socio-structural relations were strongly and consistently linked to intentions to support the harsh treatment of asylum seekers, and exclusionary attitudes and action at Time 2. Moreover, perceived procedural and distributive justice significantly mediated these relationships. The roles of fairness and intergroup socio-structural perceptions in social attitudes and actions are discussed. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Dutch participants were asked about their support for immigrant policies aimed at public assistance, opportunities, and rights for asylum seekers. In two studies, the degree of support was examined as a consequence of feelings of anger and sympathy toward asylum seekers. In the first study, both emotions were independently related to support for immigrant policies. Anger had a strong negative effect and sympathy a positive one. In the second experimental study, the effects of these emotional responses on support for immigrant policies were examined for two categories of asylum seekers: political refugees who have little choice but to migrate and so called economic refugees who themselves chose to migrate. These two categories feature in public debates and differ in the perceived responsibility of asylum seekers for leaving their home country. It was found that for political refugees only feelings of sympathy affected policy support, whereas for economic refugees only feelings of anger predicted policy support. In both studies, national identification was negatively related to support for immigrant policies and it did not moderate the effects of anger and sympathy. There was some evidence that anger mediated the relationship between national identification and policy support.
Three studies were conducted to test the role of the dehumanization of refugees (through claims that they are immoral) in
determining emotional reactions to refugees, attitudes toward refugees, and attitudes toward current refugee policy in Canada.
We also examined determinants of such perceptions. In Studies 1 and 2, correlational analyses and structural equation modeling
were utilized. In both studies, it was demonstrated that individuals who are higher in social dominance orientation are especially
likely to dehumanize refugees, and this dehumanization leads to greater contempt and lack of admiration for refugees, resulting
in less favorable attitudes toward the group and toward the nation’s current refugee policy. Study 3 was an experiment in
which we examined the effects of information presented about refugees on emotions and attitudes. Results demonstrated that
dehumanizing media depictions of refugees as violating appropriate procedures and trying to cheat the system cause greater contempt and lack of admiration for refugees in general, which in turn lead to less favorable attitudes toward the
group and less support for the current refugee policy. Results are discussed in terms of the functions that dehumanization
may serve, and potential strategies for counteracting such effects.
In two studies we examined the role of two regulatory foci (i.e., prevention and promotion) in predicting Australian's attitudes to different types of migrants. According to regulatory focus theory, promotion-focused self-regulation is concerned with nurturance and accomplishment needs and involves the pursuit of wishes and aspirations. As such, it results in sensitivity to positive outcomes and to relative pleasure from gains. On the other hand, prevention-focused self-regulation is concerned with security needs and is directed at meeting duties and obligations. As such, it results in sensitivity to negative outcome and relative pain from losses. In Study 1, as predicted, the extent of promotion focus (i.e., a concern with accomplishment and the pursuit of ideals) predicted more positive attitudes to culturally similar and economically beneficial migrants, whereas the extent of prevention focus (i.e., concern with security and meeting obligations) predicted more negative attitudes to migrants who are culturally dissimilar. In Study 2 we replicated and extended these findings, showing that the extent of promotion focus and a lack of concern with threats predicted positive attitudes to both culturally similar and economically beneficial migrants, which, in the case of the latter group, was mediated by a focus on the benefits these migrants provide. In the case of culturally dissimilar migrants, the extent of promotion focus and a concern with gains predicted more positive attitudes. However, for economically less beneficial migrants, neither the extent of promotion nor prevention focus was a predictor. Only lower concerns with threat predicted more positive attitudes to this migrant group. The results are discussed with respect to other determinants of attitudes to migrants and the implications for migration and asylum-seeker policy.
This article presents a survey of 667 Australian voters examining support for a new conservative social movement in relation to attitudes toward Asian immigration, involvement in an evolving anti-immigration debate, and willingness to speak out politically. Supporters of the new conservatives were motivated to get involved and speak out by perceived threat to White Australians, as well as the perception of a favorable normative climate. In contrast, for opponents, higher education and welcoming attitudes toward Asian immigration were associated with political involvement, as well as the perception that the social climate was changing against them (becoming more conservative). The data show that in a time of changing public opinion, people may speak out more when they perceive that their views are losing ground, providing evidence for active resistance rather than a spiral of silence on the part of the losing side. 2010 The Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues.
Implicit person theory research can be conceptualized within the framework of psychological essentialism. Essentialist beliefs are associated with entity theories and both predict phenomena such as stereotyping. The present research extended previous work on the links between implicit theories and social identity processes, examining how essentialist beliefs are associated with social identification and processes related to prejudice and intergroup perception. After developing a new measure of essentialist beliefs in Study 1, Study 2 showed that these beliefs were associated with negative bias towards immigrants, particularly when participants were primed with an exclusive social identity. In Study 3, essentialist beliefs among immigrants moderated their adoption of Australian identity as a self-guide during acculturation. Essentialist beliefs therefore play a significant role in the psychology of social identity. © 2009 Asian Association of Social Psychology and Japanese Group Dynamics Association and Blackwell Publishing Ltd.
Right-wing authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, Australian and human identity salience, and perceived Australian and human norms were related to the attitudes, feelings and behaviors toward asylum seekers of 242 Australian students and activists. Those high in right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation were less welcoming, as were participants who identified strongly as Australians and perceived hostile national norms. Independently, participants who identified strongly as humans were significantly more welcoming to asylum seekers, and an interaction was found such that those who identified strongly as Australians were more welcoming when they also identified strongly as humans. Implications for theories of identity and prejudice are examined, and interventions to reduce conflict by utilizing the human level of identification are discussed.
Disgust is a basic emotion characterized by revulsion and rejection, yet it is relatively unexamined in the literature on prejudice. In the present investigation, interpersonal-disgust sensitivity (e.g., not wanting to wear clean used clothes or to sit on a warm seat vacated by a stranger) in particular predicted negative attitudes toward immigrants, foreigners, and socially deviant groups, even after controlling for concerns with contracting disease. The mechanisms underlying the link between interpersonal disgust and attitudes toward immigrants were explored using a path model. As predicted, the effect of interpersonal-disgust sensitivity on group attitudes was indirect, mediated by ideological orientations (social dominance orientation, right-wing authoritarianism) and dehumanizing perceptions of the out-group. The effects of social dominance orientation on group attitudes were both direct and indirect, via dehumanization. These results establish a link between disgust sensitivity and prejudice that is not accounted for by fear of infection, but rather is mediated by ideological orientations and dehumanizing group representations. Implications for understanding and reducing prejudice are discussed.
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