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Gender stereotypes of children and their parents were examined. Participants included 355 three-year-old children, their one-year-old siblings, and their mothers and fathers. Families were selected from the Western region of the Netherlands. Implicit gender stereotypes were assessed with computerized versions of the Action Inference Paradigm (AIP; both child and parents) and the Implicit Association Test (parent only). Parental explicit gender stereotypes were measured with the Child Rearing Sex-Role Attitude Scale. Findings revealed that mothers had stronger implicit gender stereotypes than fathers, whereas fathers had stronger explicit stereotypes than mothers. Fathers with same-gender children had stronger implicit gender stereotypes about adults than parents with mixed-gender children. For the children, girls’ implicit gender stereotypes were significantly predicted by their mother’s implicit gender stereotypes about children. This association could only be observed when the AIP was used to assess the stereotypes of both parent and child. A family systems model is applicable to the study of gender stereotypes.
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Gender Stereotypes in the Family Context: Mothers,
Fathers, and Siblings
Joyce J. Endendijk &Marleen G. Groeneveld &
Sheila R. van Berkel &Elizabeth T. Hallers-Haalboom &
Judi Mesman &Marian J. Bakermans-Kranenburg
#Springer Science+Business Media New York 2013
Abstract Gender stereotypes of children and their parents
were examined. Participants included 355 three-year-old
children, their one-year-old siblings, and their mothers and
fathers. Families were selected from the Western region of
the Netherlands. Implicit gender stereotypes were assessed
with computerized versions of the Action Inference
Paradigm (AIP; both child and parents) and the Implicit
Association Test (parent only). Parental explicit gender ster-
eotypes were measured with the Child Rearing Sex-Role
Attitude Scale. Findings revealed that mothers had stronger
implicit gender stereotypes than fathers, whereas fathers had
stronger explicit stereotypes than mothers. Fathers with
same-gender children had stronger implicit gender stereo-
types about adults than parents with mixed-gender children.
For the children, girlsimplicit gender stereotypes were
significantly predicted by their mothers implicit gender
stereotypes about children. This association could only be
observed when the AIP was used to assess the stereotypes of
both parent and child. A family systems model is applicable
to the study of gender stereotypes.
Keywords Gender stereotypes .Children .Parents .
Siblings .Implicit and explicit stereotypes .Gender
Gender stereotypes are widely held beliefs about the char-
acteristics, behaviors, and roles of men and women
(Weinraub et al. 1984). In the preschool period family
context and family experiences are important for gender
stereotype development (McHale et al. 2003; Witt 1997).
Several, mostly U.S., studies have investigated child gender
stereotypes in a family context, and demonstrated that pa-
rental gender stereotypes and the presence of siblings play
an important role in the development of explicit gender
stereotypes (McHale et al. 1999,2003; Turner and Gervai
1995), but it remains unclear if these factors have the same
influence on the development of more unconscious (i.e.,
implicit) forms of stereotyping. There is also evidence that
different aspects of parental gender stereotypes (implicit or
explicit) may influence parenting behavior in different ways
(Nosek et al. 2002a,b,2005; Rudman 2004). To our knowl-
edge parental implicit and explicit gender stereotypes have
not yet been examined together in one study in relation to
childrens implicit gender stereotypes. Moreover, the litera-
ture on gender stereotypes is dominated by North-American
studies, whereas it is equally important to study parent and
child gender stereotypes in societies like the Netherlands,
where gender equality and the participation of women in
the labor market are relatively high, and fathers are
generally ranked high on father involvement (Cousins
and Ning 2004; Devreux 2007). Studying gender stereo-
types in the Netherlands may also provide insights into
why gender stereotypes persist and how they are trans-
mitted across generations even in societies that no longer
explicitly accept gender stereotypes.
In the current study we examine implicit gender stereo-
types of Dutch preschoolers and their parents within the
family context, focusing on the role of implicit and explicit
parental gender stereotypes, child gender, and sibling gen-
der. A family systems model (Bowen 1978) is employed to
incorporate the bidirectional influence of parents and their
children on each others attitudes. We also draw from social
learning theories and gender schema theory, because they
consider parents to be important in childrensgender
J. J. Endendijk :M. G. Groeneveld :S. R. van Berkel :
E. T. Hallers-Haalboom :J. Mesman (*):
M. J. Bakermans-Kranenburg
Centre for Child and Family Studies,
Leiden University, Leiden, the Netherlands
Sex Roles
DOI 10.1007/s11199-013-0265-4
stereotype development. Figure 1shows the model of the
associations tested in this study.
Parental Gender Stereotypes
Parents can hold gender stereotypes both implicitly and
explicitly. Implicit stereotypes operate largely outside con-
scious awareness, whereas explicit gender stereotypes are
directly stated or overtly expressed ideas about men and
women (Benaji and Greenwald 1995; Rudman and Glick
2001; Rudman and Kilianski 2000). These two types of
attitudes can be different in strength and can be seen as
different constructs that both operate in their own way on
our behaviors, according to a U.S. study with adults (Nosek
et al. 2002a). Explicit stereotypes are usually assessed using
questionnaires or interviews, as in a U.S. study with adults
(White and White 2006), and implicit attitudes and cogni-
tions about gender can be assessed by the Implicit
Association Test (Nosek et al. 2002a), sentence completion
or priming tasks, as in a Belgian study with adults (De
Houwer et al. 2009). The major strength of implicit meas-
ures is that they are less prone to social desirability, because
they are based on automatic or habitual responding. A
weakness is that it is not entirely clear whether implicit tasks
indeed measure a persons own stereotypes, or culturally
shared attitudes (De Houwer et al. 2009). In the field of
gender stereotype studies it is now common to use both
measures to get a complete picture of a persons attitudes
about gender. In addition, for controversial subjects like
gender and race, U.S. studies with adults have shown that
implicit stereotypes are better predictors of behavior than
explicit self-reported stereotypes (Nosek et al. 2002a,b,
2005; Rudman 2004), because explicit reports may be bi-
ased by social desirability and a lack of awareness of own
stereotypes (Kunda and Spencer 2003; White and White
2006). Social desirability tendencies appear to be strongest
among people with higher levels of education, because of
their greater awareness of what are appropriate responses,
according to a U.S. study with adults (Krysan 1998). So,
educational level of participants has to be taken into account
when examining gender stereotypes.
Childrens Gender Stereotypes
Children acquire gender stereotypes at an early age. A U.S
study with 10- month-old children found that at this age they
can already detect gender-related categories (Levy and Haaf
1994). In the second year of life preferences for gender-
stereotypical toys appear, as found in a Canadian study with
12-, 18-, and 24-month-old children (Serbin et al. 2001).
According to another Canadian study explicit knowledge
about gender roles emerges between the ages of 2 and
3 years (Poulin-Dubois et al. 2002). Several U.S. studies
found that by the age of 4 years stereotypes are well devel-
oped (Fagot et al. 1992), but it takes until about 8 years of
age for gender stereotypes to become more complex, flexi-
ble and similar to adult stereotypes (Martin et al. 1990;
Trautner et al. 2005).
Determining gender stereotypes in children is a challeng-
ing task. It has been done in the U.S. using stories and
pictures (Best et al. 1977) or sorting tasks (Martin et al.
1990;OBrien et al. 2000) and in Canada with preferential
looking paradigms (Serbin et al. 2001). These types of
measures of gender stereotypes in children have however
Family constellation
Child gender
Sibling gender
Fig. 1 Model of associations
between parental gender
stereotypes, child gender
stereotypes, parent gender,
child gender, sibling gender,
and family constellation
Sex Roles
been criticized for being too challenging or not tapping the
stereotype construct (Liben and Bigler 2002). Moreover,
most studies asked children explicitly about their stereo-
types, and did not include measures of implicit gender
stereotyping in children. In a recent study with a sample of
5-, 8-, and 11-year-old Belgian children a computerized task
has been developed that is suitable for assessing implicit
gender stereotypes in very young children (Action Inference
Paradigm, AIP; Banse et al. 2010). This measures validity
is promising (Banse et al. 2010), and the AIP is used in the
current study. At this point we dont know whether the same
predictors are important for explicit and implicit stereotype
development, but the literature does not provide any evi-
dence that they would not be.
Gender Differences in Gender Stereotypes
When studying gender stereotypes of parents and children in
the family context, gender of the parent and child should be
taken into account. There are several studies, mostly con-
ducted in the U.S., on the differences between men and
women in gender stereotypes, but the evidence is not con-
clusive. Some studies do not find gender differences (Benaji
and Greenwald 1995;Swimetal.1995), whereas others
found that men had stronger attitudes about gender than
women (Burge 1981; Jessel and Beymer 1992), or women
had stronger gender-related stereotypes than men (Osterhout
et al. 1997). When stereotypes are assessed explicitly men
display stronger gender stereotypes, whereas the level of
implicit attitudes is similar for men and women (Benaji and
Greenwald 1995; Rudman and Glick 2001;Rudmanand
Kilianski 2000) or somewhat stronger in women (Nosek et
al. 2002a). A meta-analysis that focused specifically on
parental gender stereotypes found that mothers hold less
traditional attitudes about gender than fathers (Tenenbaum
and Leaper 2002), but it should be mentioned that most
studies in this meta-analysis used explicit gender stereotype
measures. A more recent U.S. study that also focused on
parental explicit stereotypes found similar results, with
mothers reporting less traditional attitudes about gender than
fathers (Blakemore and Hill 2008).
Several studies with samples from different countries
show that a gender difference in explicit stereotype strength
is also apparent in children (McHale et al. 1999; Signorella
et al. 1993; Turner and Gervai 1995), but the direction of the
effect is not clear. A meta-analysis found that preschool
boys and girls did not differ in gender stereotypes
(Signorella et al. 1993), which is consistent with the results
of a more recent U.S. study that also focused on preschool
children (OBrien et al. 2000). However, one other
European study with preschool children indicated that boys
hold more explicit gender stereotypes than girls (Turner and
Gervai 1995).
The Influence of Family Gender Constellation and Sibling
Few studies examined the influence of family gender constel-
lation on parental gender stereotypes. This is surprising, be-
cause from a family systems perspective one might expect that
family gender constellation would also have an influence on
parentsgender stereotypes, since this theory suggests that
each family member is influenced by the other family mem-
bers (Bowen 1978). The influence of sibling gender on child
gender stereotypes has been studied more often. There is
evidence from U.S. studies with preschool children that sib-
lings have a profound effect on gender role socialization and
explicit gender stereotypes (McHale et al. 1999;Rustetal.
2000; Stoneman et al. 1986). Some studies show that girls
with older brothers and boys with older sisters display less
explicit gender stereotyping than boys or girls with same-
gender older siblings, a finding that has been attributed to
modeling or reinforcement of opposite gender attributes in
mixed-gender siblings (Rust et al. 2000; Stoneman et al.
1986). However, another U.S. study proposed that mixed-
gender siblings might have the strongest explicit gender ster-
eotypes, because parents of mixed-gender children have the
opportunity for gender-differentiated parenting and these
experiences will lead to stronger attitudes about gender in
children (McHale et al. 1999). Although these studies focused
on the influence of the older sibling one might expect that
younger siblings may exert their influence on the gender
stereotypes of older siblings in the more passive way proposed
in the study of McHale et al. (1999), because infants are
unlikely to be active reinforcers of gender attributes. It is
unclear whether this is also the case for implicit gender stereo-
types. In addition, the opportunities for gendered comparisons
of parents in mixed-gender families may also increase the
likelihood of stronger parental attitudes about gender.
The Association Between Parental and Childrens Gender
According to social learning theory (Bandura 1977) parents are
models for gender stereotypes through their own behaviors,
occupations and interests, but more importantly they reinforce
gender-stereotypical behaviors in their children (McHale et al.
1999). There is considerable evidence, mostly from U.S. stud-
ies, that parents treat boys and girls differently (Chaplin et al.
2005;LyttonandRomney1991; Martin and Ross 2005). For
example, according to a Canadian study with children between
the ages of 5 and 25 months, parents buy their children gender-
stereotypical toys and dress them in gender-specific colors
(Pomerleau et al. 1990), and as found by U.S. studies play in
different ways with boys and girls (Culp et al. 1983), and
encourage same-gender preferred behaviors more than cross-
gender preferred behaviors (Fagot 1978).
Sex Roles
Gender schema theory (Bem 1981,1983) suggests that
the way parents behave towards their children is guided by
gender schemas that consist of gender-typed experiences.
Gender stereotypes can be seen as the functional equivalent
of gender schemas (Hudak 1993) or the result of gender-
schematic processing (Bem 1983). Thus if the gender
schemas of parents consist of stereotypical associations they
are more likely to show gender-differentiated parenting.
Gender schema theory proposes that children will internal-
ize these gender-typed experiences in a gender schema of
their own (Gelman et al. 2004; Witt 1997). The gender-
typed associations that comprise the schema will influence
the processing of subsequent gender-related information and
thereby bias future actions (Bem 1983).
A meta-analysis with samples from various countries found
a small influence of parental gender schemas on their childs
attitudes about gender (Tenenbaum and Leaper 2002). Most of
the studies in this meta-analysis used explicit measures to
assess childs gender stereotypes, thus it is unclear whether
parental gender stereotypes also influence implicit stereotypes
of their children. However, two U.S. studies point to a more
prominent role for implicit attitudes about gender, because
parents are largely unaware of their different behaviors to
boys and girls (Culp et al. 1983) and many parents reject
common gender stereotypes, but still apply these stereotypes
implicitly as reflected by their approval or disapproval of
childrens toy preferences (Freeman 2007). One might expect
parental implicit gender attitudes to have a greater impact on
childrens gender attitudes than parental explicit stereotypes
when stereotypes of children are also assessed implicitly. This
may be specifically the case in Dutch society, where gender
stereotypes may be mostly present on the unconscious level
because of the generally high support for gender equality in
the Netherlands.
Gender of the child could also have a moderating effect
on the association between parent and child gender stereo-
types, because preschool boys and girls may vary in their
susceptibility to the rearing environment, according to a
meta-analysis (Rothbaum and Weisz 1994) and a study from
the U.S. (Shaw et al. 1998). Moreover, as suggested in a
review especially mothers show different interactive behav-
iours with sons than with daughters (Maccoby 1990).
Mothers not only talk more to girls than to boys in general,
as found in a U.S. study (Leaper et al. 1998), but they also
talk more about interests and attitudes to girls than to boys,
as indicated by a U.S. study (Boyd 1989) and an Australian
study (Noller and Callan 1990). In addition, mothers have
more opportunities to transmit their gender-stereotypic
beliefs to girls than to boys, since mothers tend to be more
engaged in play with their 6-, 9-, and 14-month-old daugh-
ters, whereas they spend more time watching boys and not
interacting, as found in a U.S. study (Clearfield and Nelson
2006). Therefore it is expected that the association between
mothersand daughtersgender stereotypes is stronger than
the association between mothersand sonsstereotypes.
The Current Study
In the current study we test the following hypotheses. (1)
Mothers have stronger implicit gender stereotypes than
fathers (Nosek et al. 2002a), whereas fathers have stronger
explicit stereotypes about gender (Tenenbaum and Leaper
2002); (2) Boys will have stronger implicit gender stereo-
types than girls (Turner and Gervai 1995); (3) Parents with
mixed-gender children will have stronger gender stereotypes
than parents with same-gender children, and mixed-gender
siblings will have stronger implicit gender stereotypes than
same-gender siblings (McHale et al. 1999); (4) Implicit
gender stereotypes of parents and children are positively
associated (Culp et al. 1983; Freeman 2007; Tenenbaum
and Leaper 2002); (5) Mothers and daughters implicit gen-
der stereopes will be stronger associated than for mothers
and sons (Boyd 1989; Clearfield and Nelson 2006; Noller
and Callan 1990).
This study is part of the longitudinal study Boys will be
Boys? examining the influence of gender-differentiated so-
cialization on the socio-emotional development of boys and
girls in the first 4 years of life. The current paper reports on
data from the first wave.
Families with two children in the Western region of the
Netherlands were eligible for participation in the Boys will
be Boys? study. They were selected from municipality
records. Families were included if the youngest child was
around 12 months of age and the oldest child was between
2.5 and 3.5 years old. Exclusion criteria were single-
parenthood, severe physical or intellectual handicaps of
parent or child, and being born outside the Netherlands
and/or not speaking the Dutch language. Between April
2010 and May 2011, eligible families were invited by mail
to participate in a study on the unique role of fathers and
mothers on socio-emotional development with two home-
visits each year over a period of 3 years. They received a
letter, a brochure with the details of the study, and an
answering card to respond to the invitation.
Of the 1,249 eligible families 31 % were willing to
participate (n=390). The participating families did not differ
from the non-participating families in age of fathers (p= .13)
or mothers (p=.83), educational level of fathers (p=.08) or
mothers (p=.27), and the degree of urbanization of resi-
dence (p=.77). For the current study, families with missing
Sex Roles
items due to computer failure or incomplete questionnaires
were excluded, resulting in a final sample of 355 families. The
35 excluded families also did not differ from the participating
families in age of fathers (p=.66) or mothers (p=.97), educa-
tional level of fathers (p=.82), and the degree of urbanization
of residence (p=.46), but the mothers of the excluded families
had a lower educational level than the mothers in the partic-
ipating families (p=.03).
In Table 1the demographic characteristics of the mothers
and fathers in the sample are displayed. The sample included
similar numbers of the four different family constellations.
Mothers were aged between 25 and 46 years and fathers were
between 24 and 63 years of age. As can be seen in Table 1most
of the participants were married. With regard to educational
level, most mothers and fathers finished academic or higher
vocational schooling. There were no differences between the
family types in maternal age (p=.16) or paternal age (p=.05),
maternal educational level (p=.43) or paternal educational
level (p=.79).
Not all 355 families could be included in the analyses
pertaining to child gender stereotypes because a completed
AIP (Banse et al. 2010) was a requisite for both parents
and their child. Families with children who did not com-
plete (n=54) or made too many errors on the AIP (more
than 50 % of the trials, n=129) were excluded. Overall, 85
boys and 87 girls completed the AIP successfully. This
resulted in a sample of 172 families for the analyses in-
volving child gender stereotypes. Children not completing
or making too many errors on the AIP were significantly
younger (p<.001, M=2.9, SD= .3) than children who com-
pleted the task successfully (M=3.1, SD=.3). The families not
included in the analyses pertaining child gender stereotypes
did not differ from the other families in terms of educational
level of fathers (p=.85) or mothers (p=.34), or age of fathers
(p=.34) or mothers (p=.36). The distribution of family con-
stellations was also similar (23 % boy-boy, 24 % girl-girl,
27 % boy-girl, 26 % girl-boy).
Each family was visited twice; once with the mother and the
two children and once with the father and the two children,
with an intervening period of about 2 weeks. The order in
which fathers and mothers were visited was counterbalanced.
Families received a payment of 30 Euros and small presents
for the children. Before the first home-visit both parents were
asked to individually complete a set of questionnaires. During
thehomevisitsparentchild interactions and sibling interac-
tions were filmed, and both children and parents completed
computer tests. All visits were conducted by pairs of trained
graduate or undergraduate students. Informed consent was
obtained from all participating families. Ethical approval for
this study was provided by the Committee Research Ethics
Code of the Leiden Institute of Education and Child Studies.
Implicit Association Task
Implicit gender stereotypes of fathers and mothers were
assessed by a computerized version of the Implicit
Association Task (IAT); the family-career IAT (Nosek et
al. 2002a). This version measures the association of female
and male attributes with the concepts of career and family.
The computer task was built with E-prime 2.0 (Schneider et al.
2002) based on the task on the Harvard Project Implicit
demonstration website (
and the Nosek et al. (2002a) paper. The task consists of
congruent blocks in which participants are requested to sort
career attributes (e.g., the word salary) to the male category
and family attributes (e.g., the word children) to the female
category, and incongruent blocks in which participants have to
sort career attributes to females and family attributes to males.
They sort the stimuli (i.e., words) by pressing a blue button
that corresponds to the male category or a red button for the
Table 1 Sample characteristics (N=355)
Gender children Total
Boy-Boy Girl-Girl Boy-Girl Girl-Boy
Subsamples: % (n) 27 (96) 23 (83) 25 (89) 25 (87)
Age: M(SD)
Mother 33.9 (3.9) 33.9 (3.9) 33.9 (3.9) 33.9 (3.9) 33.9 (3.9)
Father 36.7 (5.1) 36.7 (5.1) 36.7 (5.1) 36.7 (5.1) 36.7 (5.1)
High education: % (n)
Mother 79 (76) 80 (66) 79 (70) 87 (76) 81 (288)
Father 71 (68) 81 (67) 79 (71) 75 (65) 76 (271)
:%(n) 93 (89) 93 (77) 95 (85) 94 (82) 94 (333)
Registered or cohabitation agreement
Sex Roles
female category. To reduce possible order effects of the pre-
sentation of congruent and incongruent blocks, two precau-
tionary measures were taken (Nosek et al. 2005): the number
of practice trials on the fifth of the seven blocks of the
standard IAT procedure was increased, and two versions
of the IAT were constructed, one in which the congruent
block was first administered and one in which the incon-
gruent block was first administered. As expected, differ-
ence scores between the congruent and incongruent blocks
were significantly higher on the version that started with
the congruent block for both fathers (p<.01) and mothers
(p<.01). The participating families were randomly
assigned to one of the two versions so that the mother
and father within one family always completed the same
version of the IAT. Participants conducted the IAT on a
laptop computer. Reaction time and accuracy were auto-
matically recorded for every trial.
The improved scoring algorithm by Greenwald et al. (2003)
was used to determine each participants level of implicit ster-
eotypes. A high positive score represented more difficulties to
pair male attributes to the family concept and female attributes
to the career concept than to pair female attributes to the family
concept and male attributes to the career concept. In other
words, higher positive scores represent stronger stereotypical
ideas about the roles of men and women. Negative scores
represent contra-stereotypical ideas about gender roles.
Action Inference Paradigm
An adapted Action Inference Paradigm (Banse et al. 2010)
for assessing implicit gender stereotyping in children was
used to determine implicit gender stereotypes in parents and
in their oldest child, enabling comparisons between gender
stereotypes of children and their parents. In the AIP presents
from Santa Claus have to be divided between a boy and a
girl. The AIP was built with E-prime 2.0 (Schneider et al.
2002). Similar stimulus material was used as in the Banse et
al. (2010) study, but because of the lower age of the children
in the current sample the task was shortened. The current
task consisted of 20 practice items with red and blue
presents, two congruent blocks (e.g., asking the child to
assign stereotypical girl toys to a girl) with 16 trials and
five practice trials each, and two incongruent blocks (e.g.,
asking the child to assign stereotypical boy toys to a girl)
with each 16 trials and five practice trials. The two congru-
ent blocks alternated with the two incongruent blocks. To
make the procedure more suitable to the Dutch cultural
context, we changed the story from presents from Santa
Clausto presents for a birthday. The participants had to
distribute the gifts to the girl or the boy by means of pressing
a red or a blue button (red for the girl, blue for the boy). The
AIP was conducted on a laptop that recorded reaction times
and accuracy scores.
Both parents and the oldest child completed the same
task, with the only exceptionthatchildrenwereguided
through the first five trials of every block as extra practice.
Furthermore, children were not required to push the buttons
themselves to divide the gifts. If it was clear from the
practice block that pushing the button would be too difficult,
pointing to the boy or girl was enough; the experimenter
pushed the corresponding button for the child. However, to
ensure that we indeed assessed automatic responding, the
children were told they had to point to the boy or girl as
quickly as possible, because the boy and the girl were very
eager to play with their birthday presents. As a result of this
altered procedure a different scoring procedure had to be
used for the children. Reaction time could not be used
because the children had not always pushed the buttons
themselves. Instead the difference in accuracy between the
congruent and incongruent blocks was used. In addition,
trials with very long response latencies were eliminated
(e.g., 10,000 ms, derived from Greenwald et al. 2003).
Again, higher positive scores correspond to stronger stereo-
type ideas about boys and girls and negative scores mean
that the child has more contra-stereotypical ideas about the
appropriateness of certain toys for boys and girls. For
parents an accuracy score was also computed. Only reaction
time scores were used for further analyses, because correla-
tions between parent and child stereotypes were the same
regardless of which scoring system was used, and reaction
time scores are more commonly used in the literature
(Greenwald et al. 2003). The children were enthusiastic
about the task.
Given the similarity of the AIP and the IAT, the improved
scoring algorithm of Greenwald et al. (2003) was also
applicable to implicit gender stereotyping of the parent in
the AIP. Higher positive scores represent stronger stereotyp-
ical ideas and negative scores represent more contra-
stereotypical ideas about the appropriateness of certain toys
for boys and girls.
Child Rearing Sex Role Attitude Scale
The Child Rearing Sex Role Attitude Scale (CRSRAS,
Freeman 2007, adapted from Burge 1981) was used to
asses the explicit attitudes of parents about gender-
differentiated parenting of boys and girls (See Appendix
for the Dutch items and English translations). The ques-
tionnaire consisted of 19 items that were completed on a
5-point scale from 0 (strongly agree) to 4 (strongly dis-
agree). Negatively stated items were recoded so that
higher mean scores on the CRSRAS referred to stronger
stereotypical attitudes about gender-specific roles of boys
and girls. The questionnaire was designed in a way that
the items concerned the same statements for boys and
girls separately. For example: Boys who exhibit sissy
Sex Roles
behavior will never be well adjustedand Girls who are
tomboyswill never be well adjusted. In the current
study, Cronbachs Alphas of the CRSRAS were .69 for
mothers and .78 for fathers.
Data Inspection
All measures of gender stereotypes were inspected for
possible outliers that were defined as values larger than
3.29 SD above the mean (Tabachnick and Fidell 1996).
Outliers (n=4) were winsorized to make them no more
extreme than the most extreme value that was not yet an
outlier (Tabachnick and Fidell 1996). All variables were
normally distributed. A scatter matrix was used to detect
possible bivariate outliers. Regression analyses were done
with and without bivariate outliers. Exclusion of bivariate
outliers (n=1) did not lead to different results.
Descriptive Statistics
Descriptive statistics for the different gender stereotype
measures are displayed in Table 2. Scores were pre-
sented for mothers, fathers, and children, by family
type. The positive scores on the implicit gender stereo-
type measures indicate that mothers, fathers, and chil-
dren on average have somewhat stereotypical ideas
about gender. Mothersandfathersscoresontheex-
plicit stereotype measure were low, indicating egalitarian
attitudes about gender roles. Differences in scores
according to parent gender, child gender, and family
type are addressed in the next sections.
Gender Differences in Parental and Child Gender
To test for differences in gender stereotypes between
fathers and mothers (hypothesis 1) a paired samples t-
test was used for each gender stereotype measure, be-
cause maternal and paternal gender stereotypes were de-
pendent variables as they refer to parents from the same
families. Mothers and fathers differed significantly in
implicit gender stereotypes about children, t(354) = 3.03,
p<.01, d=.24, and adults, t(354) = 2.65, p<.01, d=.17,
supporting the prediction that mothers had stronger im-
plicit gender stereotypes than fathers (Hypothesis 1).
Mothers and fathers also differed in their explicit stereo-
types, t(354)=7.85, p<.01, d= .47, indicating support for
the prediction that fathers show stronger explicit gender
stereotypes compared to mothers (Hypothesis 1).
A 2 (gender of the child) by 2 (gender of sibling) analysis
of variance, was conducted to test for differences in implicit
gender stereotype strength between boys and girls. There
was no support for the second hypothesis that stated that
boys would have stronger implicit gender stereotypes than
girls, since no significant differences between boys and
girls in gender stereotypes were found, F(1, 168) = .10,
p=.75, partial η
<.01. The results for the main effect of
and interaction with sibling gender are discussed in the
next section.
Parental and Child Gender Stereotypes and Family Gender
Overall group differences between same- and mixed-gender
families were tested separately for maternal and paternal
gender stereotypes. Two multivariate analyses of variance
Table 2 Means and standard deviations for the gender stereotype measures and different family constellations (N= 355/172)
Instrument Parent Gender children Family constellation Total
Boy-Boy Girl-Girl Boy-Girl Girl-Boy Same-gender Mixed-gender
M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) M (SD)
AIP Mother .32 (.37) .29 (.43) .24 (.38) .29 (.34) .31 (.40) .26 (.38) .29 (.38)
Father .16 (.40) .19 (.34) .21 (.36) .24 (.40) .17 (.37) .23 (.38) .20 (.38)
Child 1.38 (2.14) 1.67 (2.47) 1.55 (2.27) 1.49 (2.09) 1.48 (2.26) 1.57 (2.21) 1.53 (2.23)
IAT Mother .40 (.43) .33 (.40) .36 (.43) .27 (.46) .37 (.42) .31 (.45) .34 (.43)
Father .27 (.37) .37 (.42) .24 (.34) .21 (.40) .32 (.40)
.22 (.37)
.27 (.39)
CRSRAS Mother .71 (.32) .63 (.32) .65 (.36) .75 (.38) .67 (.37) .70 (.37) .69 (.35)
Father .97 (.42) .80 (.43) .84 (.42) .83 (.40) .89 (.43) .85 (.41) .87 (.42)
Scale range AIP and IAT: 2 to +2, CRSRAS: 0 to 4, AIP child: 7to+7
Statistics involving parent measures only are based on N= 355. Statistics involving the AIP for children are based on N= 172
Main effect parent gender:
differ significantly. Main effect family constellation:
differ significantly
AIP Action Inference Paradigm, IAT Implicit Association Task, CRSRAS Child Rearing Sex Role Attitude Scale
Sex Roles
with family constellation (e.g., same-gender versus mixed-
gender families) as the independent variable were con-
ducted; one for fathersthree measures of gender stereo-
types and one for mothersthree measures of gender
stereotypes. It was expected that mothers and fathers with
mixed-gender children would have stronger gender stereo-
types than parents with same-gender children (hypothesis
3). There was an overall group difference for the stereotypes
of fathers, Pillais F (3, 351)=2.72, p< .05, partial η
This was mainly caused by a main effect on the IAT; in
contrast to our hypothesis fathers with same-gender children
had stronger implicit gender stereotypes about adults than
fathers with mixed-gender children, F(1, 353)=5.51,
p<.05, partial η
=.02. Post hoc analyses revealed that in
the same-gender group fathers of two boys did not differ
significantly from fathers with two girls, t(177) = 1.71,
p=.09, and in the mixed-gender group father with a firstborn
boy did not differ from fathers with a firstborn girl,
t(353)=.53, p=.60. There were no differences between
fathers with same-gender or mixed-gender children in
implicit gender stereotypes about children, F(1, 353) =
1.75, p=.19, partial η
=.01, or in explicit attitudes about
gender, F(1, 353)= 1.08, p= .30, partial η
<.01. Maternal
implicit gender stereotypes about adults, t(353) = 1.24,
p=.22, implicit gender-related attitudes about children,
t(353)=1.04, p=.30, and explicit gender stereotypes,
t(353)=.67, p=.50, did not differ between families with
same-gender or mixed-gender children.
The analysis of variance with child and sibling gender as
independent variables and childrens implicit gender stereo-
types as the dependent variable (same analysis as mentioned
in section Gender differences in parental and child gender
stereotypes) did not support the third hypothesis that
gender stereotypes of children with same-gender siblings
would differ from those of children with opposite-gender
siblings, because the interaction between gender of the
child and gender of the sibling did not reach signifi-
cance, F(1, 168)<.01, p= .99, partial η
<.01. The main
effect for gender of the sibling was also not significant,
F(1, 168)=.23, p=.61, partial η
Predictors of Childrens Gender Stereotypes: Moderation
Correlations for the different gender stereotype measures of
mothers, fathers, and children are displayed in Table 3.We
found no significant associations between any of the paren-
tal implicit gender stereotypes and the explicit attitudes
about gender-differentiated parenting. For the implicit gen-
der stereotypes about adults, there was a significant associ-
ation between mother and father scores. This was also the
case for the explicit attitudes about gender, but not for the
implicit gender-related attitudes about children. We also
examined correlations with background variables like pater-
nal and maternal educational level, because this might be a
factor to control for in the regression analysis. Significant
negative correlations were found between explicit attitudes
about gender-differentiated parenting (CRSRAS) of both
mothers and fathers and maternal educational level. The
implicit gender stereotypes about children (AIP) and adults
(IAT) of mothers and fathers were not significantly associ-
ated with educational level. Paternal education level was
negatively associated with childrens gender stereotypes.
A multiple hierarchical linear regression analysis was
conducted to test whether parental implicit gender stereo-
types were positively associated with child implicit gender
stereotypes (Hypothesis 4), and whether mothersand
daughters implicit gender stereotypes were more strongly
associated than mothersandsons gender stereotypes
(Hypothesis 5). As recommended by Baron and Kenny
(1986) with regard to testing moderation effects, the cen-
tered main effect variables were entered in the first step of
Table 3 Correlations for the gender stereotype measures, parental educational levels and parental working hours (N= 355/172)
123 4 56 7 8
1. AIP mother
2. AIP father .01
3. AIP child .12 .02
4. IAT mother .02 .01 .08
5. IAT father .01 .01 .01 .31**
6. CRSRAS mother .08 .02 .00 .07 .07
7. CRSRAS father .08 .05 .01 .05 .08 .36**
8. Educational level mother .04 .01 .04 .01 .05 .16** .11*
9. Educational level father .05 .02 .16* .01 .05 .01 .06 .45**
Statistics involving parent measures only are based on N= 355. Statistics involving the AIP for children are based on N= 172
AIP Action Inference Paradigm, IAT Implicit Association Task, CRSRAS Child Rearing Sex Role Attitude Scale
*p<.05 ** p<.01
Sex Roles
the regression analysis and the two-way interactions were
entered in the second step. In addition we controlled for
parental educational levels, by including these variables in
the first step. Results for the final model are presented in
Tab le 4. No main effects of paternal gender stereotypes,
maternal explicit stereotypes, maternal implicit stereotypes
about adults, maternal educational level, and childs gender
were present. There was a significant main effect of paternal
educational level on childrens implicit gender stereotypes.
The fourth hypothesis was partly supported, because only
maternal implicit gender stereotypes about children signifi-
cantly predicted childrens implicit gender stereotypes.
In support of the fifth hypothesis the interaction between
maternal implicit stereotypes about children and child gen-
der (B=1.79, S.E.=.89, β=.22, p<.05) was also signifi-
cant. The interaction effect is shown in Fig. 2. For girls,
gender stereotypes were positively correlated with those of
their mothers (r=.26, p<.05).When mothers showed stron-
ger gender stereotypes, the girls also showed stronger gen-
der stereotypes. For boys no such relation was found. The
interactions between paternal gender stereotypes and child
gender in the model did not significantly add to the predic-
tion of childs gender stereotypes (AIP; B=.36, S.E.=.92,
β=.04, p=.70, IAT; B=1.18, S.E. =.99, β=.14, p=.23,
CRSRAS; B=.47, S.E.=.91, β=.07, p=.61, step 2 R
1.00). The interactions between maternal implicit gender
stereotypes about adults and explicit gender stereotypes
with child gender also did not significantly add to the
prediction of childs gender stereotypes (IAT; B=.36,
S.E.=.90, β=.05, p=.69, CRSRAS; B= .68, S.E.=1.10,
β=.07, p=.54, step 2 R
=1.00). VIF values for the predic-
tors in the final model range from 1.04 to 2.00, indicating no
problems with multicollinearity
Mothers had stronger implicit gender stereotypes about
adults and children than fathers, whereas fathers had stron-
ger explicit gender stereotypes than mothers. Also, fathers
with same-gender children had stronger implicit gender
stereotypes about adults than fathers with mixed-gender
children. Moreover, lower maternal educational level was
related to stronger explicit attitudes about gender in both
parents. When mothers showed stronger gender stereotypes,
their daughters also showed stronger gender stereotypes.
As expected mothers had stronger implicit gender stereo-
types about adults and children than fathers, and fathers had
stronger explicit attitudes about gender than mothers. An
explanation might be that explicit stereotype measures are
prone to social desirability (White and White 2006)and
women generally score higher on social desirability than
men, according to a U.S. study (Hebert et al. 1995) and may
thus report fewer explicit stereotypes. Another explanation is
that cultural gender roles influence the channels that are
acceptable for stereotype expression, as found in a Swedish
study (Ekehammar et al. 2003), rendering it less acceptable for
women than for men to express explicit gender stereotypes.
Women may have implicit gender stereotypes that are not
considered appropriate to present explicitly, whereas men
may use both their implicit and explicit channel in parallel.
It should be noted that the implicit and explicit gender
Table 4 Hierarchical multiple regression analysis predicting childs
gender stereotypes from maternal and paternal gender stereotypes and
child gender (N=172)
Step 1 .05
Maternal stereotypes (AIP) .28**
Maternal stereotypes (IAT) .12
Maternal stereotypes (CRSRAS) .03
Maternal educational level .04
Paternal stereotypes (AIP) .04
Paternal stereotypes (IAT) .08
Paternal stereotypes (CRSRAS) .04
Paternal educational level .20*
Child gender .05
Step 2 .03*
Maternal stereotypes (AIP) x child gender .24*
Total R
AIP Action Inference Paradigm, IAT Implicit Association Task,
CRSRAS Child Rearing Sex Role Attitude Scale
*p<.05, ** p< .01
ender stereot
Gender stereotypes child
0.00 0.50 1.00
-1.00 -0.50
Fig. 2 Interaction between maternal gender stereotypes (AIP) and
childs gender stereotypes
Sex Roles
stereotypes of both mothers and fathers were not that strong
(e.g., scores in the low range on the explicit level, and small
positive scores on the implicit level). This is not uncommon
for the Netherlands, where support for traditional gender roles
is low (Williams and Best 1990).
Boys and girls, however, did not differ from each other in
the strength of their implicit gender stereotypes. Although
this was not expected, this is in line with several U.S. studies
that focused on explicit gender stereotype development in
preschool children (OBrien et al. 2000; Signorella et al.
1993). Apparently, gender differences in attitudes about
gender start to develop later in childhood, probably during
the school years where peer influence becomes more pro-
nounced and children encounter more gender-related expe-
riences outside the home.
With regard to family constellation, fathers with same-
gender children had stronger implicit gender stereotypes
about adults than fathers with mixed-gender children, which
is in line with family systems theory in which child charac-
teristics also influence parents. The direction of effect was
not expected, since it was hypothesized that in families with
both a boy and a girl opportunities for gendered compar-
isons are available (McHale et al. 1999), which may confirm
gender stereotypes. However, in families with mixed-gender
siblings parents also have equal opportunity to see similar-
ities between boys and girls (which is not possible in fam-
ilies with same-gender children) which may make it more
difficult to stick to gendered explanations for certain behav-
iors. Regardless of such observed gender differences be-
tween children, having both a boy and a girl may make
the wish to treat the two genders equally and the desire for
happy and successful futures for both of their children more
important for fathers, resulting in more egalitarian attitudes.
In addition, parents of same-gender children may be more
likely to assign similarities between their children as gender
driven and to assign differences between their children as
personality driven. The effect of family constellation was
only found for the implicit gender stereotypes about adults.
Because explicit gender stereotypes are more prone to social
desirability they may be less dependent on family experi-
ences. It appears that family experiences are also less im-
portant for mothers gender stereotypes, since these were not
related to family constellation.
Contrary to our hypothesis, no differences in implicit gen-
der stereotypes were found between children with same-
gender or opposite-gender younger siblings. Several U.S.
studies have shown that the older sibling has a profound effect
on gender role socialization and the development of explicit
gender stereotypes in the younger sibling (Brim 1958;
McHale et al. 1999;Rustetal.2000; Stoneman et al. 1986).
In our study we examined the influence of a younger sibling
who was only 1 year old. It seems likely that sibling effects do
not emerge for older siblings when the younger child is still an
infant, but will exert their influence in later years.
Alternatively siblings might only have an influence on child-
rens explicit stereotypes that were not measured in this study.
Childrens implicit gender stereotypes were only signifi-
cantly predicted by maternal implicit gender stereotypes
about children, although the association was weak.
Convergent with social learning theory and gender schema
theory, mothersgender schemas may guide their behavior
towards their children and this gender-typed behavior is in
itself a model for gender stereotypes. This finding is also in
line with meta-analytic findings showing that the impact of
mothers on the development of gender stereotypes in chil-
dren is somewhat stronger than that of fathers, because they
spend more time with children and therefore simply have
more time to create gender-related experiences for children
according to their own stereotypes (Tenenbaum and Leaper
2002). It does however not explain why fathers do not have
any influence at all, especially given that two studies (with
U.S. and Hungarian samples) in the meta-analysis that were
similar in design to the current study found that fathers had a
stronger influence than mothers on 4- and 10-year-olds
gender stereotype development (McHale et al. 1999;
Turner and Gervai 1995). It is possible that fathersgender
stereotypes become more important predictors of childrens
gender attitudes later in childhood. This is consistent with a
U.S. study on father involvement that shows an increase in
time spent with the child on teaching, household, and social
activities as children grow older (Yeung et al. 2001). The
weak association between mother and child gender stereo-
types suggests that many other factors also influence child-
rens attitudes about gender, for example the stereotypic
content of childrens books, television programs, or movies,
as mentioned by several U.S. researchers (Birnbaum and
Croll 1984; Gooden and Gooden 2001; McHale et al. 2003).
The finding that childrens implicit gender stereotypes were
only predicted by maternal implicit gender stereotypes about
children indicates that it is important to measure childrens
and mothersgender stereotypes with similar types of meth-
ods to uncover such relations.
As hypothesized the association between maternal gender
stereotypes and child gender stereotypes was moderated by
gender of the child. When mothers showed stronger implicit
gender stereotypes about children, their daughters also
showed stronger implicit gender stereotypes. For boys no
such relation was found. This indicates that for boys other
factors than paternal or maternal gender stereotypes influ-
ence their gender stereotype development. The finding that
only mothersand daughtersgender stereotypes are signif-
icantly interrelated is in line with studies that found that; 1)
mothers talk more to girls than to boys in general (Leaper et
al. 1998), 2) mothers talk more about interests and attitudes
to girls than to boys (Boyd 1989; Noller and Callan 1990),
and 3) mothers have more opportunities to transmit their
Sex Roles
gender-stereotypic beliefs to girls than to boys, since
daughters than with their sons, (Clearfield and Nelson
Limitations and Recommendations
A limitation of the study is the generally high parental
educational levels. Although the percentage of highly edu-
cated parents is not different from other studies about gender
stereotypes in a family context (e.g., McHale et al. 1999)it
reduces the generalizability of the results, especially because
educational level appears to have an effect on gender stereo-
types. However, in the current study educational level was
only related to explicit gender stereotypes.
A second limitation lies in the scoring of the AIP for
young children. Because some children were not able to
push the buttons, but only pointed to the pictures (with the
experimenter pushing the corresponding button for them),
we could not use the response latency scoring system of the
Banse et al. (2010) study. Instead we used a difference score
for the accuracy in the congruent and incongruent blocks.
However, we are confident that we assessed automatic/im-
plicit responding instead of gender flexibility, because the
children were under time pressure and trials with long
response latencies were excluded. For older children, who
can push the buttons, we recommend the additional use of
the response latency score, because it is similar to the
scoring of the more widely used Implicit Association
Measure. If the associations between the two methods are
promising, the age range of the AIP may be expanded.
Another limitation is that we did not use an explicit attitude
measure for children. The inclusion of an explicit measure
would have given a more complete picture of the prediction of
childrens gender stereotypes from parental attitudes. Future
studies should explore the associations between explicit atti-
tudes of parents and explicit stereotypes of their children, as
well as the association between explicit and implicit attitudes
of the children and the possible cross-associations between
explicit and implicit parent and child attitudes.
Many studies about gender role socialization and gender
stereotype development have been conducted in the 80s and
90s. Given the rapid changes in society regarding gender
roles in the past decades it is important to conduct studies
like the current study. Many mothers in the current study
already had mothers that worked outside the home, and they
themselves have careers more often than not. It is imperative
to examine changes in the attitudes of parents about gender
and how these attitudes relate to the family context. Because
the present study showed that gender stereotypes of children
are best predicted by implicit gender stereotypes about chil-
dren, future studies should explore which specific implicit
messages about gender children receive from their parents.
Association between parental gender stereotypes and child-
rens attitudes about gender can be most readily observed
with similar types of measures for parents and children. In
line with family systems theory, parents influence their
childrens implicit gender stereotypes, and children influ-
ence their parents gender stereotypes. Expanding the family
systems model to siblings is important, though the influence
of the younger sibling is not yet visible during infancy.
Since explicit gender stereotypes are prone to social desir-
ability, which can lead to differences in gender stereotypes
between fathers and mothers, it is crucial to study both
implicit and explicit aspects of gender stereotypes in both
parents and children to get a complete picture of their
attitudes about gender. Differences between implicit and
explicit gender stereotypes may reflect true differences in
intentional and unintentional attitudes about gender that
influence behavior in different ways. The issue of gender
stereotype development has been somewhat neglected in the
past decades. The current study may contribute to a revival
of interest in gender stereotypes in modern-day families.
Acknowledgement This research was supported by a European
Research Council Starting Grant awarded to Judi Mesman (project #
240885). Marian J. Bakermans-Kranenburg was supported by the
Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (VICI Grant 453-09-003)
Dutch items
1. Voor zowel jongens als meisjes is het belangrijk om sociale
vaardigheden aan te leren
2. Alleen jongens zouden concurrerende sporten moeten beoefenen
3. Stille meisjes zullen een gelukkiger leven hebben dan assertieve
4. Jongens mogen alleen huilen wanneer iemand ze pijn doet
5. Als mijn zoon zou zeggen dat hij later verpleegkundige wil worden
zou ik hem hierin ontmoedigen
6. Voor mijn zoon en mijn dochter zou ik hetzelfde speelgoed kunnen
7. Jongens die zich gedragen als een mietjezullen zich nooit goed
8. Meisjes die zich gedragen als een wildebraszullen zich nooit goed
9. Ouders moeten verschillend omgaan met gedrag van meisjes en
10. Ik vind het vervelend om te zien als jongens tijdens het spelen een
jurk aantrekken
11. Ik zou een pop voor mijn zoon kunnen kopen
12. Ik zou een mannelijke babysitter niet inhuren
13. Het is voor jongens belangrijker dan voor meisjes om goed te
kunnen concurreren
Sex Roles
14. Ouders die balletlessen voor hun zoon betalen vragen om
15. Ik zou eerder geld lenen om mijn zoon te laten studeren dan om
mijn dochter te laten studeren
16. Ik zou teleurgesteld zijn als mijn dochter op voetbal zou willen
17. Meisjes zouden gestimuleerd moeten worden om met blokken en
autootjes te spelen
18. Wiskunde en natuurkunde zijn voor jongens en meisjes even
19. Ik zou teleurgesteld zijn als mijn dochter zich als een wildebras
zou gedragen
English translation
1. Both boys and girls really need to develop social skills
2. Only boys should be permitted to play competitive sports
3. Quiet girls will have a happier life than assertive girls
4. It is only healthy for boys to cry when they have been hurt
5. I would discourage my son from saying that he wants to be a nurse
when he grows up
6. I would boy my son and daughter the same kind of toys
7. Boys who exhibit sissy behaviors will never be well adjusted
8. Girls who are tomboys will never be well adjusted
9. Parents should set different behavior standards for boys and girls
10. I feel upset when I see boys put on a dress when they play dress-up
11. I would buy my son a doll
12. I would not hire a male babysitter
13. Boys, more than girls, need competitive skills
14. A parent who would pay for ballet lessons for a son is asking for
15. I would be more willing to borrow money to send a son to college
than a daughter
16. I would be upset if my daughter wanted to play little league
17. Girls should be encouraged to play with building blocks and toy
18. Math and science are as necessary for girls as boys
19. I would feel disappointed if my daughter acted like a tomboy
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... Gender schemas encompass different types of schemas (e.g., gender stereotypes, gender attitudes, gender identity, gender self-concept), but the common element is that they concern how people think about themselves and each other in terms of gender (Tenenbaum & Leaper, 2002). There is also ample evidence that parents' gender schemas are related to their children's gender schemas, indicating that parents with traditional gender schemas are likely to have children with traditional gender schemas as well (Endendijk et al., 2013;McHale et al., 2003;Tenenbaum & Leaper, 2002). Because gender identity can be considered a type of gender schema, that is, how people think about themselves in terms of gender (Tenenbaum & Leaper, 2002), it seems likely that gender identity of parents and children might be associated as well. ...
... If parents provide children with a highly gender schematic family environment (e.g., highlighting gender differences, gendered communication) because they have strong gender schemas, it seems likely that their children will develop strong gender schemas as well (Bem, 1981). Indeed, there is ample evidence that parents' gender schemas are associated with children's gender schemas (Endendijk et al., 2013;McHale et al., 2003;Tenenbaum & Leaper, 2002). Yet, associations are generally small and more consistently found when the same type of gender schema is assessed in parents and children (Endendijk et al., 2013;Tenenbaum & Leaper, 2002). ...
... Indeed, there is ample evidence that parents' gender schemas are associated with children's gender schemas (Endendijk et al., 2013;McHale et al., 2003;Tenenbaum & Leaper, 2002). Yet, associations are generally small and more consistently found when the same type of gender schema is assessed in parents and children (Endendijk et al., 2013;Tenenbaum & Leaper, 2002). The more pronounced associations for the ...
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There is ample scientific evidence for the importance of parental gender socialization in children’s binary gender development. Surprisingly, little is known about the role of parents’ own gender identity in the binary gender identity development of their children. Therefore, the present study investigated the association between parents’ and children’s binary gender identity (i.e., similarity to same- and other-gender individuals) in a sample of 142 Dutch families with a child between the ages of 6 and 12 years old. The Dutch context is characterized by relatively high gender equality. Both parents and their children answered questions about their similarity to same-gender and other-gender individuals. Generalized estimating equations revealed that parents’ same-gender similarity and parents’ other-gender similarity were positively associated with their children’s same- and other-gender-similarity, respectively. In addition, more other-gender similarity in parents was associated with less same-gender similarity in girls, but more same-gender similarity in boys. Parents who reported high similarity with both genders were more likely to have children who also reported higher similarity with both genders. These findings indicate that parents’ own binary gender identity is related in general and specific ways to their children’s binary gender identity development. Parents should be made aware of their role in children’s binary gender identity development. Yet, more research on different types of gender identity in parents and their children is necessary.
... understanding during the infant period are insufficient to reinforce the gender difference and gender attributes [1], the physical environment that parents bring to them will be essential for the origin of sex-stereotype. In other words, gender stereotype is a heritable ideology that can be "inherited" from parents. ...
... Researchers from the "longitudinal study Boys will be Boys" found that girls show a stronger gender stereotype than boys when their mothers show gender stereotype [1], which means that girls are more susceptible to gender stereotype, and it may accompany them when they grow up. For example, the graph below shows that maternal implicit gender stereotypes about children significantly predicted children's implicit gender stereotypes [1]. ...
... Researchers from the "longitudinal study Boys will be Boys" found that girls show a stronger gender stereotype than boys when their mothers show gender stereotype [1], which means that girls are more susceptible to gender stereotype, and it may accompany them when they grow up. For example, the graph below shows that maternal implicit gender stereotypes about children significantly predicted children's implicit gender stereotypes [1]. Furthermore, it demonstrates that girls show a stronger sense of gender stereotypes and are prone to inherit from their mothers. ...
... Ergenlerde ve genç yetişkinlerde risk alma, önemli bir halk sağlığı sorunudur. Geçmiş araştırmalarda, ebeveynlerin çocuklarının psikososyal bağlamını şekillendirmede önemli bir rol oynadığı, böylece çocukların risk alma konusundaki görüşlerini ebeveynlerinin şekillendirdiği ve çocukların risk alma derecesinin ebeveynlerin tutumları ile etkilenebileceği ileri sürülmüştür (Endendijk et al. 2013;Kennison vd. 2016). ...
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Bireylerin risk algıları ve risk alma davranışları beklenti ve algılanan faydaya göre farklılık göstermektedir. Araştırmalar, risk algısı ile risk alma davranışı arasında anlamlı ve güçlü bir negatif ilişki olduğunu ortaya koymaktadır. Bu sonuç bireylerin genellikle riskten kaçınma eğiliminde olduklarını ortaya çıkarmaktadır (Hosker-Field, Molnar, ve Book 2016). Bazı insanlar portföylerini yönetirken daha fazla finansal risk almaya istekliyken; Covid-19 pandemisinde maske takma hususunda ve sağlıklarıyla ilgili durumlar söz konusu olduğunda risk alırken isteksiz olabilirler. Yıllık vergi beyannamelerinin doldurulması hususunda beyannameyi yanlış doldurmak gibi etik açıdan risklerden kaçınırken paraşütle atlama gibi eğlence amaçlı riskler almaya daha istekli olabilir (Zimerman, Shalvi, ve Bereby-Meyer 2014). Birey belirsizlik anında karar verirken risk ve getiri dengesini kurmaya çalışır. Ancak bu ilişki her zaman optimal düzeyde dengelenemez. Bireylerin risk ve belirsizliğe karşı tutumları yatırım kararlarını etkilemektedir (Shou ve Olney 2020) Breuer vd. (2017) ‘de yaptıkları çalışmalardan elde edilen bulgulara göre yatırımcıların riskli davranışındaki farklılıklarının altında yatan sebebin risk-getiri bakış açısından ziyade algılanan riskle ilişkili olabileceği ve bu duruma atfedilebileceği ifade edilmektedir. Ayrıca bireylerin risk davranışı, algılanan riske yönelik tutumdaki farklılıklarla neredeyse tamamen tahmin edilebileceği; ancak beklenen faydaların öznel değerlendirmesindeki farklılıklarla daha az tahmin edilebileceği belirtilmektedir. Günlük yaşantımızın bir parçası olan sağlık, sosyal, etik ve spor alanlarında gösterilen risk tutumları ile finansal yatırım anında sergilenen risk tutumları arasında benzerlik ve farklılıkların olabileceği ilk olarak Weber, Blais, ve Betz (2002) ‘in çalışmalarında tespit edilmiştir. DOSPERT ölçeği ismiyle geliştirilen bu ölçek, hayatın değişik alanlarında farklı popülasyonlar ve kültürler için risk algısını ve algılanan riske karşı tutumu ortaya çıkarmayı amaçlamaktadır. DOSPERT ölçeğinin kısa formu da geliştirilmiş olup, bu ölçekte katılımcılara "vahşi doğada kampa gitmek", "güneş kremi sürmeden güneşlenmek" ve "bir spor karşılaşmasının sonucuna bir günlük gelirle bahse girmek" gibi soruları içeren riskle ilgili aktivitelerle ilgili sorular sunulmaktadır. Katılımcılardan bu aktivitelerden her birine katılma olasılıklarının belirtmesi istenir. Ölçek, riski farklı bağlamlara özgü bireysel bir farklılık olarak gören psikolojik risk-getiri modellerine dayanmaktadır. Buna göre ölçek, beş risk alanı için ayrı puanlar vermektedir. Genel olarak bireylerin farklı durumlardaki risk algıları ve riske karşı tutumları belirlenmeye çalışılır (Highhouse vd. 2017). Esasen bu noktada üzerinde durulması gereken husus kişilerin risk algılarını neyin farklılaştırdığının tespitidir. Ancak insanoğlunun karmaşık yapısının olması, aynı zamanda bireylerin kararlarında etkili olan çeşitli biyolojik, kültürel, sosyolojik ve psikolojik etmenlerin varlığı bu durumun tüm yönleriyle ortaya çıkarılmasını pek mümkün kılmamaktadır. Bu çalışmada finansal risk ile diğer risk türleri olarak tanımlanan etik, sosyal, sportif ve sağlık türleri arasındaki ilişkinin nasıl gerçekleştiği tespit edilmeye çalışılacaktır. Bu açıdan tüm bu risk türlerini birlikte tespit eden çalışmaların bulguları incelenerek, finansal risk ile diğer risk türleri arasındaki ortaya çıkarılan ilişki tartışılacaktır.
... The other is from the ecological perspective, such that individual gender development could be influenced by the characteristics of their personal and contextual environments (e.g., sibling context) [19]. In contrast to social learning views, siblings may also serve as sources of social comparison [16]. ...
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Individuals’ gender development is influenced by the characteristics of personal and contextual environments. However, the role of sibling contexts in shaping gender norms has rarely been studied among Chinese youth at early adolescence as most of them were the only child. The aim of this paper is to compare perceived gender norms among adolescents aged 10–14 with different sibling configurations, to help inform and tailor guidance for sexual and reproductive health education in the future. We used the Global Early Adolescent Study baseline data collected from Shanghai, China. The sample for analysis was 1615 students. We used univariate analysis and multivariate ordinal logistic regression to compare perceived gender-stereotyped traits and gender role attitudes, stratified by age and sex. The results showed that sibling context was more influential for boys than girls at early adolescence in their gender socialization process. Among boys those who were with mixed-sex siblings scored higher on gender-stereotyped traits (ORonly-childvs. mixed-sex siblings = 0.67, 95% CI: 0.48–0.94, p = 0.019; ORsame-sex siblingsvs. mixed-sex siblings = 0.59, 95% CI: 0.37–0.96, p = 0.033). Younger early adolescents aged 10–12 who were the only child or who had mixed-sex siblings perceived more traditional gender role attitudes than those living with same-sex siblings (ORonly-childvs. same-sex siblings = 1.71, 95% CI: 1.06–2.75, p = 0.028; ORmixed-sex siblingsvs. same-sex siblings = 1.74, 95% CI: 1.03–2.94, p = 0.037). Comprehensive sexuality education with gender and power components being well addressed, both in and out of the family, is needed to provide extra gender-inclusive and gender-egalitarian environments for youth.
... Sutton- Smith et al., 1964), but also supporting the siblingdifferentiation theory in both children (e.g., Grotevant, 1978;Leventhal, 1970;Rodgers et al., 1998) and, more recently, in adults (Brenøe, 2022). In addition, multiple studies resulted in either mixed findings or not much support for either theory (e.g., Detlefsen et al., 2018;Endendijk et al., 2013;Lamke et al., 1980;McHale et al., 1999). The literature thus remains inconclusive. ...
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Does growing up with a sister rather than a brother affect personality? In this article, we provide a comprehensive analysis of the effects of siblings’ gender on adults’ personality, using data from 85,887 people from 12 large representative surveys covering nine countries (United States, United Kingdom, The Netherlands, Germany, Switzerland, Australia, Mexico, China, and Indonesia). We investigated the personality traits of risk tolerance, trust, patience, locus of control, and the Big Five. We found no meaningful causal effects of the gender of the next younger sibling and no associations with the gender of the next older sibling. Given the high statistical power and consistent results in the overall sample and relevant subsamples, our results suggest that siblings’ gender does not systematically affect personality.
Bu çalışmanın amacı; toplumsal cinsiyet rollerinin, babaların ebeveynlik davranışlarına ve çocukların uyumlu sosyal davranışlarına olan etkilerini incelemektir. Çalışmanın örneklemini, Türkiye’nin farklı illerinde yaşayan 2-6 yaşında çocuğu olan evli ve tam zamanlı bir işte çalışan babalardan oluşmaktadır. Katılımcılar, basit seçkisiz örnekleme yöntemiyle 12 farklı ilden seçilmiş ve 300 kişiden oluşmuştur. Çalışmada Çocuk Yetiştirme Anketi, Uyumlu Sosyal Davranış Envanteri ve Toplumsal Cinsiyet Rolleri Ölçeği ve Erkeklik Algısı ölçekleri kullanılmıştır. Çalışma bulguları göstermektedir ki, babaların eşitlikçi toplumsal cinsiyet rollerine sahip olmaları, çocuklarına gösterdikleri cezalandırıcı ebeveynlik davranışlarıyla olumsuz olarak ilişkilidir. Babaların toplumsal cinsiyet rollerinde eşitlikçi olmaları sıcaklık ve açıklayıcı akıl yürütme ebeveyn davranışlarını ve çocuklarının uyumlu sosyal davranışları ile olumlu bir şekilde ilişkilidir. Babaların toplumsal cinsiyet rolleri ile çocukların uyumlu sosyal davranışları arasındaki ilişkide babaların cezalandırıcı, sıcaklık ve açıklayıcı akıl yürütme tutumları aracı rolü üstlendiği bulunmuştur. Ataerkil rollere sahip babaların, bu tutum ve algılardan dolayı ebeveynlik davranışları, ve dolayısıyla çocuklarının da uyumlu sosyal davranışlarının etkilendiği; buna bağlı olarak babaların toplumsal cinsiyet ve babalık davranışlarıyla ilgili eğitimler alarak kendilerini geliştirmelerinin önemi vurgulanmaktadır. Ekolojik Sistemler Kuramı’na göre mikro sistemde gerçekleşen babaların bu gelişimi toplumsal açıdan da olumlu dönüşümlerin yaşanacağını göstermektedir. Bu çalışmayla birlikte toplumsal cinsiyet rollerinde eşitlikçi olmanın hem babalara hem de küçük yaştaki çocukların gelişmesine katkısı olacağı vurgulanmaktadır.
Adults' views of children based on gender stereotypes can affect their communication with children, which can affect children's development; therefore this study explores the extent to which adults extend gender stereotypes regarding adults to children. This study conducted four experiments using Chinese adult undergraduate student participants. Using adult faces as prime stimuli and images of weapons (guns) and kitchenware (spatulas) as target objects, Experiment 1 found that Chinese adults associate men with weapons and women with kitchenware. Experiment 2 found the same results when participants were primed with the faces of 14-year-old girls and boys. In Experiment 3, we found that participants held gender stereotypes toward 12-year-old girls, associating them with kitchenware objects. However, when using the faces of 10-year-old children as prime stimuli in Experiment 4, we found that participants did not hold the same gender stereotypes toward 10-year-old children. In Experiment 5, we used adult faces and the faces of 10-year-old children as simultaneous prime stimuli and found that weapons were only associated with adult men and kitchenware with adult women. These results indicate that the gender stereotypes hold true in Chinese cultures, and that these stereotypes can extend to children as young as 12 years old.
Toward illuminating the family ecology of gender development, we focus on the parent-child, interparental, and sibling subsystems, examining their influences on youth gender development across childhood and adolescence. We discuss structural factors, such as sibling and couple sex constellation, but focus primarily on family members’ roles as interaction partners, models of gendered behaviors, and providers of information and opportunities pertaining to gender, all of which may influence the many domains of youth gender development. We ground our discussion in family systems and cultural ecological frameworks, which led us to interpret existing evidence in terms of the adaptive, self-organizing nature of families, and the embeddedness of youth gender development and family gender socialization in gender norms beyond the family including sociocultural factors and economic conditions.KeywordsGenderGender socializationFamily processesGender development
Using respondents’ perceptions about parental and siblings’ influences on their educational decisions in the data of Taiwan Panel Survey of Family Dynamics, we found that sons’ study choices are more likely than those of daughters to be influenced by parents. In addition, females are likely to be influenced by their sisters to choose a non-science-related study field. Moreover, when fathers influence their sons’ educational decisions, sons tend to choose science-related study fields. Conversely, if mothers play a role in their sons’ educational decisions, sons are more likely to choose a non-science-related study field. From the cross-sex influences on children’s study field choice, that is, fathers’ influence on daughters and mothers’ influence on sons, we find that the effects of parents’ field preferences are stronger than the effects of parental gender stereotype. The gender of the influential family member is the key to determining whether the influenced member chooses a science or non-science study field. Furthermore, although we cannot prove a significant relationship between the degree of masculinity constructed from parents’ occupations and children’s study field choice, we show that parents play a vital role in field choice. In addition, we employ the bounding approach to show that our main findings remain robust to potential omitted-variable bias.
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In this article, we attempt to distinguish between the properties of moderator and mediator variables at a number of levels. First, we seek to make theorists and researchers aware of the importance of not using the terms moderator and mediator interchangeably by carefully elaborating, both conceptually and strategically, the many ways in which moderators and mediators differ. We then go beyond this largely pedagogical function and delineate the conceptual and strategic implications of making use of such distinctions with regard to a wide range of phenomena, including control and stress, attitudes, and personality traits. We also provide a specific compendium of analytic procedures appropriate for making the most effective use of the moderator and mediator distinction, both separately and in terms of a broader causal system that includes both moderators and mediators. (46 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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The onset and development of preschooler's awareness of sex role stereotypes, gender labeling, gender identity, and sex-typed toy preferences were explore in 26, 31, and 36 month-old children. Gender labeling, gender identify, sex-typed toy preferences, and awareness of adult sex role differences were observed in significant more 26 month olds, while verbal and nonverbal gender identity were observed in a majority of 31 month olds. ... Brighter children were more aware of sex-role differences. Predictors of sex-role development included the mothers' employment and the father's personality trains, attitudes toward women, and sex-typed activities in the home.
Respondents at an Internet site completed over 600,000 tasks between October 1998 and April 2000 measuring attitudes toward and stereotypes of social groups. Their responses demonstrated, on average, implicit preference for White over Black and young over old and stereotypic: associations linking male terms with science and career and female terms with liberal arts and family. The main purpose was to provide a demonstration site at which respondents could experience their implicit attitudes and stereotypes toward social groups. Nevertheless, the data collected are rich in information regarding the operation of attitudes and stereotypes, most notably the strength of implicit attitudes, the association and dissociation between implicit and explicit attitudes, and the effects of group membership on attitudes and stereotypes. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved)
Housework, a traditional topic in research on women and gender, has only recently begun to be studied from the standpoint of men. This article undertakes a comparison between France and the Netherlands, two countries that largely resemble each other from the standpoint of government intervention and the connections between work and family life, but differ in their stated political priorities regarding women and the structuring of women's employment. This comparison allows the author to reveal trends in the division of domestic labour between the sexes that hold across the board, regardless of particular cultural differences in representations of the roles of men and women in the family. Based on national survey data on "daily timetables", the analysis shows changes and continuity in men's involvement in housework, first as regards the male population as a whole, and then fathers in particular. The study brings out preferences for doing housework rather than parental work among fathers in France but not in the Netherlands. These preferences are linked to a change in social representations of domestic and parental tasks that have assigned new and different values to these tasks depending on whether or not they are performed by men. "New fatherhood" appears in any case to be an image with an ideological function more than a reality in practice, at least when the objective criterion used is the amount of time spent on the daily tasks of domestic life.
The present study examines mother-child conversations about gender, to examine (1) children's essentialist beliefs about gender, and (2) the role of maternal input in fostering such beliefs. We videotaped 72 mothers and their sons/daughters (mean ages 2.7, 4.7, or 6.7) discussing a picture book that depicted stereotypical and counter-stereotypical gendered activities (e.g., a boy playing football; a woman race-car driver). Mothers and children also completed measures of gender stereotyping and gender constancy. Results indicate more explicit endorsement of gender stereotypes among children than among mothers. Indeed, mothers provided little in the way of explicit stereotyped input. Nonetheless, mothers expressed gender concepts through a number of more implicit means, including reference to categories of gender (generics), labeling of gender, and contrasting males versus females. Gender-stereotype endorsement from children emerged early (by 2-1/2 years of age), but also underwent important developmental changes, most notably a rapid increase between 2 and 4 years of age in the focus on generic categories of gender. Variation in speech (across individuals and across contexts) cannot be characterized along a single dimension of degree of gender-typing; rather, there seemed to be differences in how focused a speaker was on gender (or not), with some speakers providing more talk about gender (both stereotyped and non-stereotyped) and others providing less such talk. Finally, there were variations in both mother and child speech as a function of child gender and gender of referent. In sum, by age 2, there is much essentialist content in mother-child conversations, even for mothers who express gender egalitarian beliefs. Mothers' linguistic input conveys subtle messages about gender from which children may construct their own essentialist beliefs.
In reporting Implicit Association Test (IAT) results, researchers have most often used scoring conventions described in the first publication of the IAT (A. G. Greenwald, D. E. McGhee, & J. L. K. Schwartz, 1998). Demonstration IATs available on the Internet have produced large data sets that were used in the current article to evaluate alternative scoring procedures. Candidate new algorithms were examined in terms of their (a) correlations with parallel self-report measures, (b) resistance to an artifact associated with speed of responding, (c) internal consistency, (d) sensitivity to known influences on IAT measures, and (e) resistance to known procedural influences. The best-performing measure incorporates data from the IAT's practice trials, uses a metric that is calibrated by each respondent's latency variability, and includes a latency penalty for errors. This new algorithm strongly outperforms the earlier (conventional) procedure.
Are gender labeling and gender stereotyping in 24-, 30-, and 36-month-old children related to each other and to mothers' sex-role attitudes and responses to sex-typed behavior in a free-play situation with their children? The gender stereotyping measure indicated that gender schemata include information that is metaphorically rather than literally associated with each sex. Children who understood labels for boys and girls displayed more knowledge of gender stereotypes than children who did not. Mothers whose children had mastered labels for boys and girls endorsed more traditional attitudes toward women and toward sex roles within the family. The same mothers also initiated and reinforced more sex-typed toy play with their children.