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Patterns of trauma and violence in 19th-century-born African American and Euro-American females

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Trauma and violence has been a topic of interest to biological anthropologists. This study examined the presence of trauma, including interpersonal violence, in a sample (n = 256) of African American and Euro-American females of low socioeconomic status, born from 1800 to 1877, from the Terry Collection. Individuals were statistically analyzed according to ancestry (African American and Euro-American), birth (Antebellum, Civil War, Reconstruction), and birth status (Enslaved Black, Pre-Reconstruction White, Liberated Black, Reconstruction White) cohorts to determine if differences in trauma and fracture patterning existed between African Americans and Euro-Americans. Results indicated that there were significant differences. African American females had higher rates of cranial, nasal, and hand phalanx trauma and Euro-Americans had larger frequencies of hip and radial fractures. This variation in fracture patterning could have been the result of intimate partner violence, interpersonal violence, osteoporosis, or accidental injury. Historical research revealed that many of these women were inmates in mental hospitals, further suggesting that the observed trauma may have been the result of interpersonal and structural violence induced by institutionalization.
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Author's personal copy
International
Journal
of
Paleopathology
2 (2012) 61–
68
Contents
lists
available
at
SciVerse
ScienceDirect
International
Journal
of
Paleopathology
jo
u
rn
al
hom
epage:
www.elsevier.com/locate/ijpp
Research
Article
Patterns
of
trauma
and
violence
in
19th-century-born
African
American
and
Euro-American
females
Carlina
de
la
Cova
University
of
South
Carolina
at
Columbia,
Columbia,
SC
29208,
United
States
a
r
t
i
c
l
e
i
n
f
o
Article
history:
Received
6
April
2012
Received
in
revised
form
23
August
2012
Accepted
17
September
2012
Keywords:
Interpersonal
violence
Trauma
Institutionalization
Intimate
partner
violence
a
b
s
t
r
a
c
t
Trauma
and
violence
has
been
a
topic
of
interest
to
biological
anthropologists.
This
study
examined
the
presence
of
trauma,
including
interpersonal
violence,
in
a
sample
(n
=
256)
of
African
American
and
Euro-American
females
of
low
socioeconomic
status,
born
from
1800
to
1877,
from
the
Terry
Collection.
Individuals
were
statistically
analyzed
according
to
ancestry
(African
American
and
Euro-American),
birth
(Antebellum,
Civil
War,
Reconstruction),
and
birth
status
(Enslaved
Black,
Pre-Reconstruction
White,
Lib-
erated
Black,
Reconstruction
White)
cohorts
to
determine
if
differences
in
trauma
and
fracture
patterning
existed
between
African
Americans
and
Euro-Americans.
Results
indicated
that
there
were
significant
differences.
African
American
females
had
higher
rates
of
cranial,
nasal,
and
hand
phalanx
trauma
and
Euro-Americans
had
larger
frequencies
of
hip
and
radial
fractures.
This
variation
in
fracture
patterning
could
have
been
the
result
of
intimate
partner
violence,
interpersonal
violence,
osteoporosis,
or
acci-
dental
injury.
Historical
research
revealed
that
many
of
these
women
were
inmates
in
mental
hospitals,
further
suggesting
that
the
observed
trauma
may
have
been
the
result
of
interpersonal
and
structural
violence
induced
by
institutionalization.
© 2012 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
1.
Introduction
Trauma
has
been
of
interest
to
anthropologists
for
years,
as
this
issue
of
the
International
Journal
of
Paleopathology
demonstrates
(Brickley
and
Smith,
2006;
de
la
Cova,
2010;
Martin
and
Frayer,
1997;
Novak,
2006,
2008;
Walker,
1997,
2001).
To
better
under-
stand
violence
and
trauma
in
the
present,
and
in
some
instances,
unlock
the
darkest
elements
of
human
nature,
we
must
compre-
hend
violence
in
the
ancient
and
recent
past.
This
relationship
can
also
be
reversed,
with
acts
of
violence
in
the
present
day
shedding
light
on
such
events
in
the
past.
The
late
Phillip
Walker
indicated
that
the
limited
bioanthropological
studies
on
past
violent
behavior
was
unfortunate
as
“anthropology’s
broad,
cross-cultural,
historical
perspective
has
the
potential
to
yield
key
insights
into
the
complex
web
of
intricately
related
biological
and
sociocultural
factors
that
shape
our
modern
violent
propensities”
(Walker,
2001:573–574).
He
felt
that
biological
anthropologists
were
ideally
situated
to
explore
the
causes
of
violence
in
past
societies
and
believed
that
skeletal
studies
could
expand
our
comprehension
of
human
violent
behavior.
This
is
especially
true
when
analyzing
groups
associated
with
written
documentation.
Skeletal
studies
of
trauma
and
histor-
ical
research
of
primary
sources,
such
as
medical
records,
personal
letters,
diaries,
and
newspapers
can
be
methodologically
combined
Tel.:
+1
803
777
2957;
fax:
+1
803
777
0259.
E-mail
address:
delacova@mailbox.sc.edu
to
provide
a
more
contextualized
understanding
of
fracture
pat-
terning
(de
la
Cova,
2010).
Building
on
Walker’s
assertions,
this
study
examines
the
pres-
ence
and
patterning
of
trauma,
including
interpersonal
violence,
in
256
African
American
and
Euro-American
females
of
low
socio-
economic
status
(SES)
from
the
Terry
Collection
born
during
the
Antebellum
(1800–1860),
Civil
War
(1861–1865),
and
Reconstruc-
tion
(1866–1877)
time
periods.
It
is
an
expansion
of
my
research
on
trauma
and
interpersonal
violence
amongst
males
of
low
SES
(n
=
651)
born
during
the
same
eras
in
the
Cobb,
Hamann-Todd,
and
Terry
anatomical
collections
(de
la
Cova,
2010).
The
results
of
this
previous
study
indicated
that
Euro-American
and
African
American
males
had
different
patterns
of
trauma.
Euro-American
men
suf-
fered
significantly
more
from
fractures,
especially
to
the
ribs,
left
upper
arm,
left
hand,
right
lower
limb,
and
foot
bones
(Table
1).
This
pattern
of
bone
breakage
has
been
associated
with
acts
of
interpersonal
violence
and
hand-to-hand
combat,
including
mod-
ern
street-fighting,
pugilism,
and
bare-knuckle
boxing
(Bledsoe
et
al.,
2005;
Brickley
and
Smith,
2006;
Galloway,
1999;
Zazryn
et
al.,
2003).
Walker
(1997)
had
also
observed
high
rates
of
skull
and
nasal
fractures
in
males
from
the
Terry
and
Hamann-Todd
anatomical
collections,
which
he
also
attributed
to
pugilism
as
it
was
becoming
a
popular
sport
in
19th-century
America.
Research
of
newspapers
from
this
time
period
revealed
numerous
instances
of
street
fights,
bar
brawls,
and
assaults
involving
Euro-Americans
who
engaged
in
this
activity
when
insulted
or
offended
(de
la
Cova,
2010).
Census
data
from
the
19th
and
20th
centuries
also
indicated
1879-9817/$
see
front
matter ©
2012 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijpp.2012.09.009
Author's personal copy
62 C.
de
la
Cova
/
International
Journal
of
Paleopathology
2 (2012) 61–
68
Table
1
Significant
differences
in
bone
fracture
patterning
amongst
Euro-American
and
African
American
males.
Element
Euro-American
present
(%)
Euro-American
absent
(%)
African
American
present
(%)
African
American
absent
(%)
Sig.
Overall
ribs
183
(63.3)
106
(36.7)
105
(30.4)
240
(69.6)
.000
Vertebrae 210 (72.7)
79 (27.3)
125 (35.8)
224
(64.2)
.000
Right
clavicles 22
(7.6)
266
(92.4)
11
(3.2)
335
(96.8)
.012
Left
humeri
15
(5.2)
275
(94.8)
8
(2.3)
344
(97.7)
.049
Left
metacarpals 19
(6.6)
269
(93.4)
9
(2.6)
338
(97.4)
.014
Left
hand
phalanges
25
(8.7)
263
(91.3)
11
(3.2)
333
(96.8)
.003
Right
tibiae
39
(13.6)
248
(86.4)
24
(7.0)
320
(93.0)
.006
Right
fibulae
47
(16.4)
240
(83.6)
28
(8.1)
316
(91.9)
.001
Overall
tarsals 54 (19.4)
225 (80.6)
34 (9.9)
308 (90.1)
.001
Left
tarsals
34
(12.0)
250
(88.0)
25
(7.2)
320
(92.8)
.043
Right
tarsals 39
(13.9)
241
(86.1)
14
(4.1)
329
(95.9)
.000
Left
foot
phalanges
22
(7.8)
261
(92.2)
14
(4.1)
330
(95.9)
.047
that
Euro-Americans
were
arrested
for
assault
in
higher
frequen-
cies
when
compared
to
African
Americans
(de
la
Cova,
2010).
This
documentary
evidence,
combined
with
the
fracture
patterning
in
Euro-Americans,
suggested
that
the
males
studied
may
have
been
partaking
in
fisticuffs
to
defend
their
honor
and
reputation.
Unlike
Euro-Americans,
African
American
males
had
signifi-
cantly
lower
rates
of
fractures
(de
la
Cova,
2010).
However,
African
Americans,
specifically
those
born
liberated
during
Reconstruction,
had
higher
incidences
of
gunshot
wounds,
suggesting
that
interper-
sonal
violence
directed
at
Blacks
increased
after
the
dissolution
of
slavery
(de
la
Cova,
2010).
Historical
events
supported
this
asser-
tion
as
lynchings
increased
in
frequency
in
Southern
states
after
the
Civil
War
and
racial
tensions
over
access
to
jobs
and
hous-
ing
exploded
into
race
riots
in
the
North
and
Midwest.
During
World
War
I,
millions
of
African
Americans
migrated
into
cities
in
these
regions
fleeing
racial
persecution
in
the
South
to
fill
laborer
jobs
offered
by
industrial
companies
(Giffin,
2005;
Kusmer,
1978;
Phillips,
1999).
Many
of
these
Black
in-migrants
were
also
used
as
strike-breakers,
which
resulted
in
escalated
racial
hostilities
between
African
Americans
and
Euro-Americans
(Kusmer,
1978;
Phillips,
1999).
These
tensions
erupted
into
race
riots
during
the
summer
of
1917
and
the
Red
Summer
of
1919
(Bonacich,
1972,
1975;
Wilson,
1978;
Phillips,
1999).
Most
notable
was
the
East
St.
Louis
Race
Riot
of
1917
in
which
an
estimated
thirty-nine
African
Americans
and
nine
Euro-Americans
were
killed.1These
hostili-
ties
and
targeted
racial
violence
directed
at
African
Americans
may
have
resulted
in
the
higher
rates
of
gunshot
wounds
found
in
the
males
studied
in
the
Cobb,
Hamann-Todd,
and
Terry
collections.
Given
the
above
contrasts
in
trauma
observed
amongst
African
American
and
Euro-American
males
in
my
earlier
research,
it
was
hypothesized
that
females
from
the
Terry
Collection
would
also
differ
racially
and
temporally
in
regard
to
fracture
prevalence
and
patterning.
1.1.
Trauma
and
violence
directed
at
women
Trauma
and
interpersonal
violence
directed
at
women
in
the
Terry
Collection
may
be
the
result
of
many
factors
including
accidents,
physical
violence
(or
assault
caused
by
either
gender),
robbery,
rape,
structural
violence,
and
domestic
abuse,
or
intimate
partner
violence
(IPV).
Nancy
Lovell
(1997:139)
defines
trauma
as
“an
injury
to
living
tissue
that
is
caused
by
a
force
or
mechanism
extrinsic
to
the
body”
and
includes
fractures,
dislocations,
projec-
tile
injuries
(including
gunshot
wounds),
and
sharp-force
trauma.
Violence
has
been
described
by
the
World
Health
Organization
as
the
“intentional
use
of
physical
force
or
power,
threatened
or
actual,
against
oneself,
another
person,
or
against
a
group
or
community,
that
either
results
in
or
has
a
high
likelihood
of
resulting
in
injury,
1Carlos
F.
Hurd,
“E.
St.
Louis
Riot,”
St.
Louis
Post-Dispatch,
July
3,
1917.
death,
psychological
harm,
maldevelopment
or
deprivation”
(Krug
and
Dahlberg,
2002:5).
Structural
violence,
originally
defined
by
Johan
Galtung,
explains
how
economic,
political,
religious,
legal,
and
cultural
structures
impede
societies,
groups,
and
individuals
from
achieving
their
full
potential,
thus
resulting
in
some
form
of
injury,
such
as
inadequate
access
to
health
care
(Galtung,
1969).
IPV
is
considered
to
be
threatened
verbal,
physical
(punching,
hitting,
or
slapping),
psychological,
emotional,
or
sexual
abuse
of
a
past
or
current
intimate
partner
(Delahunta,
1995;
Davis,
2008).
Reports
from
newspapers
demonstrate
the
gravity
of
domestic
violence.
During
the
2010
FIFA
World
Cup,
in
the
first
quarter
of
the
English
National
Football
Team’s
tense
match
with
Germany,
the
Manchester
police
department
recorded
353
calls
associated
with
domestic
violence.2In
United
States,
IPV
is
the
leading
cause
of
nonlethal
injury
to
women
(Kyriacou
et
al.,
1999).
However,
violence
directed
at
females
by
an
intimate
partner
is
not
novel
to
the
21st-century.
Historical
texts
dated
before
the
16th
cen-
tury
reveal
the
biblical
and
social
justifications
for
spousal
abuse
in
the
past
(Bergen,
1998;
Davis,
2008;
Muehlenhard
and
Kimes,
1999).
In
19th-century
America,
incidents
of
IPV
were
frequently
reported
in
newspapers,
suggesting
community
acknowledgment
of
such
behavior.
For
example,
John
Laughlin’s
case
went
public
in
September
of
1887,
when
he
“vented
his
anger
on
his
wife”
and
used
“an
ax
handle
over
her
head,
inflicting
a
number
of
scalp
wounds.”
Charles
Lewis
also
did
not
escape
the
press
when
he
quarreled
with
his
estranged
spouse
and
during
the
process
“picked
up
a
club
and
dealt”
her
“several
blows
over
the
head.”3
Despite
historical
documentation
and
descriptive
accounts
of
IPV
and
violence
directed
at
women,
few
paleopathological
stud-
ies
have
examined
this
issue
in
regard
to
fracture
patterning
in
female
remains
associated
with
archeological
and
historical
groups
(Brickley
and
Smith,
2006;
Jiménez-Brobeil,
2009;
Muller,
2006;
Novak,
2006;
Smith,
1996;
Tung,
2007;
Walker,
1997).
Even
fewer
have
discussed
domestic
abuse
or
analyzed
differences
in
vio-
lence
amongst
enslaved
versus
freed
African
American
females
(Muller,
2006;
Rankin-Hill,
1997;
Walker,
1997;
Wilczak
et
al.,
2004).
Numerous
studies
have
reported
the
prevalence
of
frac-
tures
and
trophy
taking
among
females
and
males
in
the
context
of
warfare
and
violence
(Andrushko
et
al.,
2005;
Jiménez-Brobeil,
2009;
Steadman,
2008;
Tung,
2007).
Raids
on
prehistoric
Native
Americans
equally
victimized
males
and
females
(Steadman,
2008;
Tung,
2007).
In
other
indigenous
groups,
acts
of
violence
targeted
males
more
than
females
(Andrushko
et
al.,
2005;
Jiménez-Brobeil,
2009).
However,
studies
on
15th-century
Croatian
groups
indicate
that
females
had
significantly
more
perimortem
trauma
when
com-
pared
to
males
(ˇ
Slaus
et
al.,
2009).
2Samuel
Martin,
“Nasty
home
losers”,
Daily
Mail,
July
12,
2010.
3“Two
Cases
of
Wife-Beating,”
St.
Louis
Globe-Democrat,
September
10,
1887.
Author's personal copy
C.
de
la
Cova
/
International
Journal
of
Paleopathology
2 (2012) 61–
68 63
These
studies
have
examined
trauma
prevalence
in
females,
but
few
projects
have
focused
on
the
relationship
between
frac-
ture
patterning,
interpersonal
violence,
and
IPV
in
19th-century
bioarcheological
or
cadaver
samples.
Research
addressing
trauma
in
historic
African
American
females
has
predominately
focused
on
the
Antebellum
period
and
enslaved
groups
(Angel
et
al.,
1987;
Kelley
and
Angel,
1987;
Owsley
et
al.,
1987;
Rathbun,
1987;
Rankin-
Hill,
1997;
Wilczak
et
al.,
2004).
Low
levels
of
trauma,
mainly
associated
with
activity,
have
been
reported
in
African
American
slaves
(Kelley
and
Angel,
1987).
Others
show
evidence
of
inter-
personal
violence.
Three
enslaved
males
from
the
St.
Peter
Street
Cemetery
in
New
Orleans
had
healed
cranial
fractures
sugges-
tive
of
violent
injury
and
one
female
from
the
New
York
African
Burial
Ground
had
a
gunshot
wound,
broken
bones,
and
a
pos-
sible
LeFort
fracture
to
the
face
(Owsley
et
al.,
1987;
Wilczak
et
al.,
2004).
Research
on
females
from
the
Cobb,
Hamann-Todd,
and
Terry
anatomical
collections
have
also
revealed
evidence
of
interpersonal
violence
and
possible
domestic
abuse
(Muller,
2006;
Walker,
1997).
Walker
(1997)
observed
high
rates
of
nasal
fractures
in
women
from
these
collections,
which
he
theorized
were
associ-
ated
“wife-beating.”
Muller
(2006)
found
that
males
and
females
in
the
Cobb
Collection
had
comparable
rates
and
similar
patterns
of
cranial
trauma,
suggesting
that
females
were
also
victims
of
inter-
personal
violence
and
perhaps
IPV.
This
study
expands
on
this
literature
and
hypothesizes
that
evi-
dence
of
trauma,
interpersonal
violence,
and
IPV
will
be
present
amongst
the
females
examined
in
this
sample.
Furthermore,
it
is
theorized
that
there
will
be
ancestry
and
temporal
differences
in
trauma
rates,
with
African
Americans,
especially
those
born
lib-
erated
during
Reconstruction
era
(1866–1877)
having
the
largest
frequencies
of
trauma.
Examining
the
prevalence
of
interpersonal
violence
during
the
time
periods
that
comprise
slavery
and
liber-
ation
will
also
shed
light
on
the
relationship
between
trauma
and
the
transition
to
freedom.
Walker’s
“wife-beating”
hypothesis
will
likewise
be
tested
to
determine
if
evidence
of
IPV
exists
in
females
from
the
Terry
Collection.
2.
Materials
and
methods
A
sample
comprised
of
the
skeletal
remains
of
256
African
Amer-
ican
and
Euro-American
females
born
from
1800
to
1877
were
selected
from
the
Terry
Collection
(Table
2).
All
skeletons
were
macroscopically
examined
for
trauma
using
methods
defined
by
Lovell
(1997).
Trauma
was
recorded
as
present
or
absent
for
each
individual
by
bone
so
that
patterning
could
be
analyzed.
Trauma
type
(fractures,
trephinations,
amputations,
stabbings,
or
bullet
wounds),
affected
bone(s),
healing
status
(active
or
healed),
and
alignment
(malunion
or
aligned)
were
documented
by
individual.
Morgue
and
death
records
were
examined
for
bones
with
unhealed
fractures
to
ensure
they
were
perimortem,
or
occurred
around
the
time
of
death,
and
may
have
been
a
contributing
factor
in
the
individual’s
demise.
For
the
purpose
of
this
study,
antemortem
fractures
showed
evidence
of
periosteal
reaction
and
healing.
Remains
were
analyzed
by
ancestry,
birth,
and
birth
status
cohorts
listed
in
Table
2
to
determine
if,
as
hypothesized,
racial
and
temporal
differences
existed
between
African
Americans
and
Euro-
Americans.
Cohorts
were
statistically
examined
using
frequency
analyses
and
chi-squared
tests.
Age
was
statistically
examined
with
t-tests
and
ANOVA
tests.
2.1.
The
Terry
Collection
All
available
African
American
and
Euro-American
females
born
in
the
United
States
from
1800
to
1877
were
selected
from
the
Terry
Collection.
This
anatomical
collection,
begun
in
1910
at
the
Washington
University
Medical
School
by
Dr.
Robert
J.
Terry,
con-
tains
1728
individuals
born
from
1822
to
1943,
whose
race,
age,
sex,
pathologies,
cause
of
death,
and
place
of
death
are
known
(Hunt
and
Albanese,
2004).
These
variables
were
recorded
whilst
the
person
was
alive,
or
shortly
after
death.
Missouri’s
Anatomical
Acts
dic-
tated
that
the
remains
of
individuals
not
claimed
at
death
would
be
given
to
the
state
Anatomical
Board,
which
then
distributed
the
bodies
to
medical
schools
in
need
of
dissection
cadavers.
Most
of
the
persons
in
the
Terry
Collection
died
in
St.
Louis’
city
hospitals,
City
Sanitarium,
Missouri
state
mental
institutions,
and
other
char-
ity
hospitals
and
were
not
claimed
by
family
members
or
friends
upon
their
deaths.
In
1955,
the
collection’s
demographics
shifted
to
willed
donations
after
Missouri’s
Willed
Body
Law
legalized
dona-
tion
(Trotter,
1970).
Studies
have
demonstrated
that
these
subjects
have
longer
femoral
lengths
than
unwilled
individuals,
which
is
probably
attributed
to
a
better
diet
and
access
to
high
quality
health
care
in
childhood
(Ericksen,
1982).
However,
the
unclaimed
are
more
representative
of
the
general
population
in
regard
to
secular
trends
in
femoral
length,
further
indicating
that
body
donors
had
better
economic
standing.
Therefore,
only
unclaimed
individuals
were
examined
in
this
study
to
control
for
effects
of
class.
2.2.
Historical
research
Rankin-Hill
(1997:14)
has
stated
that
information
“generated
from
skeletal
biological
analyses
must
be
placed
within
the
con-
text
of
a
population’s
lifeways
and
history
to
explain
the
conditions
that
produced
the
disruptions.”
Historical
documents
provide
cru-
cial
insights
into
the
living
environments
and
social
behaviors
from
the
first
person
or
witness
perspective.
For
this
study,
data
from
his-
torical
primary
sources
were
coupled
with
osteological
analyses
so
that
a
more
complete
interpretation
of
observed
trauma
patterns
could
be
provided.
Primary
documents
such
as
newspapers,
per-
sonal
correspondences,
public
health
records,
diaries,
and
medical
records
contemporary
with
the
sample
were
relied
upon
to
recon-
struct
the
environment
and
culture
of
the
individuals
being
studied.
Newspapers
and
hospital
records
from
Washington,
DC.
Missouri,
and
New
York
City
were
also
examined
to
contextualize
the
sample,
their
environment,
and
any
fracture
patterns
observed.
Addition-
ally,
each
individual
was
historically
researched
through
available
morgue
documents,
death
records
from
the
state
of
Missouri,
and
the
U.S.
Census.
These
documents
provided
critical
information
on
place
of
birth,
place
of
death
such
as
a
hospital,
asylum,
nursing
home
or
private
residence,
and,
if
hospitalized,
the
length
of
the
stay.
All
primary
historical
sources
are
cited
using
footnotes
and
the
Chicago
method
to
denote,
that
like
osteological
findings,
they
had
to
be
researched
and
analyzed.
3.
Results
Age
analyses
can
be
found
in
Table
3
and
indicate
that
the
average
age
of
the
entire
sample
was
74.01,
with
no
signifi-
cant
differences
between
African
Americans
and
Euro-Americans.
However,
lifespan
decreased
through
time,
with
the
Antebellum
era
having
significantly
older
individuals.
Persons
born
during
Reconstruction
were
significantly
younger.
A
similar
pattern
was
observed
when
examining
males
from
the
Cobb,
Hamann-Todd,
and
Terry
anatomical
collections
and
was
attributed
to
the
time
frame
in
which
body
acquisition
began
in
these
collections
(de
la
Cova,
2010,
2011).
Results
of
the
cohort
and
chi-squared
trauma
analyses,
reported
in
Table
4,
indicated
that
93.4%
of
the
sample
had
one
or
more
fractures.
There
were
no
significant
differences
in
overall
trauma
between
African
Americans
and
Euro-Americans
(Table
4).
How-
ever,
when
examined
by
skeletal
elements,
statistically
significant
Author's personal copy
64 C.
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Paleopathology
2 (2012) 61–
68
Table
2
Female
sample
size
and
birth
cohorts
examined
in
data
analysis.
Ancestry
cohorts
N
Birth
cohorts
(years
of
birth)
Birth
status
cohorts
African
American
348
Antebellum
Pre-Reconstruction
Enslaved
Black
Euro-American 288 Civil
War Reconstruction Pre-Reconstruction
White
Reconstruction Liberated
Black
Reconstruction
White
Table
3
Average
ages
of
cohorts.
Cohort
N
Mean
Entire
sample
256
74.01
African
American
112
72.95
Euro-American 144 78.83
Antebellum 67 81.46
Civil
War
51
75.11
Reconstruction
138
69.98
Enslaved
Black 54 78.76
Pre-Reconstruction
White
62
78.67
Liberated
Black
59
67.83
Reconstruction
White
81
71.78
Reconstruction
White
140
59.54
Reconstruction
Black
203
59.80
differences
emerged
(Table
5).
African
Americans
had
significantly
higher
rates
of
skull
(p
=
.025)
and
nasal
fractures
(p
=
.007)
when
compared
to
Euro-Americans.
However,
Euro-Americans
were
sta-
tistically
significant
in
regard
to
having
larger
frequencies
of
overall
radius
(p
=
.011),
left
radius
(p
=
.011),
hip
(p
=
.001),
left
innominate
(p
=
.028),
right
innominate
(p
=
.007),
overall
femoral
(p
=
.000),
left
femoral
(p
=
.001),
and
left
foot
phalanx
(p
=
.012)
fractures.
Further
significant
differences
were
observed
in
the
birth
sta-
tus
cohorts
(Table
5).
Liberated
African
Americans
had
higher
rates
of
skull
(p
=
.004),
nasal
(p
=
.003),
and
left
hand
phalanx
(p
=
.039)
fractures.
Reconstruction-born
Euro-Americans,
in
con-
trast,
suffered
significantly
more
from
hip
fractures
(p
=
.020).
Pre-Reconstruction-born
Euro-Americans
had
higher
rates
of
frac-
tured
femora
(p
=
.010).
Unlike
previous
studies
conducted
on
males,
there
was
no
gun-
shot
trauma.
However,
one
liberated
African
American
female
was
a
dual
tibial
amputee
and
two
Reconstruction-born
Euro-American
women
had
evidence
of
orthopedic
surgery
to
stabilize
their
hip
fractures
(Fig.
1).
4.
Discussion
The
findings
of
this
study
supported
the
research
hypotheses,
and
indicated,
like
the
previously
examined
males
in
the
Hamann-
Todd,
Terry,
and
Cobb
collections,
that
females
in
the
Terry
Collection
exhibited
ancestry
differences
in
trauma
patterning.
Table
4
Chi-squared
analyses
of
trauma
prevalence.
Cohort
Absent
(%)
Present
(%)
Total
2Sig.
Entire
sample
17
(6.6)
239
(93.4)
256
African
American
8
(7.1)
104
(92.9)
112
.081
.776
Euro-American 9
(6.3)
135
(93.8)
144
Antebellum
4
(6.0)
63
(94)
67
.171a.918
Civil
War
4
(7.8)
8
(92.2)
51
Reconstruction 9 (6.5)
16
(19.7)
138
Enslaved
Black
4
(7.4)
50
(92.6)
54
.085b.994
Pre-Reconstruction
White 4
(6.5)
58
(93.5)
62
Liberated
Black
4
(6.8)
55
(93.2)
59
Reconstruction
White
5
(6.2)
76
(93.8)
81
a2
cells
have
expected
counts
less
than
5.
b3
cells
have
expected
counts
less
than
5.
Table
5
Significant
differences
in
bone
fracture
patterning
amongst
the
ancestry
and
birth
status
cohorts.
Element
Euro-American
present
(%)
African
American
present
(%)
Sig.
Skull
32
(22.4)
39
(35.1)
.025
Nose
23
(16.7)
34
(31.2)
.007
Radius
overall
26
(18.1)
8
(7.1)
.011
Left
radius
18
(12.5)
4
(3.6)
.011
Hip
27
(18.7)
5
(4.5)
.001
Left
innominate
9
(6.3)
1
(0.9)
.028a
Right
innominate
12
(8.3)
1
(0.9)
.007
Overall
femur
(incl.
hip) 29
(20.1)
5
(4.5)
.000
Left
femur
19
(13.2)
2
(9.1)
.001
Left
foot
phalanges
25
(9.8)
5
(4.5)
.012
Element
Enslaved
Black
present
(%)
Pre-Reconstruction
White,
present
(%)
Liberated
Black
present
(%)
Reconstruction
White
present
(%)
Sig.
Skull
13
(24.1)
12
(19.4)
27
(46.6)
19
(23.8)
.004
Nose
12
(22.2)
9
(14.8)
23
(41.1)
13
(17.15)
.003
Left
hand
phalanges 3
(5.6)
2
(3.2)
10
(17.2)
10
(12.3)
.039
Hip 2 (3.7)
11
(17.7)
4
(6.8)
15
(18.5)
.020
Overall
femur
2
(3.7)
13
(21.0)
4
(6.9)
15
(18.5)
.010
a1
cell
(25%)
has
an
expected
count
of
less
than
5
Author's personal copy
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/
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Journal
of
Paleopathology
2 (2012) 61–
68 65
Fig.
1.
TC
134R
with
surgical
prosthesis
to
stabilize
hip
fracture.
African
American
females,
especially
those
born
liberated
dur-
ing
Reconstruction,
had
significantly
more
skull,
nasal,
and
hand
fractures.
However,
Euro-American
women,
especially
those
born
during
Reconstruction,
had
much
higher
rates
of
hip
and
radial
trauma.
These
differences
may
have
resulted
from
numerous
issues.
The
higher
rates
of
cranial,
nasal,
and
hand
phalanx
frac-
tures
observed
in
African
American
females
may
have
been
caused
by
interpersonal,
domestic,
or
intimate
partner
violence
(IPV)
as
originally
suggested
by
Walker
(1997).
Clinical
studies
indicate
that
IPV
victims
have
higher
rates
of
trauma
to
the
face,
head,
chest
and
upper
extremities
when
compared
to
individuals
wounded
in
falls
and
car
accidents
(Crandall
et
al.,
2004).
Facial
injuries
are
com-
mon
in
persons
exposed
to
domestic
assault
and
comprise
about
83%
of
reported
cases
of
trauma
(Crandall
et
al.,
2004;
Hemady,
1994;
Le
et
al.,
2001;
Shepherd
et
al.,
1990).
It
is
estimated
that
20–25%
of
sufferers
of
IPV
are
female
and
medical
studies
suggest
that
domestic
abuse
accounts
for
about
34–73%
of
facial
injuries
in
women
(Arosarena
et
al.,
2009;
Fisher
et
al.,
1990;
Zachariades
et
al.,
1990).
Amongst
victims
of
IPV,
about
88–94%
obtain
head
and
neck
injuries,
and
of
these,
56%
also
suffer
from
facial
bone
fractures
(Shepherd
et
al.,
1988;
Greene
et
al.,
1999;
Arosarena
et
al.,
2009).
Research
by
Le
et
al.
(2001)
suggests
that
trauma
and
soft
tissue
injuries
of
the
maxillofacial
region
are
common
amongst
sufferers
of
domestic
violence,
affecting
81%
of
all
victims.
The
middle
third
of
the
face
is
the
most
damaged
(69%),
followed
by
the
lower
third
(19%),
and
lastly
the
upper
third
(13%).
About
30%
of
the
patients
have
broken
facial
bones
with
the
majority
involving
the
middle
face
(67%).
Most
are
nasal
fractures
(40%).
Previous
medical
studies
have
also
noted
a
high
prevalence
of
broken
noses
in
battered
part-
ners
(Fonseka,
1974).
Other
types
of
facial
trauma
associated
with
IPV
include
periorbital,
orbital
blow-out,
zygomatic
complex,
and
mandibular
fractures
(Arosarena
et
al.,
2009;
Hartzell
et
al.,
1996;
Hemady,
1994;
Le
et
al.,
2001;
Shepherd
et
al.,
1990).
Fig.
2.
TC
559
with
depressed
fractures
and
healed
zygomatic
trauma.
After
facial
bones,
the
most
common
skeletal
injuries
victims
of
domestic
violence
experience
involve
the
upper
limb
bones
and
hand
phalanges
(Le
et
al.,
2001;
Shepherd
et
al.,
1990;
Walker,
2001).
This
trauma
occurs
due
to
the
innate
response
of
an
assault
victim
to
raise
their
forearm
to
protect
their
head
and
face,
thus
deflecting
blows
to
these
regions.
In
some
instances,
the
forearm,
and
more
specifically,
the
ulna
can
be
broken
at
the
shaft,
resulting
in
a
parry
fracture.
Parry
fractures
alone
are
not
strong
evidence
of
domestic
abuse,
but
when
taken
into
consideration
with
the
preva-
lence
of
cranial
fractures
and
cultural
context,
may
be
indicative
of
IPV
or
assault
(Lovell,
1997;
Smith,
1996;
Walker,
2001).
Research
by
Novak
(2006),
based
on
clinical
cases
of
domestic
abuse,
has
indicated
that
trauma
to
the
face,
especially
the
nasal
region,
neck,
and
chest
is
key
in
identifying
accidents
from
assaults.
However,
Novak
(2006)
found
that
IPV
was
not
associated
with
parry
frac-
tures.
Instead,
victims
of
assault
not
caused
by
an
intimate
partner
had
fractures
to
the
arm
and
hand
bones
that
were
“indistinguish-
able
from
those
resulting
from
a
fall
Novak
(2006:248).”
These
broken
bones
were
not
the
result
of
parrying
direct
trauma,
but
occurred
when
the
victim
was
thrown
or
fell
to
the
ground.
Novak
(2006:248)
indicates
that
these
forearm
fractures
“cannot
be
dif-
ferentiated
from
accidental
falls”
and
caution
should
be
exercised
when
interpreting
their
cause.
Women
of
low
SES
are
also
at
a
higher
risk
for
being
battered
by
their
partners
(Kyriacou
et
al.,
1999;
Lipsky
et
al.,
2005).
Statistics
from
the
Bureau
of
Justice
indicate
females
with
an
annual
income
of
less
than
$7500
have
the
largest
rates
of
domestic
abuse
at
20
per
1000,
which
is
7
times
higher
than
the
3
per
1000
rate
of
bat-
tery
observed
in
women
with
an
annual
income
of
over
$50,000
(Rennison
and
Welchans,
2000).
The
significantly
higher
frequencies
of
cranial,
nasal,
and
pha-
lanx
fractures
observed
in
African
American
females
conforms
to
a
pattern
of
interpersonal
violence,
such
as
assault,
and
may
be
suggestive
of
IPV.
The
emphasis
of
the
phalanx
fractures,
with
a
preference
for
the
left
hand,
may
have
resulted
from
shielding
the
face
from
attack.
Depressed
fractures,
which
have
been
associated
with
direct
trauma
resulting
from
interpersonal
violence,
were
also
observed
in
some
African
American
females.
TC
559,
who
died
at
age
59,
possessed
a
pattern
of
trauma
that
was
consistent
with
interper-
sonal
violence
and
possibly
IPV.
She
had
more
than
three
depressed
fractures,
a
healed
broken
left
zygomatic,
and
a
healed
broken
nose,
all
indicative
of
repeat
instances
of
trauma
(Fig.
2).
Author's personal copy
66 C.
de
la
Cova
/
International
Journal
of
Paleopathology
2 (2012) 61–
68
Euro-American
females
possessed
different
fracture
patterns,
with
larger
frequencies
of
distal
radial
and
hip
fractures.
These
results
contradicted
previous
findings
observed
in
Euro-American
males
who
had
higher
rates
of
nasal
fractures
and
significantly
larger
frequencies
of
trauma
associated
with
the
left
hand,
ribs,
left
humerus,
right
lower
limb,
tarsals,
and
foot
phalanges
(de
la
Cova,
2010).
Unlike
Euro-American
males
and
African
American
females,
the
trauma
pattering
observed
in
Euro-American
females
did
not
conform
to
a
pattern
of
violence.
The
average
age
at
death
for
Euro-American
women
in
this
study
was
a
post-menopausal
74.83
years.
It
is
probable
that
the
significantly
higher
rates
of
fractured
hips
could
have
been
the
result
of
osteoporosis.
Clinical
studies
have
demonstrated
that
persons
of
European
ancestry
are
more
at
risk
for
developing
osteoporosis
when
compared
to
individ-
uals
of
African
ancestry,
who
have
greater
bone
density
(Anderson
and
Pollitzer,
1994;
Cho
et
al.,
2006;
Pollitzer
and
Anderson,
1989).
Macroscopic
skeletal
analyses
based
on
hip
fractures,
vertebral
compression,
and
biparietal
thinning
of
the
cranium
sug-
gested
that
32.64%
of
the
Euro-American
female
sample
probably
had
osteoporosis.
The
radial
fractures
observed
amongst
these
females
may
have
been
the
result
of
accidental
falls
worsened
by
osteoporosis.
Historical
documents,
morgue
data,
and
death
records
indicated
that
28.51%
of
the
females
examined
were
committed
to
men-
tal
hospitals
in
the
state
of
Missouri
prior
to
their
death.
These
institutions
included
the
St.
Louis
State
Hospital,
formerly
the
City
Sanitarium,
Fulton
State
Hospital,
and
Missouri
State
Hospital
#3,
also
known
as
Nevada
State
Hospital
#3
in
Nevada,
Missouri.
All
of
these
individuals
were
institutionalized
from
the
late
19th-
century
until
the
mid-1950s.
During
these
periods,
especially
in
the
late
19th
to
early
20th-centuries,
mental
hospitals
were
still
in
their
infancy
in
terms
of
diagnosing,
treating,
and
curing
mental
illnesses
(Lael
et
al.,
2007).
Many
also
failed
to
segregate
vio-
lent
and
aggressive
patients
from
passive
ones.
It
is
probable
that
the
traumatic
patterns
observed
in
this
study
may
have
not
only
been
the
result
of
interpersonal
violence
and
accidents,
but
also
been
caused
by
interpersonal
and
structural
violence
associated
with
institutionalization.
Primary
sources,
comprised
of
hospital
records
from
St.
Elizabeth’s
Hospital,
a
mental
health
resource
cen-
ter
still
operational
in
Washington,
DC,
demonstrates
the
episodes
of
violence
that
were,
and
still
remain
prevalent
in
mental
insti-
tutions.
For
example,
in
May
of
1948,
“an
old
paretic”
described
as
“feeble”
sat
in
the
favorite
chair
of
a
72-year-old
patient
with
diagnosed
psychosis
and
cerebral
arteriosclerosis
(Alzheimer’s
dis-
ease).
The
latter
patient
found
the
paretic
sitting
in
the
chair
and
tilted
it,
causing
her
to
“fall
to
the
floor
in
a
sitting
position.”
The
paretic
was
later
discovered
to
have
a
hip
fracture,
which
resulted
in
her
subsequent
death.
The
employees
were
ordered
by
St.
Elizabeth’s
Hospital
administrators
to
“keep
more
careful
watch
on
the
patients
in
the
dayroom.”
However,
the
same
patient
suffering
from
psychosis
“caused
another
patient
to
fall
because
she
was
in
her
chair.”
The
hospital
finally
responded
by
transfer-
ring
her
to
a
different
ward
“where
the
patients
are
not
quite
so
feeble.”4
St.
Elizabeth’s
Hospital
had
other
episodes
of
violence,
includ-
ing
one
on
February
14,
1941,
that
involved
a
fist-fight
between
two
male
patients,
#29951
and
#46597,
one
of
which
was
schizophrenic.
Patient
#46597
had
patient
#29951
“on
the
floor
and
was
beating
him
about
the
face
and
head”
when
the
attendants
arrived
to
separate
them.
Upon
examination,
#46597
“sustained
fractures
of
the
zygoma
bilaterally,
with
contusions
about
the
left
4Administrative
Files,
ca
1921–1969,
Records
of
the
Superintendent
1855–1967,
Records
of
St.
Elizabeth’s
Hospital,
RG
418,
National
Archives
and
Records
Adminis-
tration
(NARA).
side
of
the
face
and
forehead.”5The
hospital
also
kept
annual
tallies
for
the
number
of
fractures
in
the
institution,
which
suggests
that
broken
bones
were
a
frequent
occurrence.
The
fracture
tally
for
1950
includes
a
list
over
four
pages
long
describing
each
bone
bro-
ken
and
the
age,
race,
and
gender
of
the
patient,
along
with
a
case
number.6
Examples
from
St.
Elizabeth’s
Hospital
demonstrate
acts
of
intentional
violence
toward
patients.
However,
it
is
also
possible
that
some
fractures,
especially
those
listed
in
the
1950
tally,
could
have
been
unintentional,
accidental,
or
the
result
of
staff
neglect.
The
cases
discussed
above
could
also
be
the
result
of
structural
violence
since
staff
neglect
plays
a
role,
as
the
orderlies
were
not
watching
their
charges,
and
the
hospital
was
deficient
at
segre-
gating
dangerous
inmates
from
subdued
ones.
Evidence
from
New
York
Children’s
Hospital
on
Randall’s
Island
in
New
York
City
fur-
ther
demonstrates
how
accidents
and
a
negligent
staff
resulted
in
patient
trauma.
For
example,
in
1902
a
patient
fell
from
a
tree
and
broke
his
arm.
Another
inmate
slipped
and
fell
on
his
way
to
the
bathroom
with
the
same
results.
In
May
of
1902,
an
infant’s
shoulder
was
dislocated
from
“careless
handling
by
the
wet
nurse.”
During
1903
and
1906,
three
different
inmates
fell,
breaking
their
arm.
One
fell
off
a
bench
whilst
the
nurse
was
“at
lunch,”
indicating
the
patient
was
unsupervised.7
These
examples
demonstrate
that
the
traumatic
patterns
observed
in
this
study
may
not
have
necessarily
been
caused
by
IPV,
but
could
have
been
the
result
of
interpersonal
violence
and
structural
violence
within
an
institutionalized
setting.
Like
in
St.
Elizabeth’s
hospital,
some
of
the
hip
fractures
observed
in
this
study
could
have
been
caused
by
inmate
violence
or
may
have
been
the
result
of
underlying
osteoporotic
pathology.
Of
the
women
exam-
ined
that
were
institutionalized,
ten
had
healed
or
actively
healing
hip
fractures.
One
specific
individual,
TC
144R,
died
from
pneumo-
nia
complications
associated
with
a
broken
hip.
According
to
her
death
record,
she
suffered
from
senile
dementia
and
fell
on
the
floor
in
a
ward
at
Nevada
State
Hospital
#3
(Fig.
3).
This
fall
may
have
been
accidental
or
may
have
resulted
from
interaction
with
another
patient.
Either
way,
she
broke
her
hip
within
the
institu-
tion,
which
qualifies
as
an
injury
associated
with
structural
violence
as
the
hospital
did
not
have
safeguards
to
prevent
elderly
females
from
harming
themselves.
Skull
fractures
could
have
also
been
the
result
of
interpersonal
violence
between
inmates.
A
patient
in
Fulton
State
Hospital,
where
some
of
the
individuals
in
this
study
were
admitted,
“murdered,
kicked,
and
stomped”
another
in
1861
(Lael
et
al.,
2007:34).
In
1949,
inmate
Teddy
Lane
used
a
knife
and
meat
cleaver
to
kill
two
patients
and
a
cook
(Lael
et
al.,
2007).
Violence
continued
to
plague
the
hospital
through
the
seventies
with
a
rash
of
deaths
tied
to
staff
shortages
(Lael
et
al.,
2007).
One
high
profile
cased
included
the
murders
of
a
psychiatric
aid
and
patient
by
another
inmate
(Lael
et
al.,
2007).
Trauma
and
deaths
associated
with
violence
and
aggression
still
haunt
modern
psychiatric
hospitals.
The
main
factors
lead-
ing
to
violent
interactions
amongst
the
institutionalized
are
the
result
of
the
structuralized
nature
of
the
mental
hospital,
with
its
overcrowded
wards,
uncertain
staff
members
that
are
not
comfortable
or
unknowledgeable
of
their
roles,
unsafe
environ-
ments
that
allow
for
the
mixing
of
violent
and
non-violent
5Administrative
Files,
ca
1921–1969,
Records
of
the
Superintendent
1855–1967,
Records
of
St.
Elizabeth’s
Hospital,
RG
418,
NARA.
6Administrative
Files,
ca
1921–1969,
Records
of
the
Superintendent
1855–1967,
Records
of
St.
Elizabeth’s
Hospital,
RG
418,
NARA.
7Papers
of
John
A.
Kingsbury,
Vol.
1:
General
Correspondence,
New
York,
NY
Institutions,
Children’s
Hospital
and
School:
Randall’s
Island,
NY,
Library
of
Congress
(LOC).
Author's personal copy
C.
de
la
Cova
/
International
Journal
of
Paleopathology
2 (2012) 61–
68 67
Fig.
3.
TC
144R’s
death
certificate.
patients,
and
higher
patient
to
staff
ratios
(Owen
et
al.,
1998).
The
mental
illness
of
a
patient
can
also
contribute,
especially
in
those
that
suffer
from
schizophrenia,
dementia,
personality
disorders,
neurological
impairments,
or
have
a
history
of
vio-
lence
(Owen
et
al.,
1998).
If
these
problems
exist
in
the
modern
day,
it
is
likely
they
were
present
in
the
past
and
in
the
Mis-
souri
Mental
Health
system,
as
the
above
historical
records
demonstrate.
The
results
of
this
study
bring
of
several
important
issues
tied
to
trauma
analysis
and
interpretation
of
past
violence
to
light.
Anthropologists
working
with
archeological
or
historic
remains
should
not
only
contextualize
the
past
groups
they
are
examin-
ing,
but
consider
different
possibilities
of
trauma
causation.
As
this
study
demonstrates,
it
was
initially
believed
that
African
American
females
had
fracture
patterning
consistent
with
IPV
and
Euro-
American
females
had
forearm
and
hip
trauma
associated
with
accidental
falls
and
osteoporosis.
However,
close
evaluation
of
the
origins
of
the
individuals
and
their
environmental
context
revealed
that
their
fractures
may
have
resulted
from
institutionalization,
which
adds
yet
another
dimension
to
the
analysis.
Bioarcheolo-
gists
that
are
working
with
groups
that
have
a
recorded
history
and
culture
should
consider
all
avenues
in
trauma
analysis
includ-
ing
historical
documentation,
which
can
be
crucial
in
providing
a
more
contextualized
interpretation,
as
the
findings
of
this
research
demonstrate.
Most
importantly,
this
study
examined
individuals
from
the
Terry
Collection,
which
has
been
used
for
years
by
researchers
as
a
staple
to
study
skeletal
differences
related
to
ancestry
and
sex
for
many
of
the
forensic
techniques
we
rely
upon
for
human
identifi-
cation.
Few
anthropologists
have
considered
who
the
individuals
were
that
comprise
this
anatomical
collection.
This
paper
has
shed
light
on
the
females
in
the
Terry
Collection
and
demonstrated
that
many
were
institutionalized,
in
some
instances
for
decades.
Further
studies
are
planned
to
re-evaluate
the
males
that
were
previously
examined
to
determine
if
there
is
a
relationship
between
institu-
tionalization
and
trauma
in
those
subjects.
Future
research
will
also
focus
on
trauma
analysis
of
females
in
the
Hamann-Todd
and
Cobb
Collections.
5.
Conclusion
This
study
examined
fracture
patterning
and
trauma
in
a
sam-
ple
of
African
American
and
Euro-American
females
(n
=
256)
born
from
1800
to
1877.
Results
indicated
that
racial
ancestry
differences
were
present
with
African
American
females
having
significantly
larger
frequencies
of
cranial,
nasal,
and
phalanx
fractures
and
Euro-
Americans
having
higher
rates
of
hip
and
radial
trauma.
It
was
initially
believed
that
the
fracture
patterning
in
African
Ameri-
cans
was
the
result
of
IPV
or
interpersonal
violence
and
the
trauma
observed
in
Euro-Americans
was
caused
by
accidental
falls
associ-
ated
with
osteoporosis.
However,
historical
research
indicated
that
many
of
the
women
examined
were
institutionalized
in
mental
hospitals
in
the
state
of
Missouri
and
suggested
that
the
frac-
ture
patterns
observed
could
have
been
the
result
of
structural
violence
tied
to
institutionalization.
The
findings
of
this
study
demonstrate
the
importance
of
a
multidisciplinary
approach
in
trauma
analysis
which
incorporates
historical
research
of
primary
sources
to
better
contextualize
the
environments
and
possible
modes
of
violence
that
the
groups
being
studied
may
have
been
exposed
to.
Author's personal copy
68 C.
de
la
Cova
/
International
Journal
of
Paleopathology
2 (2012) 61–
68
Acknowledgements
I
wish
to
thank
Debra
Martin
and
Ryan
Harrod
for
the
opportu-
nity
to
include
my
research
in
this
issue.
Further
gratitude
is
given
to
Della
Cook,
David
Hunt,
Doug
Owsley,
Laurie
Burgess,
and
Kath-
leen
Aida
for
their
assistance
and
advice.
This
work
would
not
have
been
possible
without
funding
from
the
Smithsonian
Institution
and
A
New
Faculty
Research
Grant
from
the
University
of
North
Carolina
at
Greensboro.
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