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Beyond the bubbles: Creative New York in boom, bust and the long run

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Both production-centered and more consumption-oriented theorists have speculated that in the wake of the 2008 financial crash, the creative industries will replace finance as an economic driver in major cities. One advantage of the productionist account is that it is inclined to analyze a wider range of social and institutional factors. This paper assesses the consequences of the crash for cultural and creative industries (CCIs) in New York City by drawing on the productionist approach and extending its consideration of the context of creativity to include speculative cycles and policy responses. The paper finds that while the CCI have taken an increasing role in the New York economy in the long term, they have been more vulnerable than the rest of the economy in the immediate aftermath of the crash. It also shows the importance of context in good as well as bad times. Those CCI that were most directly linked to particular episodes of financial speculation had the most explosive rises during boom and the most dramatic falls when the boom ended. In addition, specific industrial conditions (e.g., digitalization, tourism) can constrain growth in a CCI segment during a boom, or conversely, provide a boost even after the boom ends. Regarding policy responses, the paper finds that federal interventions buffered New York’s economy temporarily while the city has experimented with more active support of some CCI, namely media and fashion. This suggests that the post-crash fate of New York’s CCI is not yet settled.

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... Taking an alternative production-centred perspective (Indergaard 2013), this paper develops a new approach in this field of enquiry by examining these relationships through everyday work practices of digital firms. Where do digital work activities take place and how does the built environment support these work patterns? ...
... A more promising avenue to examine these relationships is offered by productionist approaches which examine the cultural and creative industries as an economic sector (Scott 1997;Pratt 2008;Indergaard 2013). In this view, "human capital is not a trigger of urban development as its significance depends on how it is mobilized in a particular productive configuration" (Indergaard 2013, 44). ...
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This paper examines the relationship between space and the digital industries through everyday work practices in Shoreditch, London. Drawing on interviews with digital workers, the paper examines how work unfolds in multiple settings and how the built environment supports these work patterns. Digital work extends from the office or the residence (the base) to multiple settings (ancillary spaces) in what can be defined as an extended workplace. The study identifies micro and macro scale characteristics of the built environment that are relevant (spatial characteristics of semi-public and public spaces, access and control, location, and attributes of the neighbourhood) expanding the understanding of why and how place matters for these industries. A typology of ancillary spaces and some reflections on policy implications are advanced.
... Growing evidence suggests that inner-city neighbourhoods are becoming the foci of the information technology-led new economy (IT-NE). Silicon Alley in New York, Shoreditch/Silicon Roundabout in London, and SoMa (South of Market) in San Francisco are among the better-known examples (Barnes & Hutton, 2009;Foord, 2013;Hutton, 2004Hutton, , 2009Indergaard, 2003Indergaard, , 2009Indergaard, , 2013Pratt, 2000Pratt, , 2009. Much of the literature on these emerging hightech neighbourhoods, often based on case studies, overlaps with the 'creative' industry (or district) literature with the implicit assumption that cultural and technology-based industries are intimately intertwined. ...
... Much of the literature on these emerging hightech neighbourhoods, often based on case studies, overlaps with the 'creative' industry (or district) literature with the implicit assumption that cultural and technology-based industries are intimately intertwined. Indergaard (2013) refers to the 'digitalization of culture and the culturalization of technology' differences between the arts and technology becoming increasingly blurred. ...
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A growing literature suggests that central city neighborhoods have become the focus of the IT-driven New Economy (IT-NE). Much of the evidence is based on case studies with a strong overlap with so-called creative districts. This paper examines the location of IT-NE jobs and its determinants for Canada's three largest metropolises. IT-NE employment is spatially polarized in all three cities with a dual concentration in some suburban poles and central neighborhoods. Econometric results suggest that « creative » district attributes, although significant, are not the strongest predictors of location. Built environment, infrastructure, and localization economies variables are also powerful predictors.
... Growing evidence suggests that inner-city neighbourhoods are becoming the foci of the information technology-led new economy (IT-NE). Silicon Alley in New York, Shoreditch/Silicon Roundabout in London, and SoMa (South of Market) in San Francisco are among the better-known examples (Barnes & Hutton, 2009;Foord, 2013;Hutton, 2004Hutton, , 2009Indergaard, 2003Indergaard, , 2009Indergaard, , 2013Pratt, 2000Pratt, , 2009. Much of the literature on these emerging hightech neighbourhoods, often based on case studies, overlaps with the 'creative' industry (or district) literature with the implicit assumption that cultural and technology-based industries are intimately intertwined. ...
... Much of the literature on these emerging hightech neighbourhoods, often based on case studies, overlaps with the 'creative' industry (or district) literature with the implicit assumption that cultural and technology-based industries are intimately intertwined. Indergaard (2013) refers to the 'digitalization of culture and the culturalization of technology' differences between the arts and technology becoming increasingly blurred. ...
Article
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... This implies that creativity should be based on culture. As evidence, crossdisciplinary studies have also included creative tourism, heritage, and cultural studies (Abankina, 2013;Đukić and Vukmirović, 2010;Indergaard, 2013;Jelinčić and Žuvela, 2012;Li and Luo, 2016). ...
... The concept of creative tourism has been repeatedly explored internationally (Hung et al., 2016;Tan et al., 2014). This form of tourism also encompasses a wide range of contexts such as heritage and cultural tourism in various cities and regions (Comunian and Mould, 2014;Indergaard, 2013;Li and Luo, 2016). The term "creative tourism" was first introduced by Richards and Raymond (2000, p. 18) as, "tourism which offers visitors an opportunity to develop their creative potential through active participation in courses and learning experiences which are typical of the holiday destination where these are undertaken." ...
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Purpose This paper aims to identify the nature of creative tourism and the roles of interrelated concepts especially those of creative industries in the value creation process, by analyzing the trends in existing practices. Design/methodology/approach Based on a thorough literature review of the multidisciplinary “creative” related research, this paper provides a conceptual insight of the value creation process in creative tourism. Findings A conceptual framework is provided to consolidate the value creation process of a creative economy by considering the nature of creative tourism and interrelated concepts. Research limitations/implications This study contributes to the literature because it provides a valid research base and insights for future research, based on a clear perspective that amalgamates essential information. Practical implications Creative tourism offers immense opportunities in the global context as tourists are constantly looking for new experiences and opportunities. This study provides insights for creative workforces, entrepreneurs and organizations in formulating appropriate management and marketing strategies by considering all relevant components and the roles they can play to capitalize on this opportunity. Originality/value Creative industries play a critical role in introducing new strategies in the service sector by enabling an upgrade of value-added activities to those that are currently offered, in a sustainable manner. However, studies so far have not taken into consideration the nature of the sector and have not attempted to clarify its relevance (for example, creativity, creative industries and creative workforces) in the value creation process. The study contributes to filling the gap from a conceptual perspective.
... 7 The healing process thus incorporated a mixing of entrepreneurial strategies with a filmic representation so as to emphasize the continued competitive drive within the city. Indeed, the perceived importance of the New York film industry, and the wider creative industries to was illustrated via reports such as "Creative New York" (Center for an Urban Future, 2005) and the then Mayor Michael Bloomberg's increased focus on tax incentives (Indergaard, 2013) and the speeding up of film permit times (Center for an Urban Future, 2005). Yet, in a manner that is illustrative of the increased intensity of urban competitiveness from the early 2000s onward, Allen's urban idyll was one that was highly malleable and transferrable to other locations, such as London and Barcelona, which themselves were undergoing intense rounds of urban transformation. ...
Article
This paper undertakes an analysis of the shifting dynamics of gentrification through the lens of the films of Woody Allen. With his focus upon the spaces of residence and high-end consumption for the upper and middle classes, the paper argues that Allen’s films can be used as a lens to examine the changing dynamics of gentrification in contemporary (Western) cities from something deemed almost novel in the 1970s, to a dominant approach to urban transformation in the early twenty-first century. In so doing, the paper demonstrates the constant tension between the desire to carve out a particular urban idyll and that of a sense of loss perceived by gentrifiers themselves of the rate of change taking place in the contemporary city.
... adt gemeinsam haben und die nicht erklären können, warum auch in kleineren und mittleren Städten oder im suburbanen Raum sichKultur-und Kreativwirtschaft entwickeln (vgl. Edensor et al., 2009, Bain, 2013. Erklärungsbedürftig erscheint auch, warum wir nach der Finanz-und Wirtschaftskrise ein erstarktes Wachstum der kulturellen Produktion sehen (vgl.Indergaard, 2013, Pratt & Hutton, 2013.Zugleich erleben wir, wie der deutsche Kultursoziologe Andreas Reckwitz betont, die Ästhetisierung innerstädtischer und innenstadtnaher Wohn-, Arbeits-und Konsumviertel als kulturorientierte Stadt(Reckwitz, 2012: 287). Die kulturorientierte Stadt, wie Reckwitz die kreative Stadt nennt, ist nicht nur eine Antwort au ...
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Beschäftigt man sich als StadtsoziologIn mit der Frage, was Städte zu Orten des Neuen, der Kreativität und Innovation macht und welchen Zusammenhang es zwischen kreativen Prozessen und dem städtischen Raum gibt, dann kommt man nicht umhin, den amerikanischen Wirtschaftsgeograph Richard Florida und seine 2002 erschienene Publikation The Rise of the Creative Class zu erwähnen. Florida gilt als der zentrale Broker und Transferagent für die Idee einer Stadtentwicklung durch Kreativität, der nicht müde wurde, seine Ideen weltweit auf Konferenzen und vor städtischen Vertretern vorzutragen. Zugleich gab es in der letzten zehn Jahren keinen Stadtforscher der wissenschaftlich so polarisiert hat, wie Florida mit seiner These der Kreativen Klasse, die er erstmalig in seinen Aufsätzen Bohemia and Economic Geography (2002a) sowie The Economic Geography of Talent (2002b) und schließlich in seinem Buch The Rise of the Creative Class im Jahr 2002 publiziert hat.
... Moreover, the papers which analyzed employment trends during the crisis, point to different outcomes. For example, in a study of New York's CCI, Indergaard (2013) observed that the CCI had been more vulnerable than the rest of the economy during and in the aftermath of the crisis. De Propris (2013; 28) on the other hand, analyzed data for the UK regions during 2008-2011 found that the creative economy had shown signs of employment vitality, especially in sectors such as design and digital media. ...
Conference Paper
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The paper employs statistical analysis on the ways that creative and cultural industries in Europe have weathered the economic crisis post-2008. In more details, the paper uses Eurostat data for the turnover (2008-2012), employment (2008-2014) and the number of enterprises (2008-2011) of creative and cultural industries in a set of European countries. The analysis shows that the economic crisis has proven to be a period of selective growth for some knowledge-intensive creative industries, such as computer programming and design activities, where the majority of active firms are either self-employed or very small. Moreover, the cross-country analysis revealed that the more developed western European economies are still dominating creative sectors, such as music-film-video, TV and radio, computer programming and design activities, whereas southern European countries, where the recession appears to have been more prolonged, have been more severely affected. On the contrary, the recession proved to be a period of growth for a number of eastern European countries, especially in sectors, such as computer programming, design and arts.
... Από την άλλη πλευρά η βιβλιογραφία που αναλύει τις τάσεις της απασχόλησης στη διάρκεια της κρίσης, καταλήγει σε αρκετά διαφορετικά αποτελέσματα. Για παράδειγμα , σε μια μελέτη των ΠΔΒ της νέας Υόρκης η Indergaard (2013) παρατήρησε ότι οι δημιουργικοί κλάδοι υπήρξαν πολύ πιο ευαίσθητοι από την υπόλοιπη οικονομία κατά τη διάρκεια αλλά και μετά το τέλος της κρίσης. Η De Propris (2013, p. 28), αντίθετα, αναλύοντας δεδομένα για τις περιοχές του ΗΒ στη διάρκεια της περιόδου 2008-2011, κατέληξε στο συμπέρασμα πως η δημιουργική οικονομία είχε δείξει σημάδια ζωτικότητας όσον αφορά την αγορά εργασίας, ιδιαίτερα σε κλάδους όπως το design ή τα ψηφιακά μέσα επικοινωνίας. ...
... Other authors also include architecture and software sector (Department for Culture, Media and Sports, 2010). Creative industries tend to grow in turnover and employment generated in the long term but are more vulnerable to economic cycles than other sectors (Indergaard, 2013). ...
Article
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In recent years cultural tourists have started to be interested in activities mostly related to experiences, interacting with producers and being part of the daily life of residents, all of which has led to the development of creative tourism. Historically, the city of Oaxaca, Mexico, had a multicultural and creative background and these new visitors have seen how the local offer has increased rapidly following this trend. From an urban perspective, the objective of the research is to assess if creative activities have consolidated a creative neighborhood, and if this area differs from the consolidated area for cultural tourists. In order to achieve this goal, the distribution of traditional cultural tourism related activities and new creative attractions has been analyzed, showing two trends: on one hand there is an overconcentration on the previously consolidated tourist area, but on the other hand there is an extension of the area visited by tourists thanks to their increasing interest on searching the “authentic” and “alternative”.
... A second change (b), we suggest, drawing NE firms to the centre is the growing emphasis on digital content (music, images, information, news…). Indergaard (2013) coins the term "digitalisation of culture" to characterize the growing symbiosis between the arts and technology, reinforcing the supplier-customer relationships with entertainment and broadcasting, generally located in central districts. The link with the residential/workplace choices (a) of NE workers is fairly self-evident, in part at the root of the overlap between the "creative" and "innovative" district literature. ...
... The concept of creative tourism has been repeatedly explored in literature, internationally and in Poland (Buczkowska, 2010;Hung, Lee, & Huang, 2014;Ohridska-Olson & Ivanov, 2011;Potts, Cunningham, Hartley, & Ormerod, 2008;Richards, 2014;Richards & Wilson, 2006, 2008Rotter-Jarzębińska, 2009;Tan, Luh, & Kung, 2014;Żabińska, 2012). This topic was also considered in the context of heritage and the cultural tourism offered in particular cities or regions (Comunian & Mould, 2014;Djukic & Vukmirovic, 2012;Indergaard, 2013;Jelinčić & Žuvela, 2012). ...
Article
The contemporary tourism market trends indicate an increasing need for the individualisation of tourist experience and necessitate a move away from the standardisation of tourism products, including those offered within the cities that primarily market their cultural heritage. The concept of creative tourism as a way of practising cultural tourism is a response to the changing needs and expectations of tourists. This is because it offers non-traditional uses for the cultural potential of cities. This article attempts to embed creative tourism in the overall tourist product using an example of a historic city – Krakow. The authors examine the development of tourism products in Krakow, focusing primarily on cultural and historical heritage tourism and secondarily on new forms of tourism that have emerged, such as creative tourism and slow tourism. They analyse this issue in terms of districts – traditional and new tourist areas, indicating the potential for tourism growth.
... Let us now consider industry-specific changes that might cause firms to prefer central districts. Indergaard (2013) coins the term 'digitalisation of culture' to characterize the growing symbiosis between the arts and technology, the increasing focus on digital content (music, images, etc.), in turn reinforcing supplier-customer relationships with 'creative' industries (performing arts, broadcasting, etc.) generally concentrated in central districts. One would, for example, expect the arts-technology symbiosis to influence the location of software publishers of computer graphics and special effects. ...
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A growing literature highlights the emergence of central techno neighbourhoods; however, does this mean that suburban techno districts are designed to decline? We examine the spatial dynamics (1996–2011) of computer service employment, subset of the new economy, in Canada's three largest metropolises using GIS and econometric techniques. The evidence is largely consistent with a growing weight of central neighbourhoods, especially in Montreal and Vancouver, although in all three cities, suburban techno clusters have continued to grow. The econometric results point to the higher weight of neighbourhood environment variables, including indicators of ‘coolness’, as predictors of computer service employment location.
... Critical contributions to understand this relationship come from 'productionist' approaches (Indergaard, 2013) which examine the cultural and creative industries as an industry (Scott, 1997;Pratt, 2011). Studies highlight their tendency to concentrate, particularly in inner-city areas, the role of proximity in supporting production processes and associated human interactions (Pratt, 2011;, and that spatial characteristics of places matter for their operation, both in material and symbolic ways (Hutton, 2006;Lloyd, 2006). ...
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Article
Over the past two decades, urban and regional policy-makers have increasingly looked to the arts and culture as an economic panacea, especially for the older urban core. The arts' regional economic contribution is generally measured by totalling the revenue of larger arts organisations, associated expenditures by patrons and multiplier effects. This approach underestimates the contributions of creative artists to a regional economy, because of high rates of self-employment and direct export activity, because artists' work enhances the design, production and marketing of products and services in other sectors and because artists induce innovation on the part of suppliers. Artists create import-substituting entertainment options for regional consumers and spend large shares of their own incomes on local arts output. The paper takes a labour-centred view of the arts economy, hypothesising that many artists choose a locale in which to work, often without regard to particular employers but in response to a nurturing artistic and patron community, amenities and affordable cost of living. Because evidence on such economic impacts and location calculus is impossible to document directly, the distribution of artists across the largest US metropolitan areas is used as a proxy, using data from the PUMS for 1980, 1990 and 2000. It is found that artists sort themselves out among American cities in irregular fashion, not closely related to either size or growth rates. The paper further explores variations in the definition of artist, the relationship between artistic occupation and industry, and differentials in artists' self-employment rates and earnings across cities. It is concluded that artists comprise a relatively footloose group that can serve as a target of regional and local economic development policy; the components of such a policy are outlined.
Article
This paper discusses the recurrence and the recurrent limitations of liberalism as a general discourse, strategy, and regime. It then establishes a continuum of neoliberalism ranging from a project for radical system transformation from state socialism to market capitalism, through a basic regime shift within capitalism, to more limited policy adjustments intended to maintain another type of accumulation regime and its mode of regulation. These last two forms of neoliberalism are then related to a broader typology of approaches to the restructuring, rescaling, and reordering of accumulation and regulation in advanced capitalist societies: neoliberalism, neocorporatism, neostatism, and neocommunitarianism. These arguments are illustrated in the final part of the paper through a critique of the World Report on the Urban Future 21 (World Commission 2000), both as an explicit attempt to promote flanking and supporting measures to sustain the neoliberal project on the urban scale and as an implicit attempt to naturalize that project on a global scale.
Article
For nearly two decades retraining has been touted as a means of responding to economic change. The rationale, derived from human capital theory, is that retrainers will pass on new skills that increase the bargaining power of job seekers. But researchers have not examined the roles that retrainers take when internal labor markets are in decline. Network theorists observe that in such a situation employment programs will need to connect clusters of job seekers to new sets of firms. I argue that this brokering role shapes retraining regimes and outcomes. The article presents a case study of a suburban Detroit program that was cast as a national model. The program became a business service, constructing new employment networks and narratives that reinforced firm leverage. The training itself was modest and many clients only received resocialization. The program's brokering stance reflected conditions favoring firms, its own middle class orientation, and the “frames” it used to establish credibility and leverage with business customers and working class clients. These findings indicate that policy-makers should not assume that retrainers will necessarily match workers with good jobs or even good training. What retrainers do, and with what consequences, depends on the social and cultural roles they construct in particular economic and institutional circumstances.
Article
Much emphasis has been placed on the importance of agglomeration economies as a backbone to urban and regional growth. Case study research points out that particular cities and regions have a competitive advantage in industrial activity over others, yet we have little by way of a satisfactory means of formally studying the geography of these industrial patterns to demonstrate how the specific case studies fit into a larger pattern of agglomeration that can be applied to more than one place. Is the agglomeration itself in fact exhibiting statistically robust and significant patterns? What do the patterns look like and how do they differ by region? Using geographic information systems to analyze spatial autocorrelation and “hot spots” of industries, we compare the ten most populous metropolitan statistical areas across several “advanced” service sectors (professional, management, media, finance, art and culture, engineering and high technology). We find that much of the qualitative evidence on industrial clustering is evocative of broader macro patterns that are both similar and dissimilar across industries and geographies. Our results indicate that there are three spatial typologies of growth in the advanced services within U.S. urban regions. These typologies allow us to intimate qualities of place in general and of places specifically that drive the agglomeration of advanced services. New York City's art and culture and media industries represent key examples of geographically unique cases within advanced services that are explained relative to existing literature regarding the importance of density and cross-fertilization across industrial fields.
Article
This article examines a set of industries including financial investment, fashion, and culture that tend to predominate in certain cities such as New York and London. Using data on business establishments and wages for the United States and Canada, the author shows that these industries exhibit a very high level of spatial concentration and a related high level of wage variation among metropolitan areas. The author proposes that these industries are very cluster dependent because of an inherently rapid pace of product innovation. The implications of this for economic development analysis are considered in the context of cluster and innovation policy. The author suggests that fostering innovation in these industries requires a substantially different approach from that commonly being deployed for technology industries.
Article
The cultural industries have been solidly established in the contemporary economic development agenda. But the creative agenda and its accoutrements are often thought of under a large umbrella sometimes ignoring the composition of industries and occupations that comprise the cultural sector in various cities. In this paper, we look at the way in which cultural capital is distinctly place-specific. Unpacking the occupational and industrial makeup of the artistic and cultural sectors in Los Angeles and New York we study how their cultural capital is a function of each city’s unique advantages and skill needs rather than simply a product of “the arts”. We find that the cultural workers in each city work in remarkably different industries. We consider how the skill and industry composition that each city possesses informs unique development trajectories. More broadly we speculate how these nuances might explain the cultural distinction that each city possesses.
Article
How New York City has maintained its position atop the global urban hierarchy as a leading player in the world and national economy is part of the broader discussion on why cities grow and why some remain at the top of the heap decade on decade. There are several dominant theories explaining New York City’s success, most notably those that argue the city is a center of command and control or managerial elite and is a global hub of finance and its related services. Yet an emerging framework explaining New York City’s dominant position argues for the importance of global creative centers. From an occupational analysis of these competing hypotheses emerges a picture of New York City as a great bastion of creativity and cultural and artistic production. These results provide a unique perspective on New York City’s position in the world hierarchy of cities and new opportunities for economic development strategies.
Article
Studies of the city traditionally posit a division between a city’s economy and its culture, with culture subordinate in explanatory power to work. However, post–industrial and globalizing trends are dramatically elevating the importance of culture. Cultural activities are increasingly crucial to urban economic vitality. Models to explain the growth of cities from the era of industrial manufacturing are outmoded. Citizens in the postindustrial city increasingly make quality of life demands, treating their own urban location as if tourists, emphasizing aesthetic concerns. These practices impact considerations about the proper nature of amenities that post–industrial cities can sustain.
Article
The aim of this article is to broaden the epistemological basis for investigating the current shift to cognitive-cultural economies and the resurgence of cities and its socio-spatial articulation. The point of departure here is that the drivers of the structural changes are indeed more or less ubiquitous, but are played out in different national institutional and urban contexts resulting in potentially diverging cognitive-cultural economies. Four main drivers of change after 1980 are distinguished. The first is the rise of a new technological paradigm based on digital technology. The second is the thrust towards deregulation and privatization as planks of the neo-liberal political programme. The third is the intensification of all kinds of linkages between regions across the globe. The fourth driver constitutes the processes of individualization and increasing reflexivity that have fragmented consumer markets. By identifying distinct filters which might shape and mould the impact of these more general drivers on concrete urban areas, a comprehensive framework is presented that can be used to analyse and compare the trajectories of cities while linking them to a larger narrative of societal change. A central line of reasoning is that agglomeration economies – pivotal in Allen Scott's analysis of the emergence of a cognitive-cultural economy – are themselves embedded in concrete social and institutional contexts which impact on how they are played out. To make this point, we build upon Richard Whitley's business systems. Given this institutional diversity, we expect that various institutional contexts will generate different cognitive-cultural economies.
Article
Cities and regions have long captured the imagination of sociologists, economists, and urbanists. From Alfred Marshall to Robert Park and Jane Jacobs, cities have been seen as cauldrons of diversity and difference and as fonts for creativity and innovation. Yet until recently, social scientists concerned with regional growth and development have focused mainly on the role of firms in cities, and particularly on how these firms make location decisions and to what extent they concentrate together in agglomerations or clusters. This short article summarizes recent advances in our thinking about cities and communities, and does so particularly in light of themes advanced in my recently published book, The Rise of the Creative Class, which focuses on diversity and creativity as basic drivers of innovation and regional and national growth. This line of work further suggests the need for some conceptual refocusing and broadening to account for the location decisions of people as opposed to those of firms as sources of regional and national economic growth. In doing so, this article hopes to spur wider commentary and debate on the critical functions of cities and regions in 21st–century creative capitalism.
Article
The aim of this article is to critically examine the notion that the creative class may or may not play as a causal mechanism of urban regeneration. I begin with a review of Florida's argument focusing on the conceptual and theoretical underpinnings. The second section develops a critique of the relationship between the creative class and growth. This is followed by an attempt to clarify the relationship between the concepts of creativity, culture and the creative industries. Finally, I suggest that policy-makers may achieve more successful regeneration outcomes if they attend to the cultural industries as an object that links production and consumption, manufacturing and service. Such a notion is more useful in interpreting and understanding the significant role of cultural production in contemporary cities, and what relation it has to growth.
Article
“New media” workers have joined the creative economy as digital designers, web page designers, and producers of entertainment products. Like many creative commodity producers, their work lies at the intersection of the technical (in this case code writing) and the expressive (through design). It reflects the tensions inherent in this intersection and the conflicts common to many creative workers who produce commodities but whose work also reflects some element of personal expression or authorship. The ways in which these tensions are resolved is central to the formation of new occupational and professional identities. Cultural economy perspectives offer us insights into the subjective experience of the tensions associated with creative work. They become more powerful, however, when combined with an understanding of the policy context in which new media has evolved. Drawing on both cultural economy and policy analysis approaches, I argue that while new media work emerged in conjunction with new technologies and reflects the tensions between technical applications and design, it also is a product of changes in broader regulatory frameworks that have shaped the work-world of new media. The “regulatory difference” has produced considerable variation in the occupational identities of new media workers among advanced economies. In some economies, new media work is evolving in a form that is closer to that of the professional, whereas in the United States it is better described as an entrepreneurial activity in which new media workers sell skills and services in a market. To make this argument I examine findings from the growing body of international work on new media but focus on the particularities of the United States case. What this evidence indicates is that the character of new media occupations is defined as much by the policy context within which it emerges as by the technology it uses.
Article
I use the case of New York to explore how federal activism in the wake of crisis affects US urban regimes. Multiscalar policy networks , formerly used to extend neoliberalism to subnational levels, now feature an odd mix of progressives and neoliberals. I use the idea of path dependence to explain this indeterminacy in terms of the contradictory effects of US federalism on national regime formation: while federalism provided havens for progressives to mobilize for regime change, it also anchors defenders of neoliberalism and its legacies. The Obama administration has exploited crisis to move scalar relations in a progressive direction. This has brought some changes to New York’s neoliberal regime. That, along with the White House’s cool reaction to recent proposals from New York, suggest a break with the neoliberal apparatus. Yet neoliberal legacies constrain efforts to institutionalize new federal roles and scalar relations, leaving the New York regime unsettled. What seems the likely result is a heterodox national regime that combines state and market mechanisms and a policy network open to heterogeneous influences—a mix where progressives are back in contention, if not necessarily in control.
Book
This book is about the renaissance of cities in the twenty first century and their increasing role as centers of creative economic activity. It attempts to put some conceptual and descriptive order around issues of urbanization in the contemporary world, emphasizing the idea of the social economy of the metropolis, which is to say, a view of the urban organism as an intertwined system of social and economic life played out through the arena of urban space. The book opens with a review of some essentials of urban theory, the book aims to re-articulate the urban question in a way that is relevant to city life and politics in the present era. It then analyses the functional characteristics of the urban economy, with special reference to the rise of a group of core sectors such as media, fashion, music, etc., focused on cognitive and cultural forms of work. These sectors are growing with great rapidity in the world's largest cities at the present time, and they play a major role in the urban resurgence that has been occurring of late. The discussion then explores the spatial ramifications of this new economy in cities and the ways in which it appears to be ushering in major shifts in divisions of labor and urban social stratification, as marked by a growing divide between a stratum of elite workers on the one side and a low-wage proletariat on the other. Allen Scott is one of the world's foremost thinkers on the economies of modern cities, and in this book presents a concise introduction to his innovative and insightful perspective. Available in OSO: http://www.oxfordscholarship.com/oso/public/content/management/9780199549306/toc.html
Article
Which is more important to New York City's economy, the gleaming corporate office--or the grungy rock club that launches the best new bands? If you said "office," think again. In The Warhol Economy , Elizabeth Currid argues that creative industries like fashion, art, and music drive the economy of New York as much as--if not more than--finance, real estate, and law. And these creative industries are fueled by the social life that whirls around the clubs, galleries, music venues, and fashion shows where creative people meet, network, exchange ideas, pass judgments, and set the trends that shape popular culture. The implications of Currid's argument are far-reaching, and not just for New York. Urban policymakers, she suggests, have not only seriously underestimated the importance of the cultural economy, but they have failed to recognize that it depends on a vibrant creative social scene. They haven't understood, in other words, the social, cultural, and economic mix that Currid calls the Warhol economy. With vivid first-person reporting about New York's creative scene, Currid takes the reader into the city spaces where the social and economic lives of creativity merge. The book has fascinating original interviews with many of New York's important creative figures, including fashion designers Zac Posen and Diane von Furstenberg, artists Ryan McGinness and Futura, and members of the band Clap Your Hands Say Yeah. The economics of art and culture in New York and other cities has been greatly misunderstood and underrated. The Warhol Economy explains how the cultural economy works--and why it is vital to all great cities.
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