Article

Matching Choices to Avoid Offending Stigmatized Group Members

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Abstract

People (selectors) sometimes make choices both for themselves and for others (recipients). We propose that selectors worry about offending recipients with their choices when recipients are stigmatized group members and options in a choice set differ along a stigma-relevant dimension. Accordingly, selectors are more likely to make the same choices for themselves and stigmatized group member recipients than non-stigmatized group member recipients. We conducted eight studies to study this hypothesis in different choice contexts (food, music, games, books) and with recipients from different stigmatized groups (the obese, Black-Americans, the elderly, students at lower-status schools). We use three different approaches to show that this effect is driven by people’s desire to avoid offending stigmatized group members with their choices. Thus, although prior research shows that people often want to avoid being associated with dissociative groups, such as stigmatized groups, we demonstrate that people make the same choices for self and stigmatized other to minimize offense.

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... In addition to serving themselves, people are often tasked with serving others (Laran, 2010;Liu, Campbell, Fitzsimons, & Fitzsimons, 2013;Wansink, 2004). Accordingly, study 3 tested the effect of the proposed Nutrition Facts label on how much food consumers serve to another person. ...
... The instruction sheet also contained a photo of Sarah. Participants were randomly assigned to see either a photo of Sarah in which she appeared as her normal size (5 feet 3.5 inches tall, 116 pounds, body mass index (BMI) of 20.2) or a photo of Sarah in which she wore a professionally-made body prosthesis (Liu et al., 2013;McFerran, Dahl, Fitzsimons, & Morales, 2010) and thus appeared obese (5 feet 3.5 inches tall, 180 pounds, BMI of 31.4). No cosmetic changes were made to Sarah besides her wearing the body prosthesis. ...
... Additionally, increased serving sizes on the Nutrition Facts label may also lead consumers to serve and purchase more food when serving food to other people (studies 3 and 4). This potential consequence is particularly troubling because consumers are often tasked with serving or purchasing food for others (Laran, 2010;Liu et al. 2013;Wansink, 2004). Thus, the studies presented here demonstrate that increasing serving sizes on the proposed Nutrition Facts label may have several negative, unintended consequences. ...
Article
The United States Food and Drug Administration recently announced that the serving sizes on the Nutrition Facts labels for many products will be increased, but the effect of these increases remains unclear. The present research examined consumers' interpretation of the meaning of serving size information (study 1) and tested whether exposing consumers to the increased serving sizes of the proposed Nutrition Facts label leads consumers to serve and purchase more food for themselves and others (studies 2-4). Study 1 (N = 101; 44.7% female) tested what consumers believe the serving sizes on Nutrition Facts labels refer to, and the majority of participants (over 78%) incorrectly believed that the serving sizes refer to how much food can or should be consumed in one sitting as part of a healthy diet. Study 2 (N = 51; 41.2% female) tested how exposure to the current versus proposed Nutrition Facts label influences the amount of food that consumers serve themselves, and studies 3 (N = 60; 46.7% female) and 4 (N = 61; 48.2% female) assessed how exposure to the current versus proposed label influences the amount of food that people serve and purchase for others. In studies 2-4, the proposed label (vs. the current label) led consumers to serve themselves 41% more cookies (study 2); serve 27% more cheese crackers to another person (study 3); and buy 43% more lasagnas for others and divide a lasagna into 22% larger slices (study 4). The results suggest that the proposed Nutrition Facts label's increased serving sizes may lead people who use this information as a reference to serve more food to themselves and others. Copyright © 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
... Prior research on joint consumption has typically adopted one of two approaches. One approach is to identify factors that affect the choices that one consumer makes unilaterally for a given joint consumption decision, without expressed preference input from co-consumers (Etkin 2016;Liu et al. 2013;Tu, Shaw, and Fishbach 2016;Wu, Moore, and Fitzsimons 2019). The other approach is to identify factors that affect the choices that two co-consumers make for joint consumption, without the co-consumers having distinct roles or examining the preference expressions that take place (Dzhogleva and Lamberton 2014; Lowe et al. 2019;Nikolova and Lamberton 2016). ...
... In a survey of American adults, over half reported making joint consumption choices more than three times per month, often in the food/drink or entertainment/activity domains (Wu, Moore, and Fitzsimons 2019). The frequency of making such choices in these domains is also reflected in considerable research on joint consumption (Dzhogleva and Lamberton 2014;Liu et al. 2013;Lowe and Haws 2014;Ratner and Hamilton 2015;Woolley and Fishbach 2017;Wu, Moore, and Fitzsimons 2019). ...
... As illustrated in Figure 1, we refer to this as a "unilateral chooser" joint consumption type, mapping onto one example of decision making in Gorlin and Dhar (2012)'s framework, in which one sole chooser makes a decision for joint consumption (e.g., one consumer deciding on a surprise weekend trip for himself and a companion). Prior research on unilateral choosers has shown that various factors affect the choices that a consumer makes, including the relationship time horizon (Etkin 2016), the co-consumer's stigmatized group membership status (Liu et al. 2013), the chooser's self-construal level (Wu, Moore, and Fitzsimons 2019), and the chooser's gender and selfmonitoring level (Yang, Chartrand, and Fitzsimons 2015). In a typical study in this line of research, participants make a choice to be shared with another consumer, but in taking a unilateral perspective, this prior work by its nature does not consider the co-consumer's active choice input. ...
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This research introduces a framework wherein consumers take on “requestor” or “responder” roles in making joint consumption decisions. The authors document a robust preference expression asymmetry wherein “requestors” soliciting others’ consumption preferences (e.g., “Where do you want to go for dinner?”) desire preference expressions (e.g., “Let’s go to this restaurant”), whereas “responders” instead do not express preferences (e.g., “Anywhere is fine with me”). This asymmetry generalizes under a broad set of situations and occurs because the requestor and responder roles differ in their foci. Compared to responders, requestors are more focused on mitigating the difficulty of arriving at a decision, whereas compared to requestors, responders are more focused on conveying likability by appearing easygoing. Responders thus behave suboptimally, incurring a “preference cost” (when masking preferences) and a “social friction cost” (requestors favor responders who express preferences). Requestors can elicit preference expression by conveying their own dislike of decision-making, which increases responders’ focus on mitigating decision difficulty. The authors conclude by discussing the framework’s contributions to looking “under-the-hood” of joint consumption decisions.
... Chartrand et al., 2005). Similarly, Liu et al. (2013) suggest that social factors can influence individual choice. They found that matching was higher when required to make decisions for stigmatized others, because they wanted to reduce the possibility of offending them. ...
... For example, we found a group referencing effect in price or calorie. This pattern is related to recent research which suggested that people might match their choice in order to make another person feel better or to avoid offending another person (i.e., Lee, Yi, & Kim, 2017;Liu et al., 2013). In addition, the impact of physical location was also an important factor for menu choice. ...
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This paper introduces a novel and simple method to identify attribute by covariate interactions in discrete choice models. This is important because incorporating such interactions in choice models can be an effective way to account for systematic taste variation or “observable preference heterogeneity” across individuals. Using simulated data sets to mimic a well-known phenomenon of selective attention to design attributes, we tested our proposed approach in a banking service context. Our proposed approach was successful in detecting the attribute by covariate interactions implied by the data generation process and outperformed a model with all covariate interactions. The proposed method contributes to the choice modelling literature by providing one of the “tricks of trade” to model observed preference heterogeneity. The simplicity of this approach has advantages for both academics and practitioners in marketing, transportation, healthcare and other fields that use choice modelling.
... Chartrand et al., 2005). Similarly, Liu et al. (2013) suggest that social factors can influence individual choice. They found that matching was higher when required to make decisions for stigmatized others, because they wanted to reduce the possibility of offending them. ...
... For example, we found a group referencing effect in price or calorie. This pattern is related to recent research which suggested that people might match their choice in order to make another person feel better or to avoid offending another person (i.e., Lee, Yi, & Kim, 2017;Liu et al., 2013). In addition, the impact of physical location was also an important factor for menu choice. ...
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Using real data acquired from transaction receipts at a cafe, the present research examined individuals’menu choices made in a group setting. Building on previous research, the present research proposed and examined what we call the group referencing effect, and found that individuals’ menu choices were more likely to conform to the precedent menu choices made by the others in their group. A unique empirical contribution of the present research is that conformity was assessed and emerged at two levels: end-choice level (whether the choices are the same) and attribute-level (whether the attribute(s) of the choices are the same, independent of whether the end-choice is the same; i.e., similarity). Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.
... In fact, the preponderance of evidence suggests that consumption-based offense will be unintentional as a rule, not the exception: people are fundamentally social, seeking acceptance and adhering to norms (Baumeister and Leary 1995;Hechter and Opp 2001;Maslow 1968) and are law-abiding for normative reasons, tending not to commit intentional offenses (Jackson et al. 2012). Evidence suggests further that consumers sometimes adjust their behavior precisely to avoid offending others (Adams, Flynn, and Norton 2012;Liu et al. 2013;Norton et al. 2012). Nonetheless, identifying factors that drive perceptions of the intentionality of the violation is critical for understanding the intensity and consequences of consumption-based offense. ...
... Many consumption-based offenses, especially of the relationship-based type, may involve choosing products for others or for both self and others as a cause of offense. Thus, although most work in these areas has focused on positive aspects of gift giving, choosing for others, and joint consumption (Caprariello and Reis 2013;Chan and Mogilner 2017;Etkin 2016;Min, Liu, and Kim 2018;Ruth et al. 1999), our conceptualization suggests that such consumption acts may generate consumption-based offense and points toward the circumstances that increase the occurrence of offense and the consequences of such offenses (Liu et al. 2013;Ward and Broniarczyk 2011). ...
Article
When do consumers experience offense due to another individual’s choice, use, display, gifting, sharing, or disposal of a product? Why do they experience offense, and does it matter if they do? In this article, we first draw from past work in multiple disciplines to offer a unique conceptualization of consumption-based offense. We then develop a framework of types of violations that may generate consumption-based offense and propose a set of affective, consumption, and cognitive outcomes we anticipate may follow. We close by offering an agenda for future research that may establish the antecedents and consequences of different types of consumption-based offense, glean new insights from past findings through integration of this novel construct, and offer practical insights into the effects and management of consumption-based offense both in consumers’ lives and in the marketplace.
... Sharing, or joint consumption, is common in families (Belk 2010;Corfman and Lehmann 1987;Davis 1976) and romantic partnerships (Etkin 2016), but also occurs outside families, as when friends attend a movie or coworkers have lunch together (Liu et al. 2013). In these contexts, more than one consumer consumes or experiences a product and, thus, joint consumption inherently involves choosing for others, if not completely then at least partially. ...
... Joint (or shared) consumption is a common type of consumption that occurs within families (Belk 2010;Corfman and Lehmann 1987;Davis 1976;Su, Fern, and Ye 2003), romantic partnerships (Etkin 2016), and even friend and coworker groups (Liu et al. 2013;Tu, Shaw, and Fishbach 2016). More than one consumer is involved in the consuming, using, or experiencing of a product and, thus, such contexts involve choosing for other consumers with or without other co-consumers' input. ...
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Although most research on consumers’ choices, and resulting insights, have focused on choices that consumers make solely for themselves, consumers often make choices for others, and there is a growing literature examining such choices. Theoretically, how can this growing literature be integrated, and what gaps remain? Practically, why should marketers, consumers, and policymakers care when choices are made for others, and what should they do differently? A 2 × 2 framework of consumers’ choices for others addresses these questions. This framework has two fundamental dimensions: the chooser’s social focus (relationship vs. recipient oriented) and the chooser’s consideration of consumption preferences (highlight the recipient’s preferences vs. the balance recipient’s preferences with the chooser’s preferences). These dimensions generate four cells that represent prototypical choosing-for-others contexts: gift-giving (relationship focus, highlighting recipient’s preferences), joint consumption (relationship focus, balancing recipient’s and chooser’s preferences), everyday favors/pick-ups (recipient focus, highlighting recipient’s preferences), and care-giving (recipient focus, balancing recipient’s and chooser’s preferences). This framework captures most choosing-for-others situations, and each cell involves a distinct profile of motives, ultimately affecting choices. This framework integrates the choosing-for-others literature, which we hope will guide future research, and it also offers practical implications for marketers, consumers, and policymakers.
... Relatedly, people also believe that others perceive products differently than they do (Ziano and Villanova 2019) and believe that the effects of products on others are different than on the self . Moreover, although choices for others occur in a wide variety of domains, one of the most common domains is that of food (Laran 2010;Liu et al. 2013). Indeed, within the food domain, consumers make choices on an everyday basis and further, food often differs from other types of consumption in how it often involves the presence of other people Fishbach 2017, 2019). ...
... Of note, our proposed process account is not based on consumers' ability (or inability) to directly compare portion sizes, and thus we expected that the effect would generalize across both between-subjects and within-subject designs. On the practical side, consumers often make food choices for both the self and another person on the same occasion (Liu et al. 2013 ...
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Consumers commonly choose food portions, not just for themselves but also for other people. This research examines how much food people choose for themselves versus how much they choose for others. Across seven studies (six pre-registered), the authors show that people choose larger portion sizes of food for others than for themselves. This effect generalizes across a wide range of situations: to healthy foods and unhealthy foods, across within-subjects and between-subjects designs, and with a wide range of target others (e.g., a typical participant, a best friend, a family member, or a celebrity). The authors also show that this effect involves a misprediction, as consumers do not actually want to receive substantially larger portion sizes from others. The authors show that one underlying driver of this effect is the desire to be polite, which consumers feel is better served by choosing larger portions for others. Accordingly, the effect reverses when consumers have the goal of being rude, and the effect is eliminated when serving more to others would not be polite (e.g., when larger portion sizes incur greater financial cost to others). Altogether, this research offers theoretical and practical implications for understanding portion size decisions, choices for others, and politeness.
... Do they persist in choosing a small portion despite a companion choosing a larger one but then use communication strategies such as explaining that they are not hungry to minimize social discomfort? Or, might they anticipate the pressure to match others on ordinal attributes and thus actively seek to be the first to choose or to preemptively make choices for both themselves and others that are matched on ordinal attributes (Liu et al. 2013) as a way to minimize social discomfort or offense (Liu et al. 2019)? ...
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The authors propose a new conceptual basis for predicting when and why consumers match others’ consumption choices. Specifically, they distinguish between ordinal (“ranked”) versus nominal (“unranked”) attributes and propose that consumers are more likely to match others on ordinal than on nominal attributes. Eleven studies, involving a range of different ways of operationalizing ordinal versus nominal attributes, collectively support this hypothesis. The authors’ conceptualization helps resolve divergent findings in prior literature and provides guidance to managers on how to leverage information about prior customers’ choices and employees’ recommendations to shape and predict future customers’ choices. Further, the authors find process evidence that this effect is driven in part by consumers’ beliefs that a failure to match on ordinal (but not nominal) attributes will lead to social discomfort for one or both parties. Although the primary focus is on food choices, the effects are also demonstrated in other domains, extending the generalizability of the findings and implications for managerial practice and theory. Finally, the conceptual framework offers additional paths for future research.
... It needs to be noted that a different stream of research highlights situations in which low DS individual benefit from their status position. So, do high DS individuals may follow the decision of low DS individuals in order to not stigmatize or offend them (Liu, Campbell, Fitzsimons, & Fitzsimons, 2013). Further, contributions of individuals low in DS might be less criticized despite being perceived as less competent, because low DS individuals are perceived as warm (Jeffries, Hornsey, Sutton, Douglas, & Bain, 2012). ...
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Fruitful communications are necessary for many organizations to perform effectively. In order to draw rich inferences from communications, it is important that individuals’ contributions are valued to the extent that their contributions are competent and help to reach the organizational goal. Recent literature now highlight that two different statuses, namely status based on demographic and organizational characteristics, might affect the influential power of individuals’ contributions. This review wants to summarise the literature on these two statuses and investigate whether they affect the influential power of individuals’ contributions differently. After reviewing the literature, it seems that organizational status raises expectations that contributions of high status individuals are, unrelated to their actual content, of higher expertise and competence. Thus, identical contributions are valued more if communicated by high organizational status individuals. On the other hand, contributions of low demographic status individuals are processed biasedly, especially in situations that make stereotypes salient. Ultimately, this undermines low demographic status individuals’ influential power. To overcome potential biased inferences, organizational, individual and societal aspects that are beneficial to avoid unreliable processing are presented. Finally, it is concluded with an outlook for future research.
... Consumers are also more satisfied selecting among many (vs. a few) options for others (themselves; Polman 2012) and are guided by different objectives such as seeking pleasure (Laran 2010) and maintaining self-presentation motives (Liu et al. 2013). Yet, previous work predominantly examined how individuals make choices on behalf of others in situations where consumption is not shared. ...
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Across three studies, we investigate how consumers in romantic relationships make decisions when choosing an item to share with their partner. We show that consumers will forgo their preferred alternative for an option that is more aligned with the preferences of their partner when consuming the same item together vs. separately. We theorize and show that when consuming together (vs. separately), consumers’ purchase motivation shifts from being utilitarian (e.g., satisfying one’s hunger) to hedonic (e.g., having an enjoyable evening). Consequently, when consuming together (vs. separately), consumers weigh more highly their partner’s affective reactions to the item and overall experience—leading them to pick a less preferred option in an effort to please their partner. In sum, we provide a framework that contributes novel insight into the trade-offs consumers make between their preferences and the preferences of others.
... According to the above, hence, it might be that high-BMI people change their social behaviour in the presence of others, or of cues of being watched (in the general population, these types of cues have been found to influence, for instance, cooperation behaviour; see [4]), or that other individuals display differential patterns when they know that their partner is obese (e.g. [50]). ...
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Over the past few decades obesity has become one of the largest public policy concerns among the adult population in the developed world. Obesity and overweight are hypothesized to affect individuals' sociability through a number of channels, including discrimination and low self-esteem. However, whether these effects translate into differential behavioural patterns in social interactions remains unknown. In two large-scale economic experiments, we explore the relationship between Body Mass Index (BMI) and social behaviour, using three paradigmatic economic games: the dictator, ultimatum, and trust games. Our first experiment employs a representative sample of a Spanish city's population (N = 753), while the second employs a sample of university students from the same city (N = 618). Measures of altruism, fairness/equality, trust and reciprocity are obtained from participants' experimental decisions. Using a variety of regression specifications and control variables, our results suggest that BMI does not exert an effect on any of these social preferences. Some implications of these findings are discussed.
... Therefore, future work One finding that might be particularly relevant in a vice-virtue bundles context is the finding that consumers believe that others prefer more variety than they themselves would prefer (Choi, Kim, Choi, & Yi, 2006). This finding suggests that in a context in which consumers are either choosing food for others (Laran 2010b;Liu, Campbell, Fitzsimons, & Fitzsimons, 2013) or in a context in which they want others to approve of their choices (Willemyns, Gallois, & Callan, 2003), then they might be more likely to choose vice-virtue bundle options (which contain more variety) over all virtue or all vice options (which contain less variety). Another potential social benefit of vice-virtue bundles over all virtue or all vice options is that they may send a less clear signal about whether one is pursuing healthiness. ...
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The chameleon effect refers to nonconscious mimicry of the postures, mannerisms, facial expressions, and other behaviors of one's interaction partners, such that one's behavior passively rind unintentionally changes to match that of others in one's current social environment. The authors suggest that the mechanism involved is the perception-behavior link, the recently documented finding (e.g., J. A. Bargh, M. Chen, & L. Burrows, 1996) that the mere perception of another' s behavior automatically increases the likelihood of engaging in that behavior oneself Experiment 1 showed that the motor behavior of participants unintentionally matched that of strangers with whom they worked on a task. Experiment 2 had confederates mimic the posture and movements of participants and showed that mimicry facilitates the smoothness of interactions and increases liking between interaction partners. Experiment 3 showed that dispositionally empathic individuals exhibit the chameleon effect to a greater extent than do other people.
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Two consumer strategies for the purchase of multiple items from a product class are contrasted. In one strategy (simultaneous choices/sequential consumption), the consumer buys several items on one shopping trip and consumes the items over several consumption occasions. In the other strategy (sequential choices/sequential consumption), the consumer buys one item at a time, just before each consumption occasion. The first strategy is posited to yield more variety seeking than the second. The greater variety seeking is attributed to forces operating in the simultaneous choices/sequential consumption strategy, including uncertainty about future preferences and a desire to simplify the decision. Evidence from three studies, two involving real products and choices, is consistent with these conjectures. The implications and limitations of the results are discussed.
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In first encounters, age is one of the earliest characteristics we notice about other people (Fiske 1998; Kite, Deaux, and Miele 1991). Conscious or not, noticing age drives our interactions with others. Age seems to an- swer: How should I address them? What are their political views? What do they know about popular culture? Will they be competent? Socially aware? How slowly should I talk? How loudly? From an individual's per- ceived age, we infer social and cognitive competencies, political and reli- gious beliefs, and physical abilities. These inferences guide how we behave and what information we seek, heed, and remember. Age is far from the only social marker that shapes our attitudes toward other people. We form opinions based on sex, race, and religion, among other social categories. But unlike these other categories, old age is one that most of us eventually join. For the most part, people do not move from one gender, racial, ethnic, or religious category to another. More- over, stereotyping people based on their age, unlike these other group- ings, goes largely unchallenged and even unnoticed in the United States. We disparage elderly people without fear of censure. Indeed, noticing a person's age early in a social encounter is not surprising or inherently of- fensive. It is what we do with that information that can be destructive. As Butler (1980) notes in an edition of the Journal of Social Issues devoted to the topic, ageism, like racism and sexism, becomes institutionalized, af- fecting hiring decisions, medical care, and social policy. Many people approach old age with dread. What was once viewed as a natural process is now seen as a social problem. Television portrays only 1.5 percent of its characters as elderly, and most of them in minor roles (Zebrowitz and Montepare 2000). Older adults are also more likely than any other age group to appear in television and film as conduits for comic relief, exploiting stereotypes of physical, cognitive, and sexual ineffec- tiveness (Zebrowitz and Montepare 2000). Today in America, we no 1 Doddering but Dear: Process, Content, and
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Psychologists have long assumed that the motivation for all intentional action, including all action intended to benefit others, is egoistic. People benefit others because, ultimately, to do so benefits themselves. The empathy-altruism hypothesis challenges this assumption. It claims that empathic emotion evokes truly altruistic motivation, motivation with an ultimate goal of benefiting not the self but the person for whom empathy is felt. Logical and psychological distinctions between egoism and altruism are reviewed, providing a conceptual framework for empirical tests for the existence of altruism. Results of empirical tests to date are summarized; these results provide impressive support for the empathy-altruism hypothesis. We conclude that the popular and parsimonious explanation of prosocial motivation in terms of universal egoism must give way to a pluralistic explanation that includes altruism as well as egoism. Implications of such a pluralism are briefly noted, not only for our understanding of prosocial motivation but also for our understanding of human nature and of the emotion-motivation link.
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Discusses mediation relations in causal terms. Influences of an antecedent are transmitted to a consequence through an intervening mediator. Mediation relations may assume a number of functional forms, including nonadditive, nonlinear, and nonrecursive forms. Although mediation and moderation are distinguishable processes, with nonadditive forms (moderated mediation) a particular variable may be both a mediator and a moderator within a single set of functional relations. Current models for testing mediation relations in industrial and organizational psychology often involve an interplay between exploratory (correlational) statistical tests and causal inference. It is suggested that no middle ground exists between exploratory and confirmatory (causal) analysis and that attempts to explain how mediation processes occur require specified causal models. (57 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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This chapter examines one factor that contributes to the current frustrations of black Americans: the operation of a subtle form of racism among individuals that is less overt but just as insidious as old-fashioned racism. Despite encouraging trends in the intergroup attitudes of white Americans, there are still reasons for concern. One reason is that, across a variety of surveys and polls, 10%–15% of the white population still expresses the old-fashioned, overt form of bigotry. These respondents consistently describe blacks as innately less intelligent than whites, say that they will not vote for a well-qualified presidential candidate simply because of that person's race, and oppose programs designed to ensure full integration and equal opportunity. Another reason for concern is that a substantial portion of the white population expresses merely racial tolerance but not true openness to or enthusiasm for full racial equality. A third reason for concern, which is this chapter's current focus, is that there is also evidence that many of the people who are part of the 85%–90% of the white population who say and probably believe that they are not prejudiced may nonetheless be practicing modern, subtle form of bias. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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explore the different sources and forms of intergroup tension, in order to achieve a fuller understanding of their possible impact on interpersonal intergroup interactions / review and evaluate what social psychologists have learned about the nature of intergroup dynamics and intergroup tension / a central theme of [the authors'] approach is that a key obstacle to positive intergroup relations is the potential for miscommunication between majority and minority group members, which arises out of the expectations and concerns each interactant brings to the encounter / consider the motives participants bring to intergroup interactions, their concerns and expectations, and the implications of these motivations and cognitions for the outcome of the encounter (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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This paper investigates how people's food choices can be shaped by the body type of others around them. Using a professionally constructed obesity prosthesis, we show that the body type of a (confederate) server in a taste test study was sufficient to alter both the quantity (Experiment 1) and specific choices (Experiment 2) participants made but that chronic dieters and non-dieters exhibited opposite effects. While non-dieters ate more snacks when the server was thin, dieters ate more when the server was heavy. Dieters were also more persuaded by a heavy (vs. a thin) server, choosing both a healthy and unhealthy snack more often when she recommended it to them. We suggest these results may be attributable to identification with the server.
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This article takes an interdisciplinary approach to the issue of weight-based discrimination in employment, drawing on diverse literatures (psychology, law, sociology, economics), and integrating a review of empirical research and a traditional legal analysis. First, empirical research that focuses on the extent of bias against overweight individuals in employment contexts is reviewed and evaluated. Second, current legal requirements relevant to weight-based discrimination in employment are identified and discussed, and those requirements are applied to the research findings to assess the extent to which the weight-based bias identified in the reviewed studies involves illegal discrimination. Third, based on the results of the review of the research and legal literatures, future research directions are offered and practical implications for employers and policy makers are identified.
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What are the differences in exerting self-control in sequential choices when consumers choose for others (family or friends) rather than for themselves? Sequential choices represent an opportunity to manage the pursuit of one's multiple personal goals. Consumers typically manage these personal goals by combining indulgent and virtuous choices. When choosing for others, however, this is not the case. Consumers then focus on a pleasure-seeking goal, which leads to indulgent choices for others. Six experiments demonstrate this phenomenon and uncover conditions that encourage more virtuous choices for others. (c) 2010 by JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH, Inc..
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Many of the options available to decision makers, such as college majors and romantic partners, can become unavailable if sufficient effort is not invested in them (taking classes, sending flowers). The question asked in this work is whether a threat of disappearance changes the way people value such options. In four experiments using "door games," we demonstrate that options that threaten to disappear cause decision makers to invest more effort and money in keeping these options open, even when the options themselves seem to be of little interest. This general tendency is shown to be resilient to information about the outcomes, to increased experience, and to the saliency of the cost. The last experiment provides initial evidence that the mechanism underlying the tendency to keep doors open is a type of aversion to loss rather than a desire for flexibility.
Chapter
(from the chapter) Considers the social and psychological experience of stigma, from the perspective of both the stigmatizer and the stigmatized individual. The primary focus is on the experience of the stigmatized—how they understand and interpret their stigmatization, how they cope with it, and how it affects their psychological well-being, cognitive functioning, and interactions with nonstigmatized individuals. (chapter) To understand the predicaments of the stigmatized, and their consequences, one must first consider what it means to be stigmatized and why social stigma is so pervasive, and one must bear in mind some key findings on the nature of stereotyping and prejudice from the view of the stigmatizer. After exploring these issues, this chapter concludes with a consideration of the costs of stigma to the stigmatized individual, to the stigmatizer, and to the broader society. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved) (chapter)
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Patients facing difficult decisions often ask physicians for recommendations. However, little is known regarding the ways that physicians' decisions are influenced by the act of making a recommendation. We surveyed 2 representative samples of US primary care physicians-general internists and family medicine specialists listed in the American Medical Association Physician Masterfile-and presented each with 1 of 2 clinical scenarios. Both involved 2 treatment alternatives, 1 of which yielded a better chance of surviving a fatal illness but at the cost of potentially experiencing unpleasant adverse effects. We randomized physicians to indicate which treatment they would choose if they were the patient or they were recommending a treatment to a patient. Among those asked to consider our colon cancer scenario (n = 242), 37.8% chose the treatment with a higher death rate for themselves but only 24.5% recommended this treatment to a hypothetical patient (χ(2)(1) = 4.67, P = .03). Among those receiving our avian influenza scenario (n = 698), 62.9% chose the outcome with the higher death rate for themselves but only 48.5% recommended this for patients (χ(2)(1) = 14.56, P < .001). The act of making a recommendation changes the ways that physicians think regarding medical choices. Better understanding of this thought process will help determine when or whether recommendations improve decision making.
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This study examined whether automatic stereotypes captured by the implicit association test (IAT) can predict real hiring discrimination against the obese. In an unobtrusive field experiment, job applications were sent to a large number of real job vacancies. The applications were matched on credentials but differed with respect to the applicant's weight. Discriminatory behavior was quantified by the extent to which the hiring managers invited normal-weight versus obese applicants to a job interview. Several months after the behavioral data were obtained, the hiring managers completed an obesity IAT and explicit hiring preference measures. Only the IAT scores reliably predicted interview decisions. More specifically, hiring managers holding more negative automatic stereotypes about the obese were less likely to invite an obese applicant for an interview. The present research is the first to show that automatic bias predicts labor market discrimination against obese individuals. Practical implications are discussed.
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This article provides researchers with a guide to properly construe and conduct analyses of conditional indirect effects, commonly known as moderated mediation effects. We disentangle conflicting definitions of moderated mediation and describe approaches for estimating and testing a variety of hypotheses involving conditional indirect effects. We introduce standard errors for hypothesis testing and construction of confidence intervals in large samples but advocate that researchers use bootstrapping whenever possible. We also describe methods for probing significant conditional indirect effects by employing direct extensions of the simple slopes method and Johnson-Neyman technique for probing significant interactions. Finally, we provide an SPSS macro to facilitate the implementation of the recommended asymptotic and bootstrapping methods. We illustrate the application of these methods with an example drawn from the Michigan Study of Adolescent Life Transitions, showing that the indirect effect of intrinsic student interest on mathematics performance through teacher perceptions of talent is moderated by student math self-concept.
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This paper provides a survey on studies that analyze the macroeconomic effects of intellectual property rights (IPR). The first part of this paper introduces different patent policy instruments and reviews their effects on R&D and economic growth. This part also discusses the distortionary effects and distributional consequences of IPR protection as well as empirical evidence on the effects of patent rights. Then, the second part considers the international aspects of IPR protection. In summary, this paper draws the following conclusions from the literature. Firstly, different patent policy instruments have different effects on R&D and growth. Secondly, there is empirical evidence supporting a positive relationship between IPR protection and innovation, but the evidence is stronger for developed countries than for developing countries. Thirdly, the optimal level of IPR protection should tradeoff the social benefits of enhanced innovation against the social costs of multiple distortions and income inequality. Finally, in an open economy, achieving the globally optimal level of protection requires an international coordination (rather than the harmonization) of IPR protection.
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Many individual decisions take place in a group context wherein group members voice their choices sequentially. In this article we examine the impact of this dynamic decision process on individuals' choices and satisfaction with their outcomes. We propose that choices reflect a balancing of two classes of goals: goals that are strictly individual and goals that are triggered by the existence of the group. The latter sometimes results in choices that undermine personal satisfaction and increase regret. We find support for goal balancing in three studies in which we tracked consumers' orders of dishes and drinks. In the Lunch study we found that real groups (tables) choose more varied dishes than would be expected by random sampling of the population of all individual choices across all tables. The Beer study demonstrates that this group-level variety seeking is attributable to the interaction implicit or explicit among group members, and can be dissipated when the group is forced to "disband" and its members make strictly individual choices. Finally, the Wine study demonstrated that individual choices in a group context are also aimed at satisfying goals of information gathering and self-presentation in the form of uniqueness. Copyright 2000 by the University of Chicago.
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This investigation explores labeling processes underlying age segmentation cue effects on discount usage intentions. Depth interviews regarding participants' experiences using senior-citizen-type discounts reveal three levels of responsiveness to consumer offerings promoted with age segmentation cues: rejecting senior citizen discounts to avoid self-devaluation, rejecting senior citizen discounts to avoid stigmatization, and assigning positive meanings to the status that promotes senior citizen discount usage. An experimental investigation, undertaken to assess the sequential ordering of these levels of responsiveness, reveals that self-devaluation and perceived stigma mediate age segmentation cue effects on discount usage intention only for younger-aged elderly. Results lend support for a stage model of consumers' progression through phases of responsiveness to "senior citizen" labeling. Copyright 1994 by the University of Chicago.
Article
The role of situational ethnicity in consumption behaivor is examined, and the relationship between ethnicity and consumption is argued to be affected by the situational contexts in which choices are made. Situational effects are proposed to operate through changes in the level of felt ethnicity and in the relationship between felt ethnicity and behavior. An empirical study demonstrates these effects by showing the impact of two situational dimensions--social surroundings and antecedent conditions--on ethnic food choices. Copyright 1989 by the University of Chicago.
Article
This research examines how identity-based interventions can improve consumer health. Results of laboratory and field experiments reveal that associating risky health behaviors with a social identity people do not want to signal can contaminate the behaviors and lead consumers to make healthier choices. College freshman reported consuming less alcohol (experiment 2), and restaurant patrons selected less fattening food (experiment 3), when drinking alcohol and eating junk food were presented as markers of avoidance groups. These findings demonstrate that identity-based interventions can shift the identities associated with real-world behaviors, thereby improving the health of populations. (c) 2008 by JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH, Inc..
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We propose that consumers often make choices that diverge from those of others to ensure that they effectively communicate desired identities. Consistent with this identity-signaling perspective, four studies illustrate that consumers are more likely to diverge from majorities, or members of other social groups, in product domains that are seen as symbolic of identity (e.g., music or hairstyles, rather than backpacks or stereos). In identity domains, participants avoided options preferred by majorities and abandoned preferences shared with majorities. The social group associated with a product influenced choice more in identity domains and when a given product was framed as identity relevant. People diverge, in part, to avoid communicating undesired identities. (c) 2007 by JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH, Inc..