An overview of the literature on female-perpetrated adult male sexual victimization
Abstract
The rape of women has been an issue of concern in research literature for the past 40 years. Conversely, rape against men has only relatively recently received investigation. The current paper reviews the existing research literature regarding male rape and sexual assault, with particular emphasis on female perpetrated male sexual victimization. The review covers issues regarding biased legal definitions, rape myths, feminist theory, and stereotypical or negative beliefs; all of which create a problematic social environment for male victims of female perpetrated assault to report crimes. The review also discusses the prevalence of female perpetrated attacks against men, with evidence from self-reports by female sex offenders to highlight the existence of male sexual victimization and the aggressive manner in which the sexual activity is committed. The review concludes that male sexual victimization by women should be taken as seriously as that of women by men.
... While female-perpetrated sexual assault is less prevalent, it can be as traumatic for victims as male-perpetrated assaults (Fisher and Pina, 2013;Gambardella et al., 2020;Munroe and Shumway, 2020; (Scurich, 2023). Female-to-male sexual assaults often include forced penetration, with victims most frequently reporting that they experienced a severe negative emotional impact from it, for instance, anxiety, depression, PTSD, impaired sexual functioning or sexual aversion (Fisher and Pina, 2013;Weare, 2017;Weare, 2018a). ...
... While female-perpetrated sexual assault is less prevalent, it can be as traumatic for victims as male-perpetrated assaults (Fisher and Pina, 2013;Gambardella et al., 2020;Munroe and Shumway, 2020; (Scurich, 2023). Female-to-male sexual assaults often include forced penetration, with victims most frequently reporting that they experienced a severe negative emotional impact from it, for instance, anxiety, depression, PTSD, impaired sexual functioning or sexual aversion (Fisher and Pina, 2013;Weare, 2017;Weare, 2018a). For many, it remains difficult to acknowledge that men can be sexually victimised at the hands of women, which is reinforced by several factors. ...
... Second, for many, forced penetration prompts disbelief (Stemple et al., 2017). Third, there are prevalent negative attitudes, beliefs and biases towards male rape victims in society that stem from rape myths (Fisher and Pina, 2013;Widanaralalage et al., 2023). ...
PurposeWe investigated whether indicating victims of sexual attacks actively resisted their attacker or froze during their assault affected perceptions of victim blame, perpetrator blame, and seriousness of the crime. We also tested whether victim and perpetrator gender or rape myth endorsement affected our outcomes.DesignA 2x2 between-participants experimental design with 273 participants was performed. Participants read a mock police report describing an alleged rape with a female or male victim who either resisted or froze, while perpetrator gender was adjusted heteronormatively. FindingsFreezing and male victims were blamed more than resisting and female victims. Perpetrators were blamed more when the victim resisted, but male and female perpetrators were blamed equally. Seriousness of the crime was higher for male perpetrators and when the victim resisted. Female, but not male, rape myth acceptance moderated the relationship between victim behaviour and outcome variables.OriginalityThis study highlights the influence of societal expectations on perceptions of rape and its victims.
... Research has also highlighted the role that myths and stereotypes around men and masculinity, sexual scripts, and sexual violence play in FTP cases (Weiss, 2010;Fisher andPina, 2013, Weare, 2021a). This is particularly in relation to how male victim-survivors, and others, understand and process their FTP experiences (Weiss, 2010;Weare and Hulley, 2019), barriers to disclosing victimisation, and responses to disclosures that may be made by men to family, friends, and professionals (Weare et al., 2024). ...
... International data has highlighted FTP cases as being a significant issue, with a substantial number of men having experienced this form of sexual violence perpetrated by women (Basile et al., 2022). Research has also highlighted the gendered myths, stereotypes, and sex role scripts which underpin understandings of, and responses to, FTP cases (Weiss, 2010;Fisher and Pina, 2013;Weare, 2021a). Existing rape myth acceptance measures have typically focused upon female sexual victimisation, something that is unsurprising when considered within the context of women being disproportionately affected by sexual violence overwhelmingly perpetrated by men (Willmott, Boduszek, Debowska, & Hudspith, 2021). ...
The purpose of this study was to develop and validate a new measurement tool designed to capture endorsement of myths surrounding female perpetrated sexual violence against men, specifically in ‘forced‐to‐penetrate’ cases. Data were collected among a sample of 4152 UK adults aged 18–55+ (52% female). Dimensionality and construct validity of the Forced‐to‐Penetrate Myth Acceptance Scale (FTP‐MAS) was investigated using traditional Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) techniques separately for the complete sample, males only, and females only. CFA results indicated that FTP‐MAS scores are best captured by a three‐factor model (1. Distorted Sex and Gender Roles; 2. Harm Minimisation; 3. Offence Denial) across all samples tested. Excellent composite reliability and differential predictive validity were observed for all three subscales. The validated 22‐item FTP‐MAS constitutes the first measurement tool which allows for the assessment and evaluation of public attitudes towards female perpetrators who force men to penetrate them without consent. As such, this tool enables researchers to better understand the multi‐faceted nature of these myths, assess prevalence in different contexts, and can also be used as an outcome measure in research seeking to evaluate the effectiveness of interventions that aim to debunk endorsement of such myths and stereotypes.
... This societal perception, according to Fisher & Pina (2013), aim to trivialize the severity of sexual violence against men, which in turn impacts the reporting rates of rape and/or victimization by male victims (Hammond et al., 2016). ...
... (2009) argued extensively that the male victim's fear of not being believed coupled with society's perception about his masculinity haves been the major reason why men do not report or speak about their victimization. Fisher and Pina (2013) argued that a biased legal definition of sexual violence, the various myths associated with rape, various feminist theories, and stereotypical societal perception of masculinity or unfounded negative beliefs are what create problematic social environments for male victims of sexual assault to report their victimization. ...
Little or nothing is really known about a man’s victimization in a domestic violence situation. Generally, domestic violence is viewed from the lens of a woman with the typical idea that women are the victims while men, are the perpetrators of violence. Over time, this societal perception is beginning to subside as researchers have proven that men are also victims of domestic violence (Straus, Gelles, & Steinmetz, 1980). Despite this revelation, not much is known about male victimization as most men prefer not to report their victimization. This study examines the reasons for not reporting victimization and the effect of this decision on men. The study does so by employing a cross-sectional research carried out in 1994-1996, that was designed to assess the prevalence and impact of violence and threat of violence on women and men across the United States.
... The methodology employed narratives to understand human experiences, initially summarising discussions into concise participant narratives (Riessman 2008), then expanding them into detailed accounts to explore cultural and human dynamics (Smith and Sparkes 2009). Recurring themes were identified, focusing on barriers to reporting rape incidents (Braun and Clarke 2006), including fear of blame and judgment, fear of justice, and fear of aftermath (Fisher and Pina 2013;Peter-Hagene and Ullman 2016). The thematic analysis uncovered consistencies and patterns across narratives, providing insights into socio-cultural and psychosocial factors influencing reporting decisions (Sandelowski and Barroso 2003). ...
... The thematic analysis uncovered consistencies and patterns across narratives, providing insights into socio-cultural and psychosocial factors influencing reporting decisions (Sandelowski and Barroso 2003). This iterative approach yielded a nuanced understanding of unreported rape cases, revealing underlying complexities (Fisher and Pina 2013;Peter-Hagene and Ullman 2016). ...
While the non-reporting of rape is problematic internationally, it is particularly worrisome in the Lupane rural district of Zimbabwe. Therefore, this study was designed to understand the reasons behind non-reporting. Data was collected using narrative unstructured interviews with 44 purposively selected participants, consisting of 30 villagers and their 14 village heads. Three non-government organisations (NGO) registered as service organisations for the district formed part of the sample. The leave to interview Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) personnel was sought, and the Commissioner-General of ZRP declined to provide gatekeeper permission. Thematic data analysis identified key themes and their relationships and meanings. New conversations are recommended for village communities to initiate culturally sensitive awareness and improve the reporting of rape.
... Sexual violence is a deeply gendered issue, affecting 86% of women and 14% of men in Australia (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2020). The infrequent reporting of female-perpetrated sexual violence has allowed rape myths to flourish creating falsehoods that it is less harmful than when male-perpetrated (Allen-Collinson, 2009;Fisher & Pina, 2013;Stathopoulos, 2014;Smith et al., 1988;Walker et al., 2020). It is often considered counterintuitive, rare, and thus ignored, or reframed and excused through traditional gendered lenses, where the notion that a woman could overpower a bigger, stronger man is viewed as unrealistic or impossible (Gölge et al., 2021;Hall, 2016;Hayes & Carpenter, 2013;Fisher & Pina, 2013). ...
... The infrequent reporting of female-perpetrated sexual violence has allowed rape myths to flourish creating falsehoods that it is less harmful than when male-perpetrated (Allen-Collinson, 2009;Fisher & Pina, 2013;Stathopoulos, 2014;Smith et al., 1988;Walker et al., 2020). It is often considered counterintuitive, rare, and thus ignored, or reframed and excused through traditional gendered lenses, where the notion that a woman could overpower a bigger, stronger man is viewed as unrealistic or impossible (Gölge et al., 2021;Hall, 2016;Hayes & Carpenter, 2013;Fisher & Pina, 2013). Over time, these myths have grown in online spaces, altering social discourses regarding how, when, where and who can experience and perpetrate sexual violence. ...
Female-perpetrated sexual violence research in Australia and elsewhere has been limited, part of a less common and arguably contentious field of criminology. Because of gendered social and cultural stereotypes, female sexual offending is often perceived as harmless or too rare to warrant attention. Utilizing Schippers’ pariah femininities, this paper presents a critical criminological exploration of social media users’ constructions of female sex offenders and their male victim-survivors. Examining 28 Facebook posts from 13 popular Australian newspapers, our findings identified social media users’ tendency to question offence severity and sexualize offenders based on appearance, revealing how offender legitimacy and conceptions of harm are shaped by gendered expectations of “pretty women” and “lucky blokes.” Conclusions suggest online discourse remains influenced by gendered stereotypes, though awareness of pariah femininities is growing, with further research needed worldwide to explore the impact of such social media attitudes and commentary on the incidence of and reactions to female sexual offending against men, including victim-survivors’ help-seeking behavior.
... But somehow the society has assumed that this is always a woman and the man is predominantly always the predator. "Sex-role or traditional gender stereotypes depict females as submissive and passive and men as dominant and assertive…According to this stereotype, females are the only victims because they are weak and men cannot be victims because they are physically strong enough to defend themselves from such an attack" (Nicola L. Fisher, 2013). ...
In recent years, the mental health of men in India has come under significant strain due to perceived gender biases in the legal system. This research paper explores the growing sentiment among men that they are inadequately protected by laws, leading to feelings of vulnerability and helplessness. A key area of concern is the increasing ease with which women can allegedly make false accusations of harassment and assault, often resulting in monetary compensation. This paper examines the impact of these accusations on men's mental health, highlighting the lack of legal recourse available to them. The introduction of the BNS Clauses has further cemented the notion that the legal framework in India lacks provisions to protect men. Current laws regarding rape and assault fall under the section "Of Offenses against Women and Children - Of Sexual Offenses," raising critical questions about the legal protection available for men who face harassment or assault, or those falsely accused. This research argues that regardless of the gender ratio, laws should be neutral and provide equal protection for all individuals. Through a sociological lens, this paper scrutinizes whether the current gender-biased legal approach effectively addresses the issues it aims to solve, and what implications this has for societal equality. The study concludes with a call for a more balanced legal system that ensures justice and mental well-being for all genders, emphasizing the necessity of neutral laws to prevent further marginalization and psychological distress among men.
... compared to a woman (M = 7.49, SE = .15). These findings are consistent with sexual scripts that contend men should desire sexual experiences with women (Sanchez et al., 2012), which in turn perpetuate myths that women cannot rape men (Turchik & Edwards, 2012) and that only men commit rape (Fisher & Pina, 2013). Gender of perpetrator also significantly predicted resist assault; participants reported higher ratings that the victim should have been able to resist his assault when the perpetrator was a woman This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. ...
Across two studies, we examined how individual differences in masculine honor beliefs (i.e., MHBs; beliefs that men should preserve tough reputations; Saucier et al., 2016) related to male rape myth acceptance (Study 1) and perceptions of men who have been raped (Study 2). Supporting our hypotheses, in Study 1, higher levels of MHBs were uniquely associated with male rape myth acceptance above and beyond relevant correlates (e.g., female rape myth acceptance, adherence to traditional gender roles). Study 2 extended this by examining how MHBs related to perceptions of a hypothetical male rape, dependent upon the victim’s sexual orientation (i.e., gay or heterosexual) and the perpetrator’s gender (i.e., man or woman). Supporting our hypotheses, higher levels of MHBs were uniquely associated with more disparaging attitudes toward a male victim (e.g., higher levels of victim blaming, higher ratings that the victim should have been able to resist the assault). While some of these relationships were stronger when rape was perpetrated by a woman (compared to a man), our results largely suggest MHBs are related to negative attitudes toward male rape victims across situational factors. Overall, this research suggests adherence to MHBs relates to attitudes that trivialize the experience of male rape.
The study of sexual violence has gained significant attention in policy and public discourse. Recent efforts have focused on understanding sexual violence as a reflection of societal inequalities, leading to the need for examining the intersectionality of sexual violence. Marginalised communities in England and Wales have experienced increased rates of victimisation, highlighting the importance of raising social and public awareness around sexual violence. Although women and girls are disproportionately affected by sexual violence, a growing body of evidence shows that a significant number of men experience sexual victimisation by both male and female perpetrators. This chapter provides an overview of current perspectives and approaches to the study of sexual violence against men, including prevalence rates, legislation, psychological consequences, constructs of masculinity, and broader socio-cultural issues impacting men.
Purpose
The purpose of this study was to investigate whether indicating victims of sexual attacks actively resisted their attacker or froze during their assault affected perceptions of victim blame, perpetrator blame and seriousness of the crime. We also tested whether victim and perpetrator gender or participants’ rape myth endorsement moderated the outcomes.
Design/methodology/approach
This study was a cross-sectional, vignette survey study with a 2 × 2 between-participants experimental design. Participants read a mock police report describing an alleged rape with a female or male victim who either resisted or froze, while perpetrator gender was adjusted heteronormatively.
Findings
Freezing and male victims were blamed more than resisting and female victims. Perpetrators were blamed more when the victim resisted, but male and female perpetrators were blamed equally. Seriousness of the crime was higher for male perpetrators and when the victim resisted. Female, but not male, rape myth acceptance moderated the relationship between victim behaviour and outcome variables.
Originality/value
This study highlights the influence of expectations about victim behaviour on perceptions of rape victims and the pervasive influence of rape myths when evaluating female rape victims. The data is drawn from the German border region of the Netherlands, which is an especially valuable population given the evolving legal definitions of rape in both countries.
Research on barriers that exist for male victims/survivors of sexual abuse in relation to disclosing their experiences is limited. This article shares qualitative data in relation to disclosure and help-seeking barriers encountered by male victims/survivors of female-perpetrated sexual abuse. Findings from semi-structured interviews conducted with 30 male victims/survivors in the United Kingdom about their forced-to-penetrate (FTP) experiences are discussed. FTP cases involve a man being FTP, with his penis and without his consent, the vagina, anus, or mouth of a woman. During their interviews, male victims/survivors shared multiple barriers which resulted in delayed, selective, limited, or no disclosure. These included; masculinity, feelings of shame and self-blame, struggling to understand and label experiences, concerns about the consequences of disclosure, and a lack of (knowledge about) support. These barriers are critically discussed and positioned within their broader contexts and consideration is given to how they can be overcome by those most likely to engage with male FTP victims/survivors.
The relationship of homophobia and gender role conflict to male rape myth acceptance was investigated using a sample of 210 adult men from a Midwestern community. A hierarchical multiple regression analysis was conducted to determine the ability of certain variables to predict adherence to male rape myths. Those variables were homophobia; success, power, and competition attitudes; restrictive affectionate behavior between men; restrictive emotionality; and conflicts between work and family relationships. Results indicated that greater adherence to rape myths was related to homophobia and more success, power, and competitive attitudes. Additionally, older participants and participants with lower levels of education were more likely to endorse greater adherence to rape myths. Implications of this research include the necessity for more research on male rape myth acceptance, for implementation of educational programs and changes in the socialization process to help dispel these myths, and for mental health counselors to provide unbiased and gender-responsive treatment modalities to male victims who seek help.
Thoroughly revised and updated, this third edition offers a comprehensive and up-to-date overview of the social psychology of aggression, covering all the relevant major theories, individual differences, situational factors, and applied contexts. Understanding the causes, forms, and consequences of aggression and violence is critical for dealing with these harmful forms of social behavior. Addressing a range of sub-topics, the firstpart deals with the definition and measurement of aggression, presents major theories, examines the development of aggression and discusses individual and gender differences in aggressive behaviour. It covers the role of situational factors in eliciting aggression and the impact of exposure to violence in the media. The second part examines specific forms and manifestations of aggression, including chapters on aggression in everyday contexts and in the family, sexual aggression, intergroup aggression, and terrorism. The new edition also includes additional coverage of gender differences, gun violence, and terrorism, to reflect the latest research developments in the field. Alsodiscussing strategies for reducing and preventing aggression, this bookis essential reading for students and researchers in psychology and related disciplines, as well as practitioners andpolicy makers.
This article describes the "rape myth" and tests hypotheses derived from social psychological and feminist theory that acceptance of rape myths can be predicted from attitudes such as sex role stereotyping, adversarial sexual beliefs, sexual conservatism, and acceptance of interpersonal violence. Personality characteristics, background characteristics, and personal exposure to rape, rape victims, and rapists are other factors used in predictions. Results from regression analysis of interview data indicate that the higher the sex role stereotyping, adversarial sexual beliefs, and acceptance of interpersonal violence, the greater a respondent's acceptance of rape myths. In addition, younger and better educated people reveal less stereotypic, adversarial, and proviolence attitudes and less rape myth acceptance. Discussion focuses on the implications of these results for understanding and changing this cultural orientation toward sexual assault.
Justice processing for crimes against women is reviewed. The data reveal conviction rates for partner violence and rape by known acquaintances are miniscule; mandatory arrest, protection orders, and diversion programs inadequately deter rebattering; few losses are compensated; and the adversarial justice process is retraumatizing, exacerbating survivor's self-blame. To better address crimes against women, several nations and tribal communities use communitarian approaches, forms restorative justice. The offense is framed to include the perpetrator; victim, and community The process forgoes incarceration to have family, peers, and advocates design perpetrator rehabilitation, victim restoration, and social reintegration of both victim and perpetrator: Evaluations suggest communitarian justice may increase victim satisfaction, raise the social costs of offending, multiply social control and support resources, and open a new avenue to targeted prevention.
This paper addresses the role of gender stereotypes in structuring responses to victimization. When women are victimized in a manner consistent with crime stereotypes, or "normal" crimes, the may be especially likely to incur blame and to be derogated in accord with gender stereotypes. An experiment that elicited reactions to videotaped assault vignettes was conducted. Women were perceived as more likely to be victimized than were men, and women received higher attributions of general and characterological blame than did men. Male victims, on the other hand, received more behavioral blame than did females. Both women and men were evaluated in stereotype-consistent patterns. Victimization appears to be perceived as a feminine and potentially feminizing experience.
Many myths have been identified surrounding rape, rapists, and rape victims. This study reexamines the acceptance of rape myths across gender role ideologies and selected demographic characteristics to identify core myths. Three myth categories were established and investigated: blaming the woman, excusing the man, and justifications for acquaintance rape. Findings indicate that rape myths remain prevalent and adherence to myths is related to demographic factors and gender role attitudes. Overall, respondents tend to excuse the man more than blame the woman. Males accept rape myths more than females. Racial differences emerged most strongly on the justifications for acquaintance rape dimension. Individuals with a conservative gender role ideology believe rape myths more than those with more liberal ideologies. While core myths did not emerge from the data, the most revealing finding is that summative scaling techniques used in previous studies may mask important differences, between and within the three dimensions, in rape myth acceptance among the groups studied.
Research comparing men's and women's experiences of sexual coercion has typically assessed differences in prevalence rates and risk. We extended this line of research by comparing the contexts of sexual coercion and reactions to sexually coercive experiences in an attempt to understand the meanings that men and women attribute to these events. Participants were 433 randomly selected college students who responded to an anonymous survey. In line with past research, more men than women reported being sexually coercive, and more women than men reported being sexually coerced in the preceding year. There was a great degree of correspondence between men's and women's reports of the contexts within which sexual coercion occurred. According to their reports, sexual coercion occurred primarily within the heterosexual dating context. Compared to men, however, women reported more negative reactions and stronger resistance to the use of sexual coercion. These findings emphasize how comparisons of prevalence rates alone may obscure important differences in the phenomenology of sexually coercive incidents for men and women. Findings are discussed in terms of implications for the development of education and prevention programs and the need to reevaluate current approaches to interpreting prevalence reports.