The Double-Edged Sword of Grandiose Narcissism: Implications for Successful and Unsuccessful Leadership Among U.S. Presidents

Abstract

Recent research and theorizing suggest that narcissism may predict both positive and negative leadership behaviors. We tested this hypothesis with data on the 42 U.S. presidents up to and including George W. Bush, using (a) expert-derived narcissism estimates, (b) independent historical surveys of presidential performance, and (c) largely or entirely objective indicators of presidential performance. Grandiose, but not vulnerable, narcissism was associated with superior overall greatness in an aggregate poll; it was also positively associated with public persuasiveness, crisis management, agenda setting, and allied behaviors, and with several objective indicators of performance, such as winning the popular vote and initiating legislation. Nevertheless, grandiose narcissism was also associated with several negative outcomes, including congressional impeachment resolutions and unethical behaviors. We found that presidents exhibit elevated levels of grandiose narcissism compared with the general population, and that presidents' grandiose narcissism has been rising over time. Our findings suggest that grandiose narcissism may be a double-edged sword in the leadership domain.

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Psychological Science
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The online version of this article can be found at:
DOI: 10.1177/0956797613491970
published online 8 October 2013Psychological Science
J. Rubenzer and Thomas J. Faschingbauer
Ashley L. Watts, Scott O. Lilienfeld, Sarah Francis Smith, Joshua D. Miller, W. Keith Campbell, Irwin D. Waldman, Steven
Leadership Among U.S. Presidents
The Double-Edged Sword of Grandiose Narcissism: Implications for Successful and Unsuccessful
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Research Article
Recent research and theorizing suggest that narcissism
may predict both positive and negative leadership out-
comes, a duality termed the “bright side/dark side” phe-
nomenon (Hogan & Hogan, 2001). Examples of leaders
widely regarded as displaying prominent narcissistic
traits range from the largely positive (e.g., Alexander the
Great, George S. Patton; Brown, 2005) to the unquestion-
ably malignant (e.g., Benito Mussolini, Muammar Gaddafi;
Glad, 2002; Horowitz & Arthur, 1988).
On the bright side, narcissistic individuals tend to
become leaders in new groups (Brunell et al., 2008) and
to excel in job interviews (Paulhus, Westlake, Calvez, &
Harms, in press) and other brief social interactions
(Küfner, Nestler, & Back, 2013). They perform especially
well when others evaluate them (Wallace & Baumeister,
2002). Narcissistic people may also be adept at becoming
celebrities; the narcissism scores of reality-television
stars—who arguably acquire fame without having
obvious talent—are elevated (Young & Pinsky, 2006).
Moreover, narcissistic individuals are skilled at selling
their ideas as innovative even when they are not (Goncalo,
Flynn, & Kim, 2010).
On the dark side, narcissism is linked to overconfident
decision making, deceit, and failure to learn from mis-
takes (Campbell, Goodie, & Foster, 2004). In addition,
491970PSSXXX10.1177/0956797613491970Watts et al.Narcissism and Presidents
research-article2013
Corresponding Author:
Ashley L. Watts, Room 440, Psychology and Interdisciplinary Sciences
Building, Emory University, 36 Eagle Row, Atlanta, GA 30322
E-mail: ashleylwatts@gmail.com
The Double-Edged Sword of Grandiose
Narcissism: Implications for Successful and
Unsuccessful Leadership Among
U.S. Presidents
Ashley L. Watts1, Scott O. Lilienfeld1, Sarah Francis Smith1,
Joshua D. Miller2, W. Keith Campbell2, Irwin D. Waldman1,
Steven J. Rubenzer3, and Thomas J. Faschingbauer4
1Department of Psychology, Emory University; 2Department of Psychology, University of Georgia;
3Concord, New Hampshire; and 4Foundation for the Study of Personality in History, Houston, Texas
Abstract
Recent research and theorizing suggest that narcissism may predict both positive and negative leadership behaviors.
We tested this hypothesis with data on the 42 U.S. presidents up to and including George W. Bush, using (a)
expert-derived narcissism estimates, (b) independent historical surveys of presidential performance, and (c) largely
or entirely objective indicators of presidential performance. Grandiose, but not vulnerable, narcissism was associated
with superior overall greatness in an aggregate poll; it was also positively associated with public persuasiveness,
crisis management, agenda setting, and allied behaviors, and with several objective indicators of performance, such
as winning the popular vote and initiating legislation. Nevertheless, grandiose narcissism was also associated with
several negative outcomes, including congressional impeachment resolutions and unethical behaviors. We found that
presidents exhibit elevated levels of grandiose narcissism compared with the general population, and that presidents’
grandiose narcissism has been rising over time. Our findings suggest that grandiose narcissism may be a double-edged
sword in the leadership domain.
Keywords
narcissism, leadership, political, presidents, personality, personality disorders
Received 10/25/12; Revision accepted 5/1/13
Psychological Science OnlineFirst, published on October 8, 2013 as doi:10.1177/0956797613491970

2 Watts et al.
narcissism is tied to placing the needs of the self before
long-term organizational needs (Campbell, Bush, Brunell,
& Shelton, 2005). Narcissism is also associated with coun-
terproductive work behavior and poor ethics (Blair,
Hoffman, & Helland, 2006; O’Boyle, Forsyth, Banks, &
McDaniel, 2012).
The research we have just cited is based on narcissism
broadly construed. Nevertheless, studies increasingly
support the existence of two subdimensions of narcis-
sism: grandiose and vulnerable (Miller & Campbell, 2008;
Pincus et al., 2009; Wink, 1991). The former is associated
with a flamboyant and interpersonally dominant style,
and the latter with an emotionally fragile and socially
withdrawn style. The diagnosis of narcissistic personality
disorder (NPD) in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual
of Mental Disorders (American Psychiatric Association,
2000, 2013) appears to be a blend of grandiose and vul-
nerable narcissism, albeit with a greater emphasis on the
former.
Although both subdimensions are marked by interper-
sonal antagonism, they manifest different relations with
criterion measures, including traits from the five-factor
model (FFM) of personality. Both are negatively related
to agreeableness, but they display divergent relations
with neuroticism (grandiose: negative; vulnerable: posi-
tive) and extraversion (grandiose: positive; vulnerable:
negative). Grandiose narcissism correlates positively with
self-esteem and negatively with distress (Miller et al.,
2010). In contrast, vulnerable narcissism correlates nega-
tively with self-esteem and positively with suicidal ide-
ation (Pincus et al., 2009) and internalizing symptoms
(Russ, Shedler, Bradley, & Westen, 2008).
In the present study, we examined the implications of
narcissistic traits for performance of the U.S. presidents.
Researchers have found that certain traits, such as extra-
version and conscientiousness, are related to presidential
job performance (Rubenzer, Faschingbauer, & Ones,
2000; Simonton, 1987). In the only study to examine nar-
cissism’s relations with presidential leadership, Deluga
(1997) found that historian-rated narcissism was posi-
tively associated with independently rated charismatic
leadership, overall performance, and creativity among
U.S. presidents. Nevertheless, Deluga relied on the
Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI; Raskin & Terry,
1988), which predominantly measures grandiose narcis-
sism (Cain, Pincus, & Ansell, 2008). Additionally, his find-
ings are limited by a lack of information on negative
outcomes (e.g., unethical behaviors).
The U.S. presidents are an ideal subject for research
on the implications of narcissism for leadership. They are
intensively studied, so experts’ personality ratings can be
based on detailed historical information. Also, because
they are public figures, it is possible to test hypotheses
using objective historical indicators (e.g., reelection suc-
cess, impeachment resolutions).
Taking our cue from the bright side/dark side distinc-
tion, we hypothesized that narcissistic traits, especially
grandiose narcissism, would be associated with both pos-
itive and negative presidential outcomes. Specifically, we
predicted that grandiose narcissism (and, to a lesser
extent, NPD features) would correlate positively with
indices of both superior presidential performance, such
as overall leadership and interpersonal persuasiveness,
and certain negative outcomes, such as scandals and
unethical behaviors. In contrast, we predicted that vul-
nerable narcissism would correlate negatively with presi-
dential performance across the board. In incremental-
validity analyses, we examined the predictive power of
narcissism above and beyond the contributions of fear-
less dominance, intellectual brilliance, and need for
power, all of which predict presidential success (Lilienfeld
et al., 2012; Simonton, 1987; Winter, 1987). In secondary
analyses, we examined whether presidents are (a) more
narcissistic than are individuals in the general population
(see also Hill & Yousey, 1998) and (b) becoming more
narcissistic over time, which would potentially be consis-
tent with reports of a secular increase in narcissism
(Twenge, Konrath, Foster, Campbell, & Bushman, 2008).
Method
We drew upon a data set that was part of a broader inves-
tigation of personality correlates of leadership in U.S.
presidents (Rubenzer & Faschingbauer, 2004; Rubenzer
et al., 2000). For that study, 121 expert raters evaluated
the personality of the 41 U.S. presidents up to and includ-
ing William Clinton. In addition, we included ratings of
George W. Bush from a previous study, for which the last
two authors of the present article had evaluated Bush on
the basis of presidential biographies. Because some
experts rated more than 1 president, the total number of
ratings was 177. The experts were American scholars
who had published at least one biography on a president
or had been nominated as especially well informed
regarding a given president. The number of raters per
president ranged from 1 to 13, with a mean of 4.2
(SD = 2.9).
Raters completed a 596-item questionnaire evaluating
the personality and behavior of their president or presi-
dents of focus; this questionnaire contained the Revised
NEO Personality Inventory (NEO PI-R; Costa & McCrae,
1992); items assessing presidential character, including
unethical behavior; and other items not analyzed here.
Each president’s personality was rated for the 5 years
prior to his assuming office, to minimize criterion con-
tamination with outcome variables.
In this study (see also Lilienfeld et al., 2012), we
expanded on Rubenzer and Faschingbauer’s (2004) data
set by incorporating (a) data from several more recent
presidential performance polls, (b) largely or entirely

Narcissism and Presidents 3
objective historical indicators, and (c) FFM estimates of
grandiose and vulnerable narcissism (not examined by
Lilienfeld et al., 2012).
Measures
FFM-derived estimates of narcissism. Our estimates
of narcissism were based on ratings from the NEO PI-R,
a 240-item Likert-type questionnaire that assesses the
FFM personality dimensions (neuroticism, extraversion,
openness to experience, agreeableness, and conscien-
tiousness; Costa & McCrae, 1992); each is assessed with
six facet scales. The presidential experts completed Form
R, an observer-report version of the NEO PI-R. In this
sample, internal consistencies (Cronbach’s alphas) of the
five domain scales ranged from .91 to .94.
To assess NPD features in the 42 presidents, we used
Lynam and Widiger’s (2001) FFM prototype for this disor-
der. Lynam and Widiger created a prototype for each of
the 10 personality disorders in the fourth edition of the
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders
(American Psychiatric Association, 2000) by asking
experts to rate its prototypical expression on the 30 NEO
PI-R facets, using a scale from 1 to 5. Any facet with a
mean lower than 2 or higher than 4 was included in a
disorder’s prototype. These means were unit weighted
and summed (Miller, Bagby, Pilkonis, Reynolds, & Lynam,
2005). In this sample, the average pairwise correlation for
NPD estimates across presidential raters, estimated using
generalized estimating equations (GEEs), was .53. The
correlations were within the range typically reported for
interobserver agreement in personality ratings (Connelly
& Ones, 2010).
To derive estimates of grandiose and vulnerable nar-
cissism, we used NEO PI-R facets that had an average
correlation of .3 or above with either dimension in a
meta-analysis by Campbell and Miller (2013). To be con-
sistent with Lynam and Widiger’s (2001) prototype
approach, we unit-weighted and summed scores for
these facets to create a score for each president on each
dimension.1 Grandiose narcissism comprises facets of
extraversion (e.g., assertiveness) and reversed agreeable-
ness (e.g., modesty). Vulnerable narcissism comprises
facets of neuroticism (e.g., self-consciousness) and one
reversed facet of agreeableness (i.e., trust). The average
pairwise correlation across raters (estimated using GEEs)
was .68 for grandiose narcissism and .33 for vulnerable
narcissism. As in past research (Miller et al., 2011), the
correlation between grandiose and vulnerable narcissism
was low, r = .12, n.s. Grandiose and vulnerable narcis-
sism were both significantly correlated with NPD scores,
r = .84, p < .001, and r = .40, p < .001, respectively.
Presidential performance surveys. We examined a
composite measure of presidential greatness derived
from Simonton (2007). This measure, which we refer to
as the Simonton Survey composite, is a sum of standard-
ized (z-scored) results from 12 surveys of overall presi-
dential performance. Independent surveys of presidential
performance typically intercorrelate at a level of .9 or
above (Simonton, 2006).
To assess more specific presidential performance out-
comes, we used data from a 2009 C-SPAN poll of 64 U.S.
historians who rated the presidents on 10 dimensions:
overall job performance, public persuasiveness, crisis
management, moral authority, economic management,
international relations, administrative skill, congressional
relations, setting of an agenda, and pursuit of equal jus-
tice (C-SPAN.org, 2013). Pairwise rs across these dimen-
sions ranged from .46 to .96, all ps < .001. Sixty-two of
these 64 historians were independent of those who rated
the presidents on the NEO PI-R and other items.
Finally, for a third indicator, we examined the results
from the 2010 Siena College Poll (Siena College, 2010), in
which 238 historians ranked the presidents on 20 dimen-
sions (e.g., overall ability, integrity, willingness to take
risks, avoiding crucial mistakes; we do not report results
for 5 of these dimensions because they are not relevant
to the focus of this article). Pairwise Spearman rank cor-
relation coefficients across these dimensions ranged from
.18 to .97, all ps < .05.
Largely or entirely objective measures of presi-
dents’ job performance. We expanded upon Ruben-
zer and Faschingbauer’s (2004) data set by examining
scores on a regression-derived formula developed by
Simonton (1987) to predict presidential greatness. This
formula, the Simonton equation, consists of a weighted
sum of six largely or entirely objective historical indica-
tors: number of years served, number of war years as
president,2 war heroism prior to becoming president,
intellectual brilliance, scandals in office (i.e., whether the
president or cabinet-level officials engaged in illegal
actions, either political or sexual; coded negatively), and
being the victim of an assassination.3
In addition, we examined 11 other indicators. Seven of
these variables were coded dichotomously and derived
from the publicly available historical record: reelected
(Kenney & Rice, 1988), won the popular vote (Wooley &
Peters, 1999–2013), defeated for reelection after a single
or partial term (Merry, 2012), did not run again after a
single or partial term (Merry, 2012), was the subject of
one or more congressional impeachment resolutions
(Perkins, 2003), faced impeachment proceedings, and
faced scandals in office (Simonton, 1987, 2013). The
other 4 were rated on a scale from 1 to 9 by the same
experts who evaluated presidents on the NEO PI-R and
therefore are not strictly independent of the NEO PI-R
ratings from which we derived narcissism estimates: initi-
ated new legislation and programs, was power oriented,

4 Watts et al.
was viewed by others as a world figure, and placed polit-
ical success over effective policy,
Finally, we examined six largely objective indicators of
unethical behavior coded by the same expert raters. On
a scale from 1 to 9, the raters indicated whether the presi-
dents abused positions of power, tolerated unethical
behavior in subordinates, stole, bent or broke rules,
cheated on taxes, and had extramarital affairs. The six
variables were moderately to highly correlated and aggre-
gated into an unethical-behavior scale (α = .74).
Covariates
Estimates of fearless dominance. Lilienfeld et al.
(2012) examined fearless dominance (boldness) and
its relations to indicators of presidential success. In
the Psychopathic Personality Inventory-Revised (PPI-R;
Lilienfeld & Widows, 2005), fearless dominance is a con-
stellation of traits (e.g., fearlessness, social potency) that
some researchers believe reflects the largely adaptive
features of psychopathy (cf. Miller & Lynam, 2012). In
this data set, fearless dominance displayed significant
partial correlations (controlling for number of raters per
president) with grandiose narcissism (.65, p < .001), vul-
nerable narcissism (–.52, p < .001), and NPD features
(.39, p < .001).4 To estimate PPI-R fearless dominance, we
used a regression-based formula developed by Ross,
Benning, Patrick, Thompson, and Thurston (2009), which
use the 30 NEO PI-R facets. Ross et al. found that this
formula, after cross-validation in fresh samples, accounted
for 68% of the variance in fearless-dominance scores. The
average pairwise correlation for fearless dominance
across presidential raters, obtained using GEEs, was .56.
Intellectual brilliance. Simonton (2000) derived an
estimate of intellectual brilliance for each president from
a factor analysis of the Gough Adjective Checklist (Gough
& Heilbrun, 1965), which was completed by independent
raters on the basis of historical information. Ratings on
this measure, which includes adjectives such as intelli-
gent and wise, correlated highly with estimates of presi-
dents’ intelligence derived from biographical information
(Simonton, 2006).
Rated need for power. Ratings of the presidents’ need
for power were derived from Winter (1987), who exam-
ined presidents’ inaugural addresses before 1981 (i.e.,
more recent presidents were not included in our analyses
involving this variable). Two raters coded these speeches
for several categories of power imagery; their agreement
was high, r = .85. Disagreements between raters were
deliberated upon until resolved. Raw scores indicate the
number of power images per 1,000 words.
Analyses
To account for nesting of expert raters within presidents
and for the differential number of raters per president,
we analyzed associations between narcissism and presi-
dential performance using GEEs treating the data as
nested, with president as a subject variable and rater as a
within-subjects variable. Each narcissism variable (NPD,
grandiose narcissism, and vulnerable narcissism) was
entered separately as a predictor; for incremental-validity
analyses designed to ascertain the contribution of narcis-
sism above and beyond the covariates, each narcissism
variable was entered in conjunction with each covariate,
and its incremental contribution was ascertained using
the GEE Type III sum of squares.
Results
Associations between narcissism and
presidential performance ratings
Table 1 displays the associations between narcissism vari-
ables, on one hand, and the Simonton Survey composite
and C-SPAN presidential performance ratings, on the
other. Effect sizes are reported as R2 ratios, computed as
Wald’s χ2 divided by the total number of ratings (see
Rosenthal, 1991). Grandiose narcissism was significantly
and positively associated with the Simonton Survey com-
posite and with C-SPAN ratings of public persuasiveness,
crisis management, and agenda setting. In contrast, vul-
nerable narcissism and NPD features were not signifi-
cantly associated with the Simonton Survey composite or
any C-SPAN ratings.
Findings for Siena College Poll rankings generally cor-
roborated those for the C-SPAN poll (see Table 2).
Grandiose narcissism was significantly and positively
related to Siena rankings for leadership ability, willing-
ness to take risks, and imagination. In contrast, vulnera-
ble narcissism did not exhibit a significant positive
association with any Siena variables, although it was neg-
atively related to avoiding crucial mistakes and compe-
tence. NPD features were not significantly associated
with Siena indices of presidential performance, with the
exception of willingness to take risks.5 (See Table S1 in
the Supplemental Material available online for findings
on two other presidential surveys.)
Associations between narcissism and
largely or entirely objective indicators
Grandiose narcissism was significantly and positively asso-
ciated with the Simonton equation, winning the popular
vote, initiating new legislation and programs, and being
power oriented (see Table 3). Grandiose narcissism was

Narcissism and Presidents 5
not significantly positively correlated with reelection or
being viewed as a world figure. It was, however, related to
several negative indicators: having impeachment resolu-
tions raised in Congress, facing impeachment proceedings,
placing political success over effective policy, and behav-
ing unethically; additionally, one-term or partial-term pres-
idents with higher grandiose narcissism scores were
significantly more likely to be defeated for reelection.
Vulnerable narcissism was not significantly related to
any indicators of positive performance (Table 3). In con-
trast, it was positively related to several indicators of neg-
ative performance: facing impeachment proceedings,
placing political success over effective policy, and behav-
ing unethically. It was also negatively associated with
being viewed as a world figure, and positively associated
with power orientation.
NPD features were unrelated to objective indicators of
positive performance, with the exception of winning the
popular vote (Table 3). NPD features were also related to
numerous indicators of negative performance: having
impeachment resolutions brought up in Congress, facing
impeachment proceedings, placing political success
over effective policy, and behaving unethically. No nar-
cissism measure was significantly related to the scandal
variable.
Incremental-validity analyses
Given that most of our positive findings pertained to
grandiose narcissism, we focused our incremental-valid-
ity analyses on this dimension, examining all dependent
measures for which grandiose narcissism had previously
been at least a marginally significant predictor (p < .01).
After we controlled for fearless dominance, the relations
between grandiose narcissism and the presidential sur-
vey variables became nonsignificant, with the exception
of willingness to take risks and imagination, from the
Siena College Poll. Nevertheless, even after we controlled
for fearless dominance, grandiose narcissism remained a
significant predictor of winning the popular vote, having
impeachment resolutions raised in Congress, facing
impeachment proceedings, placing political success over
effective policy, being power oriented, and behaving
unethically.
Grandiose narcissism remained a significant predictor
of Siena willingness to take risks when we controlled for
intellectual brilliance; all other previous associations
between grandiose narcissism and presidential survey
variables became nonsignificant. Numerous objective
indicators of presidential performance remained signifi-
cant when we controlled for intellectual brilliance: win-
ning the popular vote, having impeachment resolutions
raised in Congress, facing impeachment proceedings, ini-
tiating new legislation, being power oriented, being
defeated for reelection after a single or partial term, and
behaving unethically.
When we controlled for need for power, the relations
between grandiose narcissism and the Simonton Survey
composite was reduced to marginal significance (p =
.051); grandiose narcissism remained a significant predic-
tor of all previously significant or marginally significant
presidential survey variables except for executive ability
and overall ability in the Siena College Poll. Numerous
objective outcomes remained significantly associated
Table 1. Associations of Narcissism With the Simonton Survey Composite and C-SPAN Poll Variables
Grandiose narcissism Vulnerable narcissism
Narcissistic personality
disorder
Predictor Wald χ2p R2Wald χ2p R2Wald χ2p R2
Simonton Survey composite 4.729* (+) .030 2.7% 0.064 .801 0.0% 1.426 .232 0.8%
C-SPAN overall rank 2.816 (–) .093 1.6% 0.606 .436 0.3% 0.064 .800 0.0%
C-SPAN overall performance 2.161 .142 1.2% 0.912 .340 0.5% 0.011 .916 0.0%
C-SPAN public persuasiveness 4.707* (+) .030 2.7% 1.328 .249 0.8% 0.641 .423 0.4%
C-SPAN crisis management 4.307* (+) .038 2.4% 1.137 .286 0.6% 0.164 .686 0.1%
C-SPAN moral authority 0.001 .975 0.0% 2.159 .142 1.2% 1.159 .282 0.7%
C-SPAN economic management 2.174 .140 1.2% 0.000 .989 0.0% 0.187 .665 0.1%
C-SPAN international relations 1.023 .312 0.6% 0.126 .723 0.1% 0.006 .941 0.0%
C-SPAN agenda setting 5.268* (+) .022 3.0% 0.199 .655 0.1% 1.284 .257 0.7%
C-SPAN administrative skill 1.112 .292 0.6% 0.069 .793 0.0% 0.002 .963 0.0%
C-SPAN pursuit of equal justice 2.264 .132 1.3% 0.199 .656 0.1% 0.203 .652 0.1%
C-SPAN congressional relations 0.779 .377 0.4% 0.887 .346 0.5% 0.080 .777 0.0%
Note: The direction of the association (±) is indicated in parentheses for results with p less than .1.
*p < .05.

6 Watts et al.
with grandiose narcissism after we controlled for need
for power: winning the popular vote, facing impeach-
ment proceedings, initiating new legislation, being power
oriented, being defeated for reelection after a single
or partial term, and behaving unethically. The relation-
ship between grandiose narcissism and the Simonton
Table 2. Associations of Narcissism With Siena College Poll Variables
Grandiose narcissism Vulnerable narcissism
Narcissistic personality
disorder
Predictor Wald χ2p R2Wald χ2p R2Wald χ2p R2
Overall ranking 1.391 .238 0.8% 0.133 .715 0.1% 0.049 .825 0.0%
Overall ability 2.770 (+) .096 1.6% 0.344 .558 0.2% 0.978 .323 0.6%
Leadership ability 3.841 (+) .050 2.2% 0.561 .454 0.3% 0.552 .458 0.3%
Party leadership 3.487 (+) .062 2.0% 0.031 .859 0.0% 0.890 .345 0.5%
Integrity 2.164 .141 1.2% 0.428 .513 0.2% 2.410 .121 1.4%
Executive ability 2.771 (+) .096 1.6% 0.039 .843 0.0% 0.663 .415 0.4%
Communication ability 3.267 (+) .071 1.8% 0.181 .670 0.1% 0.636 .425 0.4%
Domestic accomplishments 2.222 .136 1.3% 0.242 .623 0.1% 0.390 .532 0.2%
Foreign-policy accomplishments 0.080 .777 0.0% 0.165 .685 0.1% 0.099 .753 0.1%
Handling of economy 2.409 .121 1.4% 0.129 .720 0.1% 0.653 .419 0.4%
Relationship with Congress 0.674 .412 0.4% 1.001 .371 0.6% 0.045 .832 0.0%
Willingness to take risks 8.005** (+) .005 4.5% 0.150 .698 0.1% 4.538* (+) .033 2.6%
Avoiding crucial mistakes 0.324 .569 0.2% 3.241 (–) .072 1.8% 1.642 .200 0.9%
Competence 0.026 .872 0.0% 3.991* (–) .046 2.3% 1.883 .170 1.1%
Imagination 4.441* (+) .035 2.5% 0.165 .685 0.1% 2.197 .138 1.2%
Note: The direction of the association (±) is indicated in parentheses for results with p less than .1.
*p < .05. **p < .01.
Table 3. Associations of Narcissism With Objective Indicators of Presidential Behavior
Grandiose narcissism Vulnerable narcissism Narcissistic personality disorder
Predictor Wald χ2p R2Wald χ2p R2Wald χ2 p R2
Simonton equation 4.139* (+) .042 2.3% 0.070 .792 0.0% 1.062 .303 0.6%
Reelection 0.000 .996 0.0% 0.838 .360 0.5% 0.353 .552 0.2%
Popular vote 7.373** (+) .007 4.2% 0.070 .791 0.0% 4.211* (+) .040 2.4%
Impeachment resolutions 4.004* (+) .045 2.3% 2.063 .151 0.1% 5.238* (+) .022 3.0%
Impeachment proceedings 40.400*** (+) < .001 22.8% 3.206 (+) .073 1.8% 36.802*** (+) < .001 20.8%
Initiated new legislation
and programs
5.370* (+) .020 3.0% 0.428 .513 0.2% 2.059 .151 1.2%
Placed political success
over effective policy
3.029 (+) .082 1.7% 5.222* (+) .022 3.0% 6.307* (+) .012 3.6%
Power orientation 10.449** (+) .001 5.9% 3.304 (+) .069 1.9% 8.718** (+) .003 4.9%
Viewed by others as a
world figure
.000 .985 0.0% 2.745 (–) .098 1.6% 1.795 .180 1.0%
Scandal 0.272 .602 1.5% 0.000 .998 0.0% 0.316 .574 0.2%
Defeated for reelection
after single or partial term
6.511* (+) .011 3.7% 1.245 .265 0.7% 1.034 .309 0.6%
Did not run again after
single or partial term
2.552 .110 1.4% 0.013 .911 0.0% 0.366 .545 0.2%
Unethical behavior 20.005** (+) .001 11.3% 33.328*** (+) < .001 18.8% 45.003*** (+) < .001 25.4%
Note: The direction of the association (±) is indicated in parentheses for results with p less than .1.
*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

Narcissism and Presidents 7
equation was marginally significant (p = .055) after we
controlled for need for power. (For more detailed results
of the incremental-validity analyses controlling for intel-
lectual brilliance, need for power, and fearless domi-
nance see Tables S3, S5, and S7 in the Supplemental
Material.)
Individual presidents’ scores on
narcissism dimensions
Table 4 displays all 42 presidents’ scores on each
measure of narcissism (in z-score units, to facilitate com-
parisons), ranked from highest to lowest. Although any
Table 4. Presidential Rankings on the Three Narcissism Indices
Narcissistic personality disorder Grandiose narcissism Vulnerable narcissism
L. B. Johnson (1.656) L. B. Johnson (1.652) A. Johnson (2.020)
Nixon (1.629) T. Roosevelt (1.641) J. Q. Adams (1.674)
Jackson (1.548) Jackson (1.311) Nixon (1.658)
A. Johnson (1.121) F. D. Roosevelt (0.952) J. Adams (1.567)
Arthur (1.068) Kennedy (0.890) L. B. Johnson (1.496)
J. Adams (1.039) Nixon (0.864) Arthur (0.981)
T. Roosevelt (1.007) Clinton (0.730) Polk (0.783)
Kennedy (0.652) Arthur (0.635) Taft (0.735)
G. W. Bush (0.529) A. Johnson (0.556) Jackson (0.698)
F. D. Roosevelt (0.520) Wilson (0.542) Coolidge (0.573)
J. Q. Adams (0.489) G. W. Bush (0.489) Clinton (0.474)
Clinton (0.449) Tyler (0.277) Hoover (0.340)
Polk (0.316) Taylor (0.238) Pierce (0.189)
Tyler (0.300) Van Buren (0.105) B. Harrison (0.115)
Van Buren (0.159) Reagan (0.085) Buchanan (0.016)
Reagan (0.113) W. H. Harrison (–0.001) Lincoln (0.004)
Wilson (0.045) J. Adams (–0.057) G. W. Bush (–0.046)
Buchanan (0.018) Truman (–0.154) Garfield (–0.077)
Taylor (0.006) Washington (–0.212) Truman (–0.106)
Hoover (–0.001) Carter (–0.220) Jefferson (–0.180)
W. H. Harrison (–0.038) Eisenhower (–0.240) Kennedy (–0.184)
Washington (–0.089) Polk (–0.293) W. H. Harrison (–0.188)
B. Harrison (–0.350) Hoover (–0.299) Cleveland (–0.225)
Eisenhower (–0.379) Harding (–0.313) Wilson (–0.256)
Coolidge (–0.415) Buchanan (–0.385) Van Buren (–0.281)
Harding (–0.467) G. H. W. Bush (–0.399) Harding (–0.281)
Jefferson (–0.483) J. Q. Adams (–0.425) Tyler (–0.331)
Truman (–0.516) B. Harrison (–0.478) McKinley (–0.355)
Carter (–0.580) Pierce (–0.478) Washington (–0.364)
Ford (–0.588) Jefferson (–0.481) Madison (–0.368)
Taft (–0.802) Ford (–0.492) Carter (–0.403)
Pierce (–0.836) Lincoln (–0.495) T. Roosevelt (–0.403)
Garfield (–0.843) Garfield (–0.637) G. H. W. Bush (–0.467)
Madison (–0.926) McKinley (–0.717) F. D. Roosevelt (–0.549)
G. H. W. Bush (–0.952) Hayes (–0.995) Monroe (–0.578)
Hayes (–0.997) Madison (–1.088) Grant (–0.623)
Cleveland (–1.130) Taft (–1.114) Eisenhower (–0.776)
Lincoln (–1.143) Coolidge (–1.126) Fillmore (–0.900)
Fillmore (–1.166) Grant (–1.139) Ford (–0.986)
Grant (–1.197) Cleveland (–1.234) Reagan (–1.234)
McKinley (–1.330) Monroe (–1.340) Taylor (–1.395)
Monroe (–1.605) Fillmore (–1.366) Hayes (–2.694)
Note: Numbers in parentheses are mean z scores.

8 Watts et al.
comparisons of these means across presidents should be
made with the caveat that they are not based on a fully
nested design (each expert rated only his or her president
or presidents of focus), we note that the presidents scor-
ing highest on grandiose narcissism were (in order)
Lyndon B. Johnson, Theodore Roosevelt, Andrew Jackson,
Franklin D. Roosevelt, and John F. Kennedy. The lowest
scorers were (in order) Millard Fillmore, James Monroe,
Grover Cleveland, Ulysses S. Grant, and Calvin Coolidge.
Comparison of presidents’ narcissism
scores with population norms
We computed mean scores on the three narcissism vari-
ables from the Form R facet-level normative data reported
in the NEO PI-R manual (Costa & McCrae, 2000) and
compared the population means with the presidents’
mean scores. Presidents scored higher on grandiose nar-
cissism (M = 17.41, SD = 2.81) than the normative sample
did (M = 15.23), and the effect size was large in magni-
tude (d = 0.78). However, the presidents’ mean score on
vulnerable narcissism (M = 11.57, SD = 3.46) was virtually
identical to the normative mean (M = 11.50, d = 0.01). In
contrast, presidents scored higher on NPD traits (M =
−0.11, SD = 0.21) compared with the normative sample
(M = –0.33, d = 1.05).
Changes in narcissism scores
over time
We examined whether narcissism scores among the pres-
idents have increased over time using GEEs with presi-
dential order (1 = Washington, 42 = G. W. Bush) as the
independent variable and the three indices of narcissism
as dependent variables. This analysis revealed that
grandiose narcissism, but not vulnerable narcissism or
NPD, has increased significantly over time across the
presidents (p = .031). We also examined whether this
increase is potentially attributable to extraversion, given
that Twenge (2001) found that extraversion has increased
over time in the U.S. population. When we controlled for
extraversion, the increase in grandiose narcissism among
the presidents became nonsignificant (p = .362). Further
analyses revealed that extraversion increased significantly
over time among the presidents (p = .025), but this relation
became nonsignificant when we controlled for grandiose
narcissism (p = .216; see also Rubenzer & Faschingbauer,
2004). Finally, grandiose narcissism increased significantly
over time among the presidents after we controlled for
agreeableness (p = .031).
Discussion
Our analyses revealed that grandiose narcissism (a) is
tied to independently rated and objective indicators of
presidential success; (b) is associated with several indica-
tors of negative presidential performance, especially in
the ethical domain; (c) is more elevated in U.S. presidents
than in the general population; and (d) has increased in
presidents over time. Taken together, our findings are
consistent with the conceptualization of grandiose narcis-
sism as a double-edged sword. This construct is linked to
positive elements of leadership (e.g., persuasiveness),
but also to negative outcomes (e.g., ethical indiscretions).
Our results suggest that contrary to some earlier findings
(e.g., Judge, LePine, & Rich, 2006), narcissism—especially
its grandiose subdimension—is related to objective indi-
cators of superior leadership. Contrary to our prediction,
vulnerable narcissism was not negatively associated with
presidential performance; rather, it was not significantly
correlated with the vast majority of presidential perfor-
mance indicators.
Our findings underscore the differences between gran-
diose narcissism and allied constructs. For example, fear-
less dominance, which may be an important component
of psychopathy (cf. Miller & Lynam, 2012), appears to
be linked exclusively to adaptive features of presidential
performance (Lilienfeld et al., 2012). Unlike fearless domi-
nance, grandiose narcissism manifested significant rela-
tions with both positive and negative outcomes. Moreover,
grandiose narcissism continued to manifest significant
associations with some positive and most negative out-
comes after we controlled for fearless dominance.
Our findings leave open the question of which traits
mediate the adaptive and maladaptive outcomes of gran-
diose narcissism—and indeed, whether the same traits
(e.g., self-promotion) might predispose a person to both
sets of outcomes. Subsidiary analyses revealed that when
we controlled for extraversion, the relations between
grandiose narcissism and positive outcomes became
nonsignificant (with the exception of willingness to take
risks, from the Siena College Poll). In fact, extraversion
may serve as a suppressor for negative outcomes, as the
relations between grandiose narcissism and negative out-
comes (e.g., impeachment resolutions) became more
pronounced after we controlled for extraversion. In con-
trast, when we controlled for agreeableness, the associa-
tions between grandiose narcissism and negative
outcomes became nonsignificant. Agreeableness may
serve as a suppressor for positive outcomes (e.g., com-
munication ability), as the relations between grandiose
narcissism and positive indicators of performance became
more pronounced after we controlled for agreeableness.
Few associations changed when we controlled for neu-
roticism, openness to experience, and conscientiousness.
These findings suggest that grandiose narcissism’s adap-
tive correlates stem largely from its positive association
with extraversion, whereas its maladaptive correlates
stem largely from its negative association with agreeable-
ness. More broadly, these results suggest that grandiose

Narcissism and Presidents 9
narcissism may be conceptualized as a combination or
configuration of various FFM traits. (See Tables S2, S4,
and S6 in the Supplemental Material for analyses regard-
ing the incremental validity of grandiose narcissism as a
predictor of presidential outcomes after controlling for
FFM domains.)
The finding that grandiose narcissism among U.S.
presidents has increased over time lends itself to several
explanations. First, this increase might be partly artifac-
tual, reflecting the ability of raters to perceive grandiose
narcissism more readily in more recent presidents.
Although this possibility is difficult to exclude, subsidiary
analyses (see Table S8 in the Supplemental Material)
revealed that features of histrionic personality disorder
have increased among presidents over time, whereas fea-
tures of schizotypal, schizoid, and avoidant personality
disorders have decreased. If raters had merely noticed
traits more readily in more recent presidents, it is unclear
why scores on certain personality-disorder measures,
including those associated with interpersonal oddity
(e.g., schizotypal traits), would have declined over time.
Second, the increase in grandiose narcissism may reflect
changes in traits linked to it, as our analysis controlling
for extraversion suggest (see Table S9 for analyses regard-
ing the increase in features of personality disorder over
time after controlling for extraversion). Increases in both
traits could have stemmed from the heightened demands
on political figures to be publicly charismatic and flam-
boyant as media coverage has become more intense
(Donovan & Scherer, 1992; Mayer, 2004). Secondary anal-
yses showed that extraversion did not increase signifi-
cantly over time after we controlled for grandiose
narcissism, rendering the interpretation of the sources of
these increases unclear. Third, the increase in grandiose
narcissism could reflect a broader trend toward increas-
ing narcissism scores in the general U.S. population
(Twenge & Campbell, 2009; see Donnellan, Trzesniewski,
& Robins, 2009, for a competing view).
Our study is marked by several limitations. First, our
sample size was necessarily limited by the small number
of presidents. Second, although raters were asked to
evaluate each president for the 5 years before he assumed
office, the narcissism ratings might have been influenced
subtly by raters’ hindsight knowledge of presidents’ per-
formance. Nevertheless, because raters evaluated presi-
dents on general personality traits rather than narcissism
per se, this biasing effect is unlikely. Moreover, the find-
ing that grandiose narcissism was linked to both positive
and negative outcomes renders a simple effect of rater
bias implausible. Third, the generalizability of our find-
ings to other cultures is unknown. In collectivist societies
(Triandis & Suh, 2002), grandiose narcissism may bear
more negative implications for leadership (e.g., O’Boyle
et al., 2012), because such societies may devalue displays
of self-centeredness and ambition.
These caveats notwithstanding, our results illuminate
the bright and dark sides of narcissism in a sample of
enormous historical and scientific importance. They are
consistent with the hypothesis that grandiose narcissism
is a basic tendency that can be channeled into either
adaptive or maladaptive characteristics (or both), depend-
ing on unknown moderating variables (see Harkness &
Lilienfeld, 1997). Further investigation of the implications
of this impactful but enigmatic trait for leadership, and
interpersonal behavior more generally, is warranted.
Author Contributions
A. L. Watts and S. O. Lilienfeld developed the study concept. All
authors contributed to editing and statistical analyses; I. D.
Waldman was specifically responsible for initial analytical guid-
ance. A. L. Watts, S. O. Lilienfeld, and S. F. Smith were respon-
sible for conceptualizing and drafting the manuscript, and J. D.
Miller and W. K. Campbell aided in constructing narcissism pro-
totypes, conceptualizing the manuscript, and writing the manu-
script. S. J. Rubenzer and T. J. Faschingbauer were responsible
for initial data collection and provided advice and editing.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared that they had no conflicts of interest with
respect to their authorship or the publication of this article.
Supplemental Material
Additional supporting information may be found at http://pss
.sagepub.com/content/by/supplemental-data
Notes
1. In subsidiary analyses, we used weighted sums of exact cor-
relations for all 30 facets (rather than those with correlations
of .3 or higher). The findings using this approach were very
similar to those reported here.
2. Simonton (1987) found that presidential greatness was asso-
ciated with leading the country through more years of war
(r = .43), which supported the inclusion of the latter variable in
a greatness composite.
3. Being the victim of an assassination correlated positively with
a variety of independent indicators of presidential greatness
(Simonton, 1987).
4. Correlations not controlling for the number of raters were
nearly identical: r = .66, p < .001; r = −.53, p < .001; and r = .40,
p < .001, respectively.
5. As noted earlier, 2 of the 64 C-SPAN raters were among the
experts who rated the presidents on the personality variables.
Analyses excluding these 2 raters yielded no substantial changes
in the associations between narcissism and C-SPAN variables.
The possibility of rater overlap could not be examined for the
Siena College Poll, as raters in that poll were anonymous.
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