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Residential preferences of the ‘creative class’?
... They concluded that personal networks and 'hard' conditions are important for the location decisions of highly skilled employees, while soft conditions are of little importance. Similar results were also obtained in other studies conducted in Europe [34][35][36][37]. As such, 'hard' conditions may have to be considered as an alternative or complementary explanation for the location decisions of the Creative Class, and is an important element of the present study. ...
... Unemployment. The unemployment level registered by the municipalities in 2018 was used as a proxy for the hard conditions (e.g., job opportunities), which previous studies [13,34,35,37] concluded to be more important to the location decisions of creative individuals compared with amenities. The data were retrieved from the website of the National Institute of Statistics. ...
... Although previous research [34][35][36][37] concluded that 'hard' conditions are more important to the location decisions of creative individuals compared with amenities, our results do not confirm this, as the level of unemployment is not significantly correlated with the Creative Class. ...
In the wake of current urbanization trends, Creative Class theory has gained much popularity. According to the theory, in order to achieve sustainable socioeconomic growth and citizens' well-being, cities have to attract the Creative Class, who prefer places that simultaneously provide amenities such as tolerance, talent, technology, and territorial assets (the four Ts). Although the theory has been tested extensively in the USA and in Western European countries, few attempts have been made to study it in Eastern Europe. As such, this paper tests Creative Class theory in the case of Romania, which is an interesting country for this study, since it has a relatively low level of urbanization and the population is less mobile compared to Western countries. Our results show that talent, technology, and territorial assets are able to significantly explain the geographical concentration of the Creative Class. However, different types of tolerance have different effects on the concentration of the Creative Class. Nevertheless, when we control for conventional socioeconomic welfare variables, the results change. The variable that has the highest effect on welfare patterns is path-dependency, namely, the previous level of regional and urban welfare registered. Thus, this paper reflects the need for both researchers and practitioners to consider the path-dependency tra-jectories of socioeconomic health and well-being in urban areas.
... Beckers and Boschman found that a group of highly skilled foreign workers in the Netherlands tends to settle in inner-city neighborhoods with high income and urban atmosphere [13]. In Dublin, older workers mainly choose to live in suburban areas with convenient traffic links to the city center or their workplaces [14]. Acheampong found through a questionnaire that as places in Ghana continue to urbanize and incomes increase, more households tend to realize their housing needs in the suburbs [15]. ...
... Zhang et al. and Wang et al. demonstrated that people tend to choose to live in the urban district [7,9]. Another study indicated that houses in suburban areas are more popular compared with those in core areas, and this urban pattern is represented by foreign cities, such as Amsterdam and Rotterdam in the Netherlands [5,6] and Dublin in Ireland [14]. However, regardless of the relationship presented between abandonment degree and distance, it is always consistent with local conditions and urban development strategy. ...
The abandonment degree of an urban residential building can reflect the popularity of residential areas. This study uses this idea as a basis for proposing the concept of using residential quarters’ abandonment rate to measure the abandonment degree of an area. The spatial pattern of the abandonment rate and its clustering characteristics were obtained by taking 2517 residential quarters in Kunming’s Main Urban District as research object, and using their listing for sale ratio data. Thereafter, curve estimation was used to explore the influencing factors of abandonment rate. The results are as follows. (1) The abandonment rate of the four circles in Kunming’s Main Urban District increases from inside to outside, showing the pattern of the core area–second ring area–third ring area–new urban district, with evident “core–edge” characteristics. (2) The relationship between distance from the city center, housing ages, and abandonment rate can be well fitted using a quadratic function and shows an inverted “U”-shaped “rising–declining” trend. The relationship between housing prices and abandonment rate is fitted by the inverse function, showing an evident “up” trend. This study is a reference for managers of relevant departments and urban planners in formulating reasonable urban housing development policies.
... In other words, in order to enhance pilot area's ability of NTUC to carry population, local government steadily increased the coverage of public services such as basic pensions, health care, and guaranteed housing for the entire resident population . Caldwell (1969) and Lawton et al. (2013) found that improvement of hardware facilities including transportation, education levels, cultural and recreational categories and software facilities including green environment are important power-driving of labor mobility. Florida (2014) argued that the higher the level of development in terms of public transportation, green areas, and social services, the more they are able to improve the life quality of innovative people through lower costs. ...
... Sound public services are an important guarantee for the normal life and work of the labor force. Lawton et al. (2013) found that public services and its quality are important factors driving labor mobility. The public services equalization is one of the core goals of the NTUC. ...
Providing diversified jobs for workers and achieving green development are important goals of the new-type urbanization construction (NTUC) in China. We constructed a difference-in-difference model to investigate the effect of the NTUC on the shift-share of employment (SSE), using panel data of 272 Chinese prefecture-level cities from 2005 to 2019. The relationship between the SSE and CO2 emissions was explored. The results show that the NTUC effectively promotes the SSE and exhibits the significant regional and industry heterogeneity. In addition, the SSE under the NTUC pilot policy can effectively reduce CO2 emissions and presents the obvious regional and industrial differences. Promoting the industrial structure advancement and improving public services and digital levels can enhance the inhibitory effect of the SSE on CO2 emissions. Meanwhile, the SSE has an inhibitory effect on CO2 emissions in local regions but promotes the CO2 emissions in the neighboring regions. Finally, these findings provide an important decision-making reference for restructure employment and reduce CO2 emissions during the period of urban transformation and development.
... Talented workers with differing socio-economic characteristics have particular preferences for housing locations, housing sizes, dwelling costs, commuting distances, and residential amenities [25][26][27]. For instance, older talent prefers quiet neighbourhoods in suburbs [26,28]. ...
... Talented workers with differing socio-economic characteristics have particular preferences for housing locations, housing sizes, dwelling costs, commuting distances, and residential amenities [25][26][27]. For instance, older talent prefers quiet neighbourhoods in suburbs [26,28]. The metropolitan core is preferred by young talent for cultural and sports activities and by self-employed professionals, who tend to be workaholics [29]. ...
Housing has become pivotal in attracting and retaining talent in first-tier cities. Although numerous cities are actively promoting the provision of talent housing in China, little is known about the talent’s evaluations of talent housing policies or the effect on their urban settlement intention. This paper aims to investigate whether talent housing alleviates the housing difficulties of talent and its role in retaining talent. A questionnaire was conducted face-to-face in talent housing in Shanghai. Binary logistic regression was employed to analyse the factors significantly contributing to the settlement intentions of the talent. Talent housing was confirmed to alleviate the talent’s housing pressures and further increase their urban settlement intention. The local hukou was determined to be crucial in accelerating the willingness of talent to settle in Shanghai. However, housing affordability (including school district housing) may jeopardise such positive effects. It is crucial to provide more choices of talent housing and increase the coverage of good-quality educational resources. In the long run, more talent can be attracted and retained in the locality under a broader coverage of the talent housing scheme.
... Per this logic, policymakers and planners are to create and foster the conditions that will attract and keep this class of workers in their cities, often competing with other cities that these individuals may choose instead, hoping that economic investment will follow. Commonly cited creative class planning features include urban villages; spaces for consumption-based lifestyles; entertainment-based downtowns; an active street scene; walkable neighborhoods with connections between home, work, and entertainment; and placemaking as a focal point (Barnes et al., 2006;Lawton et al., 2013;Reese et al., 2010). It is an idea that has gained considerable traction, particularly in cities experiencing urban disinvestment and changing demographics (Leslie & Catungal, 2012;Miot, 2015;Peck, 2005;Rousseau, 2009Rousseau, , 2014Silverman, 2020). ...
... Based on an evaluation of Birmingham's current comprehensive plan (2013), the city outlines a vast array of goals and proposes a robust set of planning strategies to achieve these goals. Creative class-and residential attractiveness-based planning logic appears to strongly influence several aspects of their planning approach, including recommendations for urban villages with walkable neighborhoods and shopping and commercial activities, an entertainmentbased downtown, and a placemaking emphasis (Barnes et al., 2006;Lawton et al., 2013;Reese et al., 2010). ...
This research examines the uneven spatial-demographic distribution of population loss in one US "shrinking" city, Birmingham, Alabama, and analyzes the city's planning role in and response to population loss. It examines the connections between Birmingham's historic racial zoning law and urban renewal practices and the resulting patterns of depopulation and demographic change, and its present-day use of creative class planning-an approach critiqued for perpetuating inequalities-to revitalize neighborhoods and reverse depopulation. Using a novel methodological approach, this research describes the characteristics of Birmingham's population loss from 1970 to 2010 and examines the city's planning response to this population loss. Findings demonstrate that the variables associated with depopulation change over time and space. By linking these spatialized demographic trends to the city's current planning approach, we problematize creative class and residential attractiveness-based planning logics, while highlighting the importance of addressing inequality in the planning of shrinking cities.
... Much of existing research on the creative class has focused on its interurban choices, the issue of creatives' residential preferences and decisions within cities has been investigated to a much lesser extent (e.g., Frenkel et al., 2013;Lawton et al., 2013;Woldoff et al., 2011;Zhao et al., 2017). Similarly, although the idea of the creative class has to a certain extent attracted attention to spatial behaviors of artists, apart from studies on artists' migrations (e.g., Bennett, 2010;Borén & Young, 2013;Daniel, 2016;Hautala & Jauhiainen, 2019;Markusen, 2013;Markusen & Schrock, 2006), their clusters in larger cities (e.g., Alfken et al., 2015;Andersson et al., 2014;Debroux, 2009;De Silva et al., 2019) and location patterns within urban regions (e.g., Boichot, 2013;Debroux, 2013;Ryberg et al., 2013;Stern & Seifert, 2010), case studies of bohemian enclaves, where artists live and create, art is presented and consumed, dominate (Debroux, 2013;Hracs, 2009). ...
... The overall level of satisfaction with a particular neighborhood and attachment to it are other important factors of general nature (Clark & Huang, 2003;Knox & Pinch, 2010). With respect to the broader category of the creative class, hard factors such as availability of jobs and costs of living are also often stressed as relatively more important than soft factors such as amenities and atmosphere (Andersson et al., 2014;Lawton et al., 2013), although access to peers and a social and built environment conducive to it do play a certain role in the spatial choices of this professional group (Woldoff et al., 2011). On the other hand, despite many decades of research, patterns and dynamics of residential mobility of the general population are, due to their complexity, still not fully understood (Knox & Pinch, 2010). ...
The text aims to provide a more nuanced understanding of mechanisms behind artists’ spatial, in particular residential, choices. Moving beyond the usual focus on bohemians who cluster in artistic quarters, practice a particular lifestyle or represent a specific artistic discipline, we propose that artists’ residential strategies involve a complex process of balancing between the desired extent of exposure to buzz that may be termed a negotiated reasonable distance. By developing this notion, testing it in particular urban contexts of two Polish cities and taking into consideration interactions between buzz and other factors which impact on artists’ spatial preferences and decisions, we would like to fill an important gap in research on artists as significant, recently acknowledged stakeholders of urban development. By doing so we also hope to contribute to the broader, current discussion on the importance of buzz to cities, different economic sectors and professions within them.
... Although Florida's argument on the advent of a new creative class has been much disputed (Lawton et al., 2013;Ratiu, 2013), the understanding that knowledge-based work has become a new and decisive factor for modern urban economies rests on solid ground (Acs, 2002;Drennan, 2002;van Oort et al., 2009;Warsh, 2006). A developed workforce of knowledge workers is critical for urban economic development, and urban planners should pay attention to this large group of workers when implementing transport policies. ...
... Although Florida did not explicitly discuss commuting, he emphasized that knowledge workers prefer mixeduse urban settings for both living and working (Florida, 2002, p. 164). This position has been much disputed, and the thesis that knowledge workers prefer to live in very different residential areas than other workers do has been contested (Frenkel et al., 2013a;Lawton et al., 2013;Niedomysl & Hansen, 2010;Spencer, 2015;Zhao et al., 2017). However, studies have found that much long-distance commuting to and from city areas is done by people with high education (Engebretsen et al., 2012;Viry & Vincent-Geslin, 2015). ...
This article investigates car-based commuting habits among employees in four knowledge intensive organizations (KIOs) in the greater Oslo region in Norway. This region has experienced a growth in KIOs and knowledge workers over the last few decades and, like many other European urban regions, it struggles with high levels of car-based commuting. This article suggests designing policy measures based on a deeper understanding of the various ways that commuting is performed. Based on inductive statistical methods, groups with different sets of commuting practices are defined, which is used to create commuting profiles across and within the enterprises. The six key commuting practices suggests that targeted policy-mixes should be applied to support shifts toward more sustainable commutes.
... az EU 27 (69,7%) átlagát. Népszerű megközelítés -mely még napjainkban is tartja magát -az életciklus szerepét előtérbe állító elképzelés, amely egy háztartás tagjainak fontos életeseményeihez, a családméret bővüléséhez köti a lakóhelyválasztásban döntő tényezők változását (lásd Rossi 1955Rossi , 1980Clark, Onaka 1983;Michaelson 1997;Lawton, Murphy, Redmond 2013). ...
Magyarországon különösen nagy terhet ró a vidéki térségekre - többek között - a kreatív fiatalok elvándorlása a fővárosba vagy a külföldi nagyvárosokba, hiszen a humántőke jelenléte és aktivitása jelentős hatással van a városok versenyképességére és rezilienciájára. Mindemellett látható, hogy a COVID-19 az elmúlt szűk két évben jelentősen átformálta a lakóhelyi preferenciákat, és sok elemzés szerint a vidéki tér felértékelődését is hozta. Az elsősorban kvantitatív adatokat szintetizáló komplex mutatók és városrangsorok mellett fontos lehet az aktuális vonzó-taszító tényezők kvalitatív megismerése is.
Jelen kutatás célja, hogy – magyarországi ún. csapágy- és középvárosok fiatal, képzett munkaerővonzó potenciálját vizsgáló kvantitatív kutatások folytatásaként és kiegészítéseként – egy longitudinális kvalitatív vizsgálat keretében árnyalja a magyarországi kreatív fiatalok lakóhelyválasztási preferenciáit és azok változásait a COVID-19 hatására.
A kutatás empirikus részét nyolc fókuszcsoportos beszélgetés alapozta meg. A kutatás első szakaszában a szerzők 9 fő lakóhelyválasztási tényezőt azonosítottak, amelyek prioritási sorrendjét jelentősen megváltoztatta a COVID-19, illetve a követett kutatási résztvevők élethelyzetének változása (lakóhely, munkahely, tanulmányi státusz,családi állapot).
A vizsgálat eredményeként elmondható, hogy míg 2019-ben a vidékre (vissza)költözés sokak számára praktikus szempontok, például a felsőoktatás, munkahely és szociális élet adta kötöttségek miatt elérhetetlen volt, a 2021-es kutatási szakasz rávilágítottarra, hogy a COVID-19 – ezáltal pedig a home office, a természeti környezet és a család felértékelődése – sok fiatalban katalizálta, felerősítette a vidékre költözés igényét, majd felgyorsította döntéseiket is.
A megkérdezett fiatalok vízióját tekintve elmondható, hogy szűk többségük vagy már Budapest agglomerációjába, illetve vidékre költözött, vagy egy évtizedes távlatban gondolkodik azon.
... The idea of "creative class" put forward by Florida (2002) has been questioned by many scholars (Glaeser, 2004;peck, 2005;Markusen & Schrock, 2006;Bontje & Musterd, 2009). However, with the advent of the era of creative economy, more and more scholars affirm this proposition and mainly discuss the creative class from the following three aspects: first, some scholars focus on the influencing factors of the agglomeration of the creative class (Ling & Dale, 2011;You & Bie, 2017;Batabyal & Yoo, 2019) and formation mechanism (Zhao et al., 2020); The second is the analysis of the preference of creative class, such as the preference of residential location (Lawton et al., 2013) and the problem of leisure preference (Holm, 2014); the third is the effect brought by the agglomeration of creative class, such as the agglomeration of creative class promotes the regional economic growth (such as Stolarick & Currid-Halkett, 2013;Florida, 2014;Boschma et al. 2009;Tiruneh, 2014;Batabyal & Beladi, 2017) can promote local innovation scale (e.g., Aneta and Valerij, 2015) and urban level innovation (Rodríguez-Pose, & Lee, 2020). It has a direct and indirect effect on regional labor productivity (for example, Florida et al., 2008), promotes regional employment growth (Boschma & Fritsch, 2007), and has an impact on regional unemployment rate (Stolarick & Currid-Halkett, 2013) and local innovation policy (Batabyal & Yoo, 2017). ...
... In the second stage, the focus shifts to regional development and the relationship between CCIs and the economy as a whole and, in particular, cultural policy, the geographic economy, and employment [14], which can be traced back to the attention toward the creative classes in the urban area near Florida [20], including how the creative classes affect the region's economic growth [21][22][23], the migration and living preferences of the creative classes [24,25], and the attempts to figure out the essence of creative labor and how to manage it [26][27][28]. In this direction, the heterogeneity and internal fragmentation of CCI research continue to grow [29], which can be attributed to the differences in research background and setting of the individual research. ...
In the dual context of the cultural economy and the creative economy, culture is considered a unique source of competitiveness, making culture preservation a vital issue for peripheral areas. In this paper, it is argued that gamification is a valuable strategy for developing cross-cultural designs. The unique advantages of games in cultural preservation and promotion for peripheral areas with limited institutional resources are further articulated. To illustrate this, a set of design principles was proposed and the distinctive boat-based (Tanka) culture in southern China was taken as an example. A case study was conducted based on document analysis of the history of the Tanka culture and field research on the Tanka settlements in the Humen New Bay area, showing the development process and thus demonstrating the possibility of promoting the preservation and sustainable development of culture in peripheral areas through gamification. After testing the proposed game, some adjustments were suggested. However, participants generally agreed that they learned some Tanka customs through the gameplay, indicating the effectiveness of the game in Tanka culture preservation. This research thus contributes to both theory and practice by providing theoretical background and early practice.
... The analysis of the development environment and influencing factors of technology and finance has always been the focus of research, such as R&D expenditure (Alexandra and Liu, 2014), marketization level (Chowdhury and Maung, 2012), public service level (Lawton et al., 2013), urbanization level (Sahin, 2000), business environment (Giannetti, 2012), number of technology talents (Schertler, 2007), informatization level (Consoli, 2005), policy and financial loans (Geddes and Schmidt, 2020), entrepreneurship (Audretsch and Fritsch, 2003), etc. Hsu et al. found that the resource allocation efficiency of technology capital market is greatly affected by the development level of regional capital market. Under the same investment scale, regions with developed technology capital markets can achieve higher innovation performance (Hsu et al., 2014). ...
Technology finance is an important means to support technological innovation, the development level of which is one of the key points of innovation driven strategy in the new era. Based on the correlation-variation coefficient method, we screen the indicators of various provinces in China. An empirical research on technology finance by using the coupling coordinated development evaluation with data of 30 provinces from 2011 to 2020 are carried out. The forecast intervals for next 5 years are predicted with KGM (1, n) grey model. Then we use NSGA-III method to determine the trend of coupling coordinated development of each region in the forecast intervals. The research shows that the indicators of technology finance are industry-oriented, the level of integration of technology and finance across the country is different, to be specific, the East is on the high side, the central part is steady with some opportunities, the West has room for improvement and the Northeast has obvious weaknesses, and the driving force of the coupling coordinated development of technology and finance is limited in sustainability, etc. We propose to strengthen the top-level design and supervision of technology finance, implement accurate measures according to local conditions, and adopt the regional linkage and mutual assistance development mode to help regional efficient and coordinated development.
... Other studies focused on the socioeconomic characteristics of households, such as age, race, income, and family ties [17,19,31,38,[42][43][44][45][46][47][48][49][50][51][52]. For instance, some studies created a multinomial logit model of household location selection. ...
... This highlights the importance of social interaction for an increase in the neighborhood satisfaction of remote workers. Another possible reason is the high preference of remote workers for neighborhood amenities [59,60]. Multifamily houses are more likely to be located near local centers; however, single-family houses have greater floor space. ...
The emergence of the COVID-19 pandemic and working remotely may decrease the advantages of residing in populated areas. This study aims to test the relationship between remote work and changes in neighborhood satisfaction and to discern the difference according to both the status of remote work and the centrality of areas where people live in the relationships between geographic accessibility to neighborhood facilities and changes in neighborhood satisfaction. By using an ordinal logistic regression, we analyzed data from a questionnaire completed by residents of the 23 wards of Tokyo. Working remotely was found to increase neighborhood satisfaction of people living in a central (OR = 1.31) and a noncentral area (OR = 1.50). Remote workers living in single-family homes were found to be less satisfied with their neighborhoods. Less decrease (or increase) in geographic accessibility to eating facilities was found to be related to increase in neighborhood satisfaction for both remote and nonremote workers regardless of the centrality of areas where they live. The findings suggest that populated areas continue to provide benefits which will improve neighborhood satisfaction even after the start of a pandemic; however, there could be a shift of demand for facilities in central areas to noncentral areas beyond the emergence of the pandemic.
... En cualquier caso, la investigación sobre las preferencias residenciales de los creativos ha permitido explorar cuáles son los factores territoriales que influyen en su decisión de vivir preferentemente en unas ciudades y no en otras (Darchen y Tremblay, 2010;Fenkel et al., 2013;Lawton et al., 2013). Boschma y Fritsch (2009) afirman, en particular, que las personas creativas se ven especialmente atraídos por lugares que se caracterizan por un clima urbano de tolerancia, abierto a nuevas ideas y nuevas personas y que todo ello es crucial para el desarrollo regional. ...
Este trabajo plantea una aproximación hipotético-deductiva al estudio de la urbanización de los destinos turísticos poniendo de relieve el papel que juega en el proceso la atracción de residentes creativos. Específicamente, se plantea en un modelo dinámico de desarrollo urbano (MDDU) la interrelación entre crecimiento urbano, el desarrollo turístico y la atracción residencial de personas creativas en los destinos creados por y para el turismo.El modelo propuesto, basado en la ley de rendimientos decrecientes, permite plantear que el crecimiento urbano de un destino turístico se asocia en el tiempo con el crecimiento de residentes creativos. El modelo también sostiene que la atracción de creativos hacia destinos particulares se produce a partir de la sustanciación de un conjunto de factores relacionados con las características de los lugares. En definitiva, el MDDU no solo hace más sencilla la interpretación del papel de los creativos en el desarrollo urbano de los destinos turísticos, sino que, además, establece las relaciones funcionales que se pueden identificar entre su atracción, el desarrollo urbano y la evolución del destino.
... Second, the creative class will choose to locate in places that have 3 T's (talent, tolerance, technology), which later on became 4 T's when territorial assets were also included (Florida, 2012). A large number of studies have addressed this hypothesis, leading to diverse results (Bereitschaft & Cammack, 2015;Clifton, 2008;Hansen & Niedomysl, 2009;Lawton et al., 2013;Martin-Brelot et al., 2010;Navarro et al., 2012). However, before investigating the spatial or territorial factors that attract the creative class, it is necessary to examine whether the creative class predicts growth. ...
In a globalized world cities are increasingly confronted with global shocks. In this
context cities need to adopt strategies to increase their economic performance and
resilience. One strategy that has become increasingly popular is represented by
policies designed to attract the creative class, which are arguably an improvement
compared to more traditional policy approaches. However, authors have warned that
an excessive focus on attracting the creative class can be detrimental if authorities
ignore the importance of historical paths and of traditional variables responsible for
economic growth, especially in the case of coordinated economies. As such, in the
present paper we investigate the complementarity between the creative input variables and their traditional equivalents in terms of the extent to which they predict
economic development and economic resilience. In doing so we focus on the case
of Romania, a former communist country, whit a historically more centralized and
coordinated economy. The fndings highlight the complementarity of the two policy
approaches, as traditional variables are correlated with the number of jobs and the
income level at the level of municipalities, while the concentration of creative workers is strongly correlated with labour productivity. However, neither traditional nor
creative input variables have an impact on the resistance or recovery of Romanian
municipalities in the aftermath of the 2008 economic crisis.
... However, household-level life-course events, especially school commencement, is not sufficiently studied. We know individuals prefer residential locations with higherquality schools (Lawton, Murphy, and Redmond 2013), households with pre-school-age children are more mobile (Böheim and Taylor 2002), and children's education is a significant driving force for intention to relocation (Yang, Hao, and WU 2019). However, there is no empirical evidence to quantify the effect of school commencement on residential mobility. ...
This study introduces a survey instrument to collect retrospective life-course events, focusing on residential relocation, and it utilizes the survey to evaluate determinants of residential mobility. The survey consists of seven modules collecting information about household structure and household demographics, latest residential relocation, current and previous home, employment, education, vehicle ownership, and travel behavior. The time window of the life-course calendar in the survey is customized according to the latest residential relocation as an anchor point to assist with memory recollection and balance the required input from participants. The survey is used to collect data from a sample of 514 respondents in Sydney, Australia, and another sample of 404 respondents in Chicago, Illinois, in the US. The Cox proportional hazard model is used to analyze residential mobility. The results show primary school commencement is a salient determinant of residential relocation, but its impact is significantly higher in Chicago compared to Sydney.
... In her book on the regional advantage of Silicon Valley in innovation, Saxenian (1996) found that the informal communication between high-tech workers in social places outside offices often involves critical information related to technological change. This finding is consistent with the idea of Jacobs (1961Jacobs ( , 1969 and some later works (Florida, 2014;Lawton, Murphy, & Redmond, 2013), which highlight that innovative activities have been highly embedded in the social fabric of vibrant urban life. Empirical evidence on this linkage is still limited despite the positive effect of urban vitality on innovation based on the aforementioned observations. ...
Urban vitality and urban density have recently been the subject of intense debates in China, but their broader economic impacts have been neglected. Urban vitality can foster innovation by increasing interaction potential and efficiency, which can be amplified by the catalyst function of a favorable dense urban environment. This paper examines the impacts of urban vitality and density on innovation using a panel dataset for nine cities in the Greater Bay Area, which is one of the most prominent mega-city regions in China. The number of cafes is used to measure urban vitality and creation patent and utility model patent application to measure incremental and radical innovation, respectively. The current study has unveiled that urban vitality is positively associated with incremental and radical innovation. Results have indicated that one unit increase in the number of cafes is associated with a 3.92 and 7.29 unit increase in creation patent and utility model patent application, respectively. Moreover, urban vitality bolsters incremental innovation when urban density is high, while radical innovation benefits from urban vitality when urban density is low. These findings are robust to a set of sensitivity checks, including the use of various specifications and alternative datasets. We conclude with policy implications for innovation development from the perspective of urban vitality and urban density.
... cégek száma, mérete, profilja, éves forgalma, foglalkoztatottak száma stb.) veszi figyelembe a szektor vizsgálatánál. A külföldi szakirodalmak egyre inkább az iparági besorolás alapján azonosítják a kreatív osztályt (Lawton et al. 2013). Ennek a módszernek további előnye, hogy az adatok évenkénti bontásban és települési szinten is hozzáférhetők. ...
Az elmúlt évtizedekben a tudás, a kreativitás és az innováció szerepe felértékelődött a városok versenyképességében. Nem véletlen, hogy a kreativitás, a kreatív gazdaság és a városok fejlődése egyre jobban összefonódott. Fokozatosan átalakult a városok társadalma és gazdasága, valamint a városrégiók fizikai környezete és térbeli megjelenése. A szerző a budapesti agglomeráció példáján keresztül mutatja be a kreatív gazdaság fejlődésének városföldrajzi hatásait.
... In addition to the mix of public functions, housing and jobs were particularly emphasized in Table 2 since the unique character created by the presence of different pedestrians (singles/families, white/blue collar workers, tourists, etc.) can be tangibly perceived by station users [46]. From a land use perspective (macro), the density of inhabitants, the density of jobs and amount of retail/residential/commercial/recreational land use, and amount of open space have become common indicators [47][48][49][50], representing urban characteristics and development capacity in station areas [51]. Abdul Rahman [52] highlighted that businesses and commercial activities are the strongest functions that contribute to the liveliness of streets. ...
Incorporating users’ experiences in transport hub (re)development has become paramount, especially in the case of (high-speed) railway stations located in central urban locations. Designing “quality” according to users’ perspectives requires that we rethink about the dimensions to be prioritized, but also consider the variegated perspectives of users. Drawing on data from a survey of 452 users of the Amsterdam Central station area in the Netherlands, the relative importance of three value perspectives (node, place, and experience) on place quality were assessed through exploratory factor analysis. Seven quality factors were identified. Furthermore, relationships between socio-demographic characteristics and quality perceptions were simultaneously analyzed using a path analysis. The outcome showed that age and gender play a key role in explaining different quality perceptions. Senior citizens attach a higher importance to basic needs and safety and advanced services, while women also find wayfinding important. Moreover, education and visiting purpose influence other aspects of place quality perception, such as shopping or transfer. These findings provide a better understanding of place quality considerations in railway station areas in general and can serve as guidelines for the improvement of Amsterdam Central station, in particular.
... Young and educated people are attracted by modern amenities (Lloyd & Nichols Clark, 2001), while others may prefer suburban areas with better natural environments (Verdich, 2010). Some urban amenities are common housing considerations, such as education, public transportation facilities, crime rate, and other functional government departments, including police stations and fire stations (Lawton et al., 2013;Li et al., 2016). These preferences shape the distribution of talents and finally affect the distribution of firms through the labor market (Florida et al., 2008). ...
Studies of creativity in urban China are heavily confined at the interurban level and have been criticized for unclear spatial mechanisms and missing local context. This study constructs a theoretical framework to understand the role of urban amenity on the local attractiveness to producer services and further analyzes such attractiveness in Shanghai in terms of agglomeration and creativity using open data. We find that creative firms are more clustered than other producer service firms and urban amenities in Shanghai. The regression results show that urban amenity is strong in explaining local attractiveness to creativity rather than firm agglomeration at the 1-km scale. The attractiveness of the local urban area to creativity may be affected by urban amenity in various ways, including co-location, accessibility, and high-density clusters. Such relationships also follow Shanghai's monocentric structure. The importance of urban amenity decays as the distance to the central business district (CBD) increases in regards to firm agglomeration but persists in terms of creativity level. These findings highlight the importance of considering the coexistence of different spatial relationships and accentuate the differentiated applicability of industrial agglomeration and creativity theories.
... Professional migrants in both London and Moscow have identified the need for housing to be functional, comfortable and within reach of amenities (shops, cafes, gyms etc.; cf. Lawton, Murphy, and Redmond 2013). This close proximity to amenities is seen as a priority need because people exposed to regular longdistance travelling prefer to reduce local commute distances as far as possible. ...
Most housing forms and living arrangements in contemporary cities are designed for settled populations, and housing markets poorly address the needs of mobile population groups. This paper explores the housing forms and living arrangements which emerge from the conditions of temporality and mobility and are practised by the middle-income group of high-skilled transnational professionals. The study is based on 65 semi-structured interviews with migrants from Western countries in Moscow and London. Three inter-related factors of highly mobile living are found to shape the particular housing demands of this migrant group. Firstly, the need for economic flexibility determines the preference for sharing options rather than for individual renting. Secondly, the travelling pattern of their jobs imposes time-related housing limitations, and their life-course stage may require flexibility. Thirdly, this migrant group expresses requirements for physical and functional comfort of housing, as well as access to amenities and a sense of community, despite their detached lifestyles. However, although most of these housing needs are known in the literature, they have not yet been examined in relation to the mobile living of transnational professionals, and this paper illuminates this research gap.
... Among the driving factors found in this study, government policy planning, the digital economic environment, and emerging consumer demand are key factors that also affect the geographic agglomeration of creative industries [118][119][120][121]. However, factors such as office rent, transportation facilities, and urban cultural facilities that affect this geographic agglomeration [122][123][124] are no longer significant in virtual agglomeration because virtual agglomeration is formed based on virtual space, which eliminates the restriction of geographical boundaries [37]. It will therefore be difficult for region-related factors to have a critical impact. ...
The agglomeration paradigm for creative industries has fundamentally changed under the digital economy, giving rise to a new form of virtual agglomeration within these industries. This study explores the causes of this virtual agglomeration. We collected online Chinese news texts related to the virtual agglomeration of the creative industry, used text mining to identify nine factors affecting its formation, and refined the internal and external factors for an analytical framework based on the PEST (political, economic, social, technological) and value-chain models. We then combined the relevant literature and the creative industry’s development practices, analyzed the mechanism of each driving factor, and constructed a driving-force model for the creative industry’s virtual agglomeration. The external driving factors were government policy planning, the digital economic environment, emerging consumer demand, and the application of innovative technology; the internal factors were the digitalization of cultural resources, flexible manufacturing, digital marketing and promotion, online interactive services, and virtual platform facilities. Each factor was found to contribute to virtual agglomeration through different internal mechanisms. This study’s findings have theoretical and practical value for cultivating the modes of virtual agglomeration within creative industries.
... Newly available affordable attributes of homes may in particular gratify residents' evolving preferences for attainment of comfort, freedom, family, health, money, happiness, and pleasure as they progress through the life course (Biglieri and Hartt 2018;Jansen 2012;Lawton et al. 2013;Lindberg et al. 1987). Synchronously with this, however, residential preferences may also evolve if residents during the same stage of the life course have either upgraded or moderated their needs and aspirations through time (Darab et al. 2018;Opit et al. 2020;Rushton 1969). ...
Changes in residential preferences for homes’ attributes may predict increasing or decreasing demand for homes and neighbourhoods of residents. Residential preferences are measured experimentally as social utilities of 103 residents in 1985/1987, and 74 residents in 2020 for 12 generic attributes of homes in two mid-sized Canadian cities. Mean utilities for attributes’ levels are different for six attributes between two study periods, while preferences for the other six attributes remained the same. One process of change in residential preferences through time is a resident’s calculation or interpolation of a utility or price for a newly (un-)available type of home: such as differences between two attributes’ levels of basement condition and home renovations, and neighbouring house type and repair. Another process is a resident’s reassessment of the utility of an existing type of home: such as differences between four attributes’ levels of ages, and ethnic group and education of neighbours, house age and exterior finish, and house type and size. Average differences in preferences occurred because respondents in 1985/1987 discriminated between these six attributes’ levels, whereas respondents in 2020 evinced indifference between them. Changes in residents’ utilities for attributes’ levels through time, especially for their most preferred attributes’ levels have theoretical, methodological and practical implications.
... Given this market-driven logic of location, it seems reasonable to suspect that there is some spatial mismatch between the location of coworking spaces and the residential location of some independent knowledge workers who may want to work in them. Even core members of the creative class as defined by Richard Florida (2002), seem to follow 'standard' central-peripheral residential patterns according to which younger workers tend to live in dense, diverse central locations and later in their life-course also knowledge workers tend to live in the periphery of cities (Lawton et al., 2013;Frenckel et al., 2013). ...
Coworking has increased in popularity in the digital knowledge economy with the rise of independent professional workers who often work from home and lack the social relations that provide feedback, referrals or social support. Rather than studying coworking as a new spatial, social and economic way of working in designated coworking spaces, this study explores coworking in residential homes – the earliest self-organised form of coworking that has received little attention although dedicated home-based coworking networks have developed since. Based on intensive fieldwork material from coworking groups of freelancers across Europe who meet in each other’s homes, we explore why people meet to cowork in homes – when at the same time coworking is driven by the social isolation of working alone in the ‘home office’ as emphasised in previous research on coworking spaces. Our findings highlight the need of freelance workers to learn how to be productive and maintain productivity. The shared experience of homeworking and awareness of the challenges of personalised professional work create cognitive proximity in home-based coworking. Coworkers commit to the production of an affective atmosphere which is facilitated by digital platforms, the role of hosts and the home environment. We discuss the implications of our findings for understanding coworking more generally.
... Apart from valuing proximity to the university campus when searching for a residence, some also desired to live close to the city center, certain facilities and places of leisure. This is in line with the findings of Lawton et al. (2013), Frenkel et al. (2013), and Woldoff et al. (2011), who discussed the importance some people attach to having cafés, restaurants, and cultural amenities close to their residence. ...
Temporary transnational relocation is a growing type of migration. However, travel behavior adaptation of highly skilled temporary residents and its urban impacts have largely been ignored. This study extends the knowledge of mobility biographies, mobility cultures, and mobility of millennials by examining how temporary residents adapt their intra-urban travel behavior in response to a transnational relocation. The data used here comes from semi-structured interviews with students and researchers of nine different nationalities, aged between 19 and 31 years, temporarily living in Portugal (Lisbon or Porto). We found supporting evidence for the occurrence of residential self-selection, although prior information on study/workplace combined with low knowledge on neighborhood-level make it somewhat specific. Given their shortterm perspective, temporary residents are more prone to rely on public transport and non-motorized modes, having a low likelihood of purchasing vehicles. Thus, measures aimed at improving and facilitating the use of active modes can have an immediate effect on this group's travel behavior and contribute to reaching critical mass for these sustainable alternatives. Temporary residents are also a potentially interesting market segment for public transportation operators for increases in revenues, as they tend to display a relatively higher travel intensity and a wider diversity of activities and destinations. Finally, technology usage was found to reduce the stress-related to traveling to unfamiliar places by increasing the perceived spatial orientation, having the downside of generating a feeling of confidence that decreases the internalization of information. Providing timely and persuasive information at the very beginning of temporary residents' stay can help induce their travel behavior decisions.
... Much of the aforementioned debate has focused on the urban context (Collins and Cunningham 2017), and especially on the first tier cities and prominent metropolitan or creative cities (White 2010) such as Amsterdam (Kloosterman 2004;Peck 2012), Beijing and Shanghai (Liu 2009), London (Lee and Drever 2013), Vancouver (Hutton 2004), New York (Currid 2007), San Francisco (Pratt 2002), Paris (Aubry, Blein, and Vivant 2015) and Berlin (Heebels and van Aalst 2010;Lange 2009). These global cities are believed to inhabit the diversity and tolerance pursued by creative workers (Florida 2002;Jacobs 1962;Lawton, Murphy, and Redmond 2013), as well as the creative milieu (Hall 2000), the 'cool jobs' (David and Rosenbloom 1990;Neff, Wissinger, and Zukin 2005;Scott 2005;Storper and Scott 2009), the neo-bohemic vibrancy (Lloyd 2002), and the relevant networks, clusters, infrastructures and embedded knowledge (Banks et al. 2000) that allegedly would foster creative and professional success. ...
Creative workers have a tendency to co-locate in creative places, and their locational decision-making processes have been the topic of numerous studies. Yet, the vast majority of research has traditionally focused on the quintessential creative cities and metropolises. Much less is known about locational decision-making practices of creative workers in the ‘ordinary’ second and third tier cities. This paper aims to explore the mechanisms behind co-location in these smaller cities by looking at the influence and importance of place reputation on the attraction and retention of creative workers. Based upon 43 interviews with co-located Dutch creative entrepreneurs in such cities, we argue that in the absence of the metropolitan appeal, place reputation serves a multifaceted, yet essential role. First, tapping into the global creative city narrative provided creative and/or professional legitimation, as well as personal inspiration. Second, respondents commodified this reputation in their branding practices, which subsequently functioned as a pull-factor for other creative workers. Therefore, even though we observed many creatives do not utilise their local networks in their daily professional or creative work, place reputation afforded the development and sustainability of local buzz and knowledge exchange in cities where these networks did not organically occur.
... In the community, members of the creative class are interested in places with visible signs of diversity, such as the mixing of different races, ethnicities, sexual orientations, income levels, lifestyles, besides continuity between past and present and social ties (Lawton et al. Al, 2013). This diversity is not only related to the history, trajectories and events of the city, but also to the more recent urban context such as the national political aspect and the urban and regional economic specialization profiles (Van Heerden, 2014). ...
The main driving force of the knowledge economy is human creativity, which is why it has become a central agent in life in society, constantly promoting the improvement of products, processes and activities related to human life. In this sense, the attraction and retention of highly skilled and creative professionals should become a priority, not only because they stimulate economics, innovation and entrepreneurship, but also because they interact to solve everyday problems at micro or macro social level, impacting in the city as a whole. In the last two decades, among the most talented professionals, a group called the creative class began to stand out. The creative class consists of people who develop creative activities and share characteristics related to their preferences and lifestyle. The cities where they concentrate show a better economic performance, but their impact extends to all urban dimensions due to participating in the regeneration of infrastructure, to stimulating and strengthening the cultural scene, to their involvement in social and governance issues, among others. The creative class has a high geographical mobility and some factors are highlighted in its choice for a place to live and work, factors which can be developed by the city. Thus, the purpose of this research Is to analyze the relation of the creative class to cities and how to attract or retain it. As a result, the current panorama indicates that the most attractive cities to the creative class around the world are those which develop some aspects such as: diversity, tolerance, broad cultural scene, flexible labor market, landscapes and nature protection, good infrastructure of urban services, educational opportunities and cosmopolitan or open- minded local culture.
... s, cities have to pursue "the three T's" consisting of talent, tolerance and technology, along with a focus on details, such as diversity and individuality. The attraction of the creative class is simultaneously based on two different streams based on job motivated migration (Niedomysl and Clark, 2010), and the role of cultural amenities in cities (Lawton et al . , 2013). Additionally, Florida (2002) developed the Creativity index as a tool for describing how the creativity class is attracted to a city. The use of the Creativity index is still highly limited due to the difficulties in identifing some indexes (Kloudová and Chwaszcz, 2012). ...
Collaborative places nurture creativity and efficiency of cultural and creative industries. Research in collaborative places revealed they are essential for networking and cooperation in the creative ecosystem. The results of studies focusing on competitiveness of coworking spaces and their effect on boosting entrepreneurship are rather vague. Furthermore, an awareness of how coworking spaces stimulate coworkers to engage in urban regeneration through local community initiatives is limited. Hence, this study seeks to provide an insight into coworking spaces from the organizational perspective devoted to entrepreneurship and competitiveness. Simultaneously, the paper aims to reveal synergies between creative communities and local development. The method of data gathering consists of semi-structured in-depth interviews with managers and entrepreneurs from selected countries of the EU applying the grounded theory for their analysis. The results suggest that coworking spaces indicate a boosting of the entrepreneurship of the creative class through collective projects. These activities tend to stimulate knowledge creation and open innovation in the creative ecosystem that benefit local development. Coworking spaces also represent a driving force to initiate and maintain a dialogue between the creative ecosystem and local authorities for culture-led urban development.
... Age is a key factor of individual's residential preferences [32][33][34]. Housing types are assumed to reflect distinctive residential preferences of specific age groups in Europe [35]. ...
A complex interplay between socioeconomic transformations and demographic dynamics has characterized the long-term development of European countries. As a characteristic example of such linkage, the present study focuses on the spatial relationship between metropolitan growth and population age structure. Preferences for urban and suburban locations reflect complex socioeconomic phenomena such as sprawl, class segregation, gentrification and filtering. However, the spatial linkage between sprawl and demographic transitions was relatively poorly analyzed, and should be more extensively investigated in relation with population dynamics and socioeconomic structures at local scale. By reviewing pertinent literature, this study outlines how space exerts a non-neutral impact on population age structures in Europe, shaping housing needs and influencing settlement patterns and processes of urban transformation. While suburban locations have concentrated younger families and larger households in Northern and Western Europe, the socio-demographic composition of new settlements is increasingly dominated by older inhabitants in the Mediterranean region. Results of this work suggest how discontinuous urban expansion was specifically associated with an elder, wealthy population with high standard of living and a preference for specific housing locations such as detached villas with gardens and swimming pools.
... Regarding the other 2Ts, talent and technology, Florida underlines their importance in stimulating creativity and attracting new creatives. There is a strong group of scholars who argue the importance of other localization determinants: cultural and natural amenities (Grodach & Loukaitou-Sideris, 2007;Ling & Dale, 2011;Mansury, et al., 2012;Wedemeier, 2015), housing affordability (Lawton, et al., 2013) and quality of life (Van Oort, et al., 2003). Others suggest the relevance of local economic conditions, like job opportunities, presence of other creatives (especially bohemians as Boschma & Fritsch state, 2009) or creatives' clusters of firms (e.g. ...
This article analyzes the determinants and the distribution of Creative Class in peri-urban areas. Starting from Florida´s hypothesis on localization patterns (the famous 3Ts), the article uses unique measures to define tolerance and urban climate, to add innovative determinants and extend the analysis to peri-urban territory in Northern Italy. These measures are tested applying a principal component analysis and spatial regression models. The results partially confirm Florida. Creative class presence is strongly associated with socioeconomic determinants, such us public expenditure, presence of creative and no-creative firms, volunteering; less than cultural amenities and technology. Tolerance has more controversial effects.
... Scholars have investigated the locational preferences of so-called knowledge-intensive business services (KIBS) and their [frequently] high-skill, college-educated professional employees. Evidence suggests that these knowledge-intensive workers are exhibiting a heightened preference for urban amenities and lifestyles across a range of cities (Bereitschaft, 2014;Florida, 2012;Frenkel, Bendit, & Kaplan, 2013;Lawton, Murphy, & Redmond, 2013). Downtown and other central urban areas provide enhanced accessibility to these amenities as well as KIBS and other advanced producer service-based firms, which tend to cluster in large urban centers (Muller & Zenker, 2001;Strambach, 2008). ...
Driven by innovation, the implementation of a strategy for developing a quality workforce is the key to promoting the high-quality development of China’s economy. Based on the panel data of 31 provinces on the Chinese mainland from 2013 to 2020, a spatial econometric model is used to explore the impact of the regional environment, regional heterogeneity and its spatial effect on the gathering of technological talent. The results show that: (1) The improvement of the regional innovation environment can significantly promote the gathering of technological talent in a region; (2) The regional innovation environment has an obvious regional effect on the gathering of technological talent, which is manifested in the strong promotion of the eastern and western regions, and an obvious siphon effect in the eastern region, but it is not the key factor affecting the gathering of technological talent in the central region; (3) The gathering of technological talent has a significant spatial effect among neighboring provinces. Therefore, improving the regional innovation environment, adapting measures to local conditions in different regions and strengthening economic cooperation among provinces have become the key to the rational allocation of technology talent resources.
The attraction and retention of knowledge workers are regarded as an opportunity to boost local economies. This research aims to contribute to an understanding of the residential patterns of these workers at an intra-urban level for Madrid. It explores the role of classic location factors versus cultural amenities and lifestyles, in the context of post-Fordist work patterns that are blurring the boundaries between work and life. A unique dataset that captures the administrative records of affiliated workers in Madrid is used to estimate spatial regression models, controlling also for socio-demographic and professional characteristics. The results reveal the distinctive -but complex- residential patterns of knowledge workers, influenced by hard factors, especially workplace accessibility. The influence of lifestyles is also observed, although in different ways. Many ICT workers tend to locate in the residential suburbs and demand urban amenities connected with their family status. On the contrary, the density of cultural amenities and ‘new’ workplaces, including ‘third places’ and co-working spaces, would attract just some artists to the city centre. The influence exerted by the different social and business knowledge networks, accessible from these locations, would seem to be more consistent. The paper discusses the empirical findings and some urban policy implications.
In the last two decades, German major cities have shown an impressive comeback as places to live and work. Using the case of Germany’s 33 largest cities in terms of population and employment and their functional hinterland, this study identifies cities characterised by above-average growth processes
(“boom”) and how this “boom” effects the cities’ hinterlands. A distinction of these “spillover effects” is made between “slop over effects” in the sense of suburbanisation into the closer hinterland and “enrichment effects” in the sense of regional
urbanisation of the wider hinterland. The “spillover effects” are analysed using population and employment dynamics in the cores and the first and second ring of the hinterland. While population development continues to move into the hinterland,
employment growth in the surrounding region is orientated towards existing centres and transportation axes. Theories of regional urbanisation developed in other geographical
contexts, especially in North America, thus can only be transferred to a limited extent to the German urban context with its historically grown small-scale polycentric structure.
The Resource-Based View suggests that for an organization to have a sustainable competitive advantage, the firm should have valuable, rare, inimitable resources and have the ability to exploit them. The Knowledge-Based View treats knowledge as an organizational resource, which resides in both the explicit and tacit knowledge held by organizations and their people. For MNEs, the tacit knowledge is transferred by the movement of knowledge workers, who take on a boundary-spanning role. However, this trend is in decline. With increasing barriers (formal and informal) to the movement of professionals, increased digitization, and Industry 4.0, the physical movement of professionals may not be required. This literature review maps the evolution of knowledge transfer by MNEs and the knowledge workers’ role. We classify the studies into six clusters related to mobility, the use of expatriates and knowledge transfer, knowledge spillover, transfer practice, relational learning, and knowledge management and post-acquisition integration. The article identifies gaps in the extant literature and sets an agenda for future research.
La atracción y retención de los trabajadores del conocimiento son considerados vectores fundamentales para el desarrollo urbano. Esto explica el interés por comprender las fuerzas que guían la localización de estos trabajadores y las bases del atractivo de las principales ciudades. Esta investigación parte del esquema interpretativo de estudios previos a nivel europeo y busca analizar las trayectorias y los motivos de los trabajadores del conocimiento para localizarse en la región de Madrid, a partir de la realización de una encuesta online ad hoc. Los resultados confirman la importancia para los recién llegados de los factores hard, relacionados con las oportunidades de empleo, por encima de factores soft, relacionados con la disponibilidad de urban amenities y los estilos de vida, que parecen influir en la retención de algunos individuos, especialmente de aquellos que más tiempo llevan en la región. A ello contribuyen también factores network, como las redes familiares y profesionales. Todo ello tiene implicaciones para las políticas urbanas.
Chinese cities have changed from an egalitarian work unit based residential system toward a diversified housing estate-based neighborhood system under market-oriented reform and housing commercialization. It is important to understand the dynamics of residential mobility and the emerging pattern of the diversified new urban residential neighborhoods in Chinese cities. In this study, we examined the heterogeneity of intra-city residential mobility that resulted from diversity in households' demographics and variety in housing and neighborhood features after China's urban housing reform. The analysis and discussion are based on data from a face-to-face household questionnaire survey conducted in Tianjin. Using the K-Prototype clustering method we identify eight interesting patterns of residential mobility, which vary in households' social demographics, change of housing size and value, residential location choice, etc. The heterogeneity of residential mobility reveals the process of residential diversification and education induced gentrification. Economic status is an important factor in explaining residential diversification, and variation of public and commercial resources attached to places or housing is a key subjective driver for relocation. Heterogeneous intra-city residential mobility is changing urban residential neighborhoods.
W książce zaproponowano i rozwinięto koncepcję geografii sztuki jako subdyscypliny geografii społeczno-ekonomicznej. Ukazano w sposób syntetyczny terytorialny wymiar życia artystycznego w różnych skalach przestrzennych ‒ miejsc i ośrodków artystycznych. W tym celu uwzględniono dorobek nauk społecznych i humanistycznych. Sformułowane ramy koncepcyjne i pojęciowe terytorialnego pola sztuki wykorzystano do zobrazowania zmieniającej się organizacji przestrzennej prywatnych galerii sztuki współczesnej i ich skupisk w Krakowie w latach 1989–2019.
http://denali.geo.uj.edu.pl/publikacje,000255
This study investigates how a city’s innovation capacity could be influenced by its polycentric urban structure. Drawing upon a panel data set containing 267 Chinese cities at the prefecture level and above from 2006 to 2016, and using an instrumental variables approach, we reveal a significant and negative causal relationship between polycentricity and a city’s innovation capacity. We further discuss the mechanisms of agglomeration economies, socioeconomic diversity and firm location choice that drive the innovation impact of polycentricity. The paper highlights the need to rethink and re-evaluate the current movement of ‘planned polycentrism’ in the Chinese context.
Studies investigating the spatial distribution of knowledge workers focus mainly on the factors that draw them to large primary cities. Second-ranked cities have trouble attracting and retaining these workers. We investigated whether there is a difference between the mobility preferences of knowledge workers residing in second-ranked cities and those of their peers in large primary cities. We used a field survey among workers in information and communications technology (ICT) residing in two cities in Israel: Tel Aviv, the leading metropolitan area in terms of innovative products, and Beersheba, the core of the southern periphery that has made great efforts to build a cyber hub. The results show that having a social network in the region in terms of close family, friends, and interactions with other people in the area has a stronger positive influence on the mobility preferences of knowledge workers residing in second-ranked cities, compared to their colleagues from large primary cities. The results acknowledge social networks as an important factor for place-based policies aimed at attracting knowledge workers to second-ranked cities.
This book offers insights into the process and the practice of local economic development. Bridging the gap between theory and practice it demonstrates the relevance of theory to inform local strategic planning in the context of widespread disparities in regional economic performance. The book summarizes the core theories of economic development, applies each of these to professional practice, and provides detailed commentary on them. This updated second edition includes more recent contributions - regional innovation, agglomeration and dynamic theories - and presents the major ideas that inform economic development strategic planning, particularly in the United States and Canada. The text offers theoretical insights that help explain why some regions thrive while others languish and why metropolitan economies often rise and fall over time. Without theory, economic developers can only do what is politically feasible. This text, however, provides them with a logical tool for thinking about development and establishing an independent basis from which to build the local consensus needed for evidence-based action undertaken in the public interest. Offering valuable perspectives on both the process and the practice of local and regional economic development, this book will be useful for both current and future economic developers to think more profoundly and confidently about their local economy. © 2021 Emil Malizia, Edward Feser, Henry Renski, and Joshua Drucker. All right reserved.
This article seeks to analyze the municipal distribution of creative workers in the province of Buenos Aires, Argentina, and specifically to explore how tourism destinations behave in relation to their ability to attract them. Thereby, it provides empirical evidence to demonstrate where the different subgroups of creative workers (professional, super-creative, and bohemian) are attracted to, and what factors of attraction (tolerance, talent, technology, and territory) influence their location in 110 municipalities of the province. The results highlight that human factors (talent and tolerance) are the fundamental ones and that the location of bohemians and super-creative has the greatest significant correlations with the conditions of place.
Neighborhoods in the urban context have varied stages of life-cycles, from emergent areas through to hyper-developed locales. These neighborhoods depend upon both visitors and residents to secure their revenue and foster economic growth. Arts and entertainment events are popular interventions in the municipal toolkit, often including art fairs, gallery walks, and music festivals, which can build social networks and foster connection to place. This study integrates the data from 1,111 usable survey responses gleaned from three arts-related events: a monthly gallery hop, an annual art fair, and a recurring music-based festival. These occurred in three neighborhoods in Columbus, Ohio: (1) Short North, a neighborhood that has fostered a well-known brand as an arts and cultural destination; (2) Downtown, a neighborhood in which large anchor arts institutions and performance venues are located; and, (3) Franklinton, a neighborhood in the process of establishing an identity by using arts and culture as a focal point. Respondents were queried as to their vision regarding a variety of creative aspects of the three neighborhoods. We ask, what can we learn from these potential consumers of culture with regards to the optimal development and creative sector offerings of these neighborhoods? Can the opinions of demand-side individuals inform municipal cultural policy decisions? Understanding that neighborhoods have varied life-cycles, what are ways that urban planners, developers, and municipal actors could utilize survey data to strategize for a city’s long-term growth? While we found common preferences for social spaces, arts events, and craft food and beverages across all locations, the data revealed that arts and culture is viewed by respondents differently in the three neighborhoods. It is seen as entertainment in the Short North, as an amenity Downtown, and as a lifestyle in Franklinton. Policy recommendations integrate the concepts of creative placemaking, place-visioning, community engagement, and policy learning and adaptation—all with the goal of matching strategies to consumer preferences.
Florida’s ‘creative class’ terminology emphasizes the desirability of policy to drive better life-work balance, providing personalized housing and vibrant neighbourhood amenities. Interest in these themes is to be found so far in urban economics and sociology literature. Little however is known about the market reactions from the property sector. This paper explores the spatial manifestation of the ‘creative class’ ideals in terms of mixed-use and the locations of housing provision in two development initiatives – Paintworks in Bristol and Baltic Triangle in Liverpool. Findings from interviews and field observations revealed a dominant ‘business as usual’ attitude from the development sector. Regulatory controls, risk aversion, inert housing consumption preferences, and housing financialization, all played their part in deferring the emergence of the idealist ‘creative housing products’ in the UK. More importantly, the housing market dynamic is still better understood on the city or even regional scales instead of fine-grained street levels. Findings in this paper therefore call for deeper understanding regarding the connections between housing and economic development, including specifically creativity and innovation.
Resumen
La gentrificación de barrios en diversas ciudades del mundo se ve influenciado por la presencia de artistas como agentes de cambio. Ya sea en los casos de Nueva York, Rotterdam o Santiago de Chile, este grupo actúa como pionero al asentarse en barrios identificados con cualidades determinadas que los hace particularmente atractivos: entre ellas la autenticidad como una de las más importantes. Sin embargo, la disposición estética de los artistas que reconfigura el significado de los objetos por su aspecto formal y descontextualización, volviéndolos en objetos artísticos; también es capaz de hacerlo con los barrios en donde se implantan. De esta manera, el colectivo cambia poco a poco el carácter y significado de los barrios convirtiéndolos en objetos de referencia para todo aquel que busque un medio de diferenciación en la sociedad. Así, los barrios colonizados por artistas son mercantilizados por su valorización social y económica como consecuencia de su propia cultura y autenticidad, lo que conlleva a su gentrificación.
Abstract
The gentrification of neighborhoods around the globe cities has been strongly influenced by the presence of artists as agents. In cases such as New York, Rotterdam or Santiago de Chile, the group act as pioneers of the process by their settlement in specific neighborhoods with specific characteristics, being the authenticity one of the most important. Nevertheless, their aesthetic disposition that changes the meaning of objects by the emphasis in the formal aspect and decontextualization, becoming pieces of art; is also capable of changing the neighborhoods. This way, the group changes the character of the place they settle, becoming a reference object for anyone who seeks differentiation. As a result, neighborhoods colonized by artists, are commodificated by their social and economic value as a consequence of their own authenticity and culture that lead, finally, to a gentrification process.
ResumenLa gentrificación de barrios en diversas ciudades del mundo se ve influenciado por la presencia de artistas como agentes de cambio. Ya sea en los casos de Nueva York, Rotterdam o Santiago de Chile, este grupo actúa como pionero al asentarse en barrios identificados con cualidades determinadas que los hace particularmente atractivos: entre ellas la autenticidad como una de las más importantes. Sin embargo, la disposición estética de los artistas que reconfigura el significado de los objetos por su aspecto formal y descontextualización, volviéndolos en objetos artísticos; también es capaz de hacerlo con los barrios en donde se implantan. De esta manera, el colectivo cambia poco a poco el carácter y significado de los barrios convirtiéndolos en objetos de referencia para todo aquel que busque un medio de diferenciación en la sociedad. Así, los barrios colonizados por artistas son mercantilizados por su valorización social y económica como consecuencia de su propia cultura y autenticidad, lo que conlleva a su gentrificación.AbstractThe gentrification of neighborhoods around the globe cities has been strongly influenced by the presence of artists as agents. In cases such as New York, Rotterdam or Santiago de Chile, the group act as pioneers of the process by their settlement in specific neighborhoods with specific characteristics, being the authenticity one of the most important. Nevertheless, their aesthetic disposition that changes the meaning of objects by the emphasis in the formal aspect and decontextualization, becoming pieces of art; is also capable of changing the neighborhoods. This way, the group changes the character of the place they settle, becoming a reference object for anyone who seeks differentiation. As a result, neighborhoods colonized by artists, are commodificated by their social and economic value as a consequence of their own authenticity and culture that lead, finally, to a gentrification process.
The notion that buzz, creativity, diversity, openness and a sense of bohemia in cities are important to attract creative workers and entrepreneurs has grown in prominence both in academic literatures and in city economic development strategies. However, there is a disjuncture in the literature and dearth of evidence as to whether entrepreneurs seek bohemian (open, diverse) places in which to live or to locate their business. This study explores the kinds of neighborhood small business owners, in particular entrepreneurial small business owners, live and work in, and the extent to which their intra-urban locational patterns diverge from the general working population. Survey data of small business owners in Edinburgh (UK) uniquely capturing both business location and the residential location of the business owner, and Census data covering all workers with workplaces in Edinburgh are used. Findings support the attraction of some entrepreneurs to bohemian neighborhoods both as places to live and as places to work. Equally, however, findings stress the importance of a diversity of neighborhood types, including attractive suburban neighborhoods, due to business cycle and personal life course effects making non-bohemian neighborhoods also attractive to small business owners.
Ethnically mixed households signify decreasing social distance between ethnic groups, and have potential to transform urban ethnic landscapes. Quantitative research has revealed mixed-ethnicity couples’ distinctive residential geographies, which interrupt established segregation patterns. Mixed-ethnicity couples often concentrate in diverse neighborhoods. Yet few studies have asked these couples to explain the reasons behind their residential decision-making. We respond to this gap, drawing on 48 interviews with mixed-ethnicity couples in Australia. Conventional concerns prevailed in discussions of neighborhood choice: dwelling characteristics, affordability, proximity to workplace and family and accessibility of services. Most expressed affinity for ethnically diverse neighborhoods, but rarely cited this as a primary decision-making factor. Our findings counter assumptions that ethnic differences are front-and-center of mixed-ethnicity families’ everyday decision-making, and highlight their ordinariness. Mixed-ethnicity couples’ seeming lack of focus on neighborhood ethnic composition shows that being surrounded by ethnically similar people is not always a driving force in people’s residential lives.
Throughout the last decade the 'creative class' thesis has received significant attention within academic and policymaking circles. This paper analyses the role of the 'creative class' thesis within recent urban and economic policy formation in Dublin. In methodological terms, the study uses in-depth analysis of recent policy documents which is supplemented by interviews with key stakeholders involved in the formulation and implementation of policy at various scales. The paper argues that weaknesses in the structure of local government and current fiscal rectitude in Ireland combined with the flexible nature of Florida's 'creative class' ideas have ensured its easy adaptability as 'fast policy'. Here we focus on two particular areas of policy formation: 'place-making' and the formation of new networks of power. We contend that the shortcomings of this approach are based on the lack of causal evidence linking the promotion of a 'vibrant place' with economic prosperity and the lack of democratic accountability within the formation of networks of elite actors.
There is a substantial research literature on residential mobility in general, and the role of housing space in triggering moves in particular. The authors extend that research to mobility in British housing markets, using data from the British Household Panel Survey. They confirm the applicability of the general residential mobility model and also confirm the value both of pooled cross-sectional and of true longitudinal models of residential change. Age, tenure, and room stress (housing-space requirements) are found to be significant predictors of moving. In addition, the life course 'triggers' of marital-status change and, in some situations, birth of a child play important roles in moving within housing markets in the United Kingdom. The same model, with somewhat lower levels of fit, is also significant for the London region. Variables that measure the desire to move and neighborhood satisfaction also play a role in predicting local moves: those who like their neighborhood are generally less likely to move. The results offer support for the view that residential mobility is a demographically driven process which also reflects the connection with neighborhood contexts.
: This article represents a broad and occasionally polemical meditation on the nature and significance of creative cities. I seek to situate the concept of creative cities within the context of the so-called new economy and to trace out the connections of these phenomena to recent shifts in technologies, structures of production, labor markets, and the dynamics of locational agglomeration. I try to show, in particular, how the structures of the new economy unleash historically specific forms of economic and cultural innovation in modern cities. The argument is concerned passim with policy issues and, above all, with the general possibilities and limitations faced by policymakers in any attempt to build creative cities. The effects of globalization are discussed, with special reference to the prospective emergence of a worldwide network of creative cities bound together in relations of competition and cooperation. In the conclusion, I pinpoint some of the darker dimensions—both actual and potential—of creative cities.
Housing studies show an overwhelming preference by middle-class families for suburban living locations. In this paper an atypical category, middle-class families living in the city, is addressed. The aim is to understand why these households disconnect the seemingly natural relationship between families and the suburbs. Empirical evidence comes from interviews with families living in two Rotterdam neighbourhoods. Three interrelated sets of explanations were found. First, families express clearly the time-geographical reasons for urban living. In particular, the location of work provides a strong incentive to seek housing in the same city. Second, social embeddedness is a strong reason for staying. Understanding housing preferences requires the conceptualization of families as social networks. Third, these families define themselves as true urbanites and sturdy families who reject the suburbs as a suitable place in which to live. The results are discussed in the context of urban policies to retain the middle classes in the city.
Recently, the popular literature on creative industries and the urban creative landscape has been largely dominated by the work of one scholar, Richard Florida. The popularity of Richard Florida’s work has led to a zealous implementation of his creative class thesis by many city officials, policymakers, and urban planners. Recent studies have investigated the impact of creative city implementation in previously working class and industrial cities, but given Florida’s popularity and influence, it is also necessary to evaluate the sustainability of cities touted as creative success stories by Florida and others. This article examines the case of Austin, Texas, seeking to evaluate Florida’s model city in light of recent empirical research. This research suggests that while Austin has witnessed impressive economic prosperity, the “externalities” or unforeseen challenges associated with creative development are equally evident. Further, this research suggests that previously overlooked socio-cultural challenges (e.g. loss of urban cultural character, sense of detachment, over-commercialization) in Austin threaten to potentially undermine the sustainability of this mode of development.
Across Europe there is a lively policy and academic debate on what the essential conditions are for the development of new economic activities in city-regions. The focus is on knowledge-intensive and creative industries. Different theories (glocalization, clustering, embeddedness, path dependence, "hard" and "soft" location factors) identify the essential factors. In this article, we review debates and theories on these conditions and specifically focus on the different pathways city-regions follow. This results in a set of hypotheses, which are evaluated with empirical evidence from three city-regions: Amsterdam, Birmingham, and Budapest. In each of these city-regions factors can be identified that inhibit the growth of knowledge-intensive and creative industries as well as enable such development. Rather than moving toward a common type of city-region, it is likely that distinctive economic outcomes will be generated due to strengths and assets inherited from the past.
Suburbanisation by families with children can be considered as a dominant factor in determining the structure of a city's population. However, due to urban restructuring programmes, a modest counter process can be observed. Some families who could afford to buy a house in the suburbs decide instead to stay in the central areas of the city. In so doing, they form a relatively new category of gentrifiers: middle-class families with children. In this paper, they are identified as 'yupps': young urban professional parents. They combine the next step in their life cycle—having children—with continuing their career and their preference for an urban lifestyle. The Amsterdam study, reported here, gives some insight in the personal characteristics of yupps, their motivations to live centrally, their activity patterns and constraints. An analysis of their daily lives reveals the significance of the neighbourhood as a crucial factor in the daily integration of such contrasting demands as building a career, caring for children and keeping up with cultural pursuits and social contacts. It is further argued that—in a class-specific context-changing gender relations lie at the root of family gentrification, resulting in the construction of new male and female identities.
The idea of the creative knowledge city has received considerable attention in the last number of years, not only in the academic literature but also from urban policymakers. Much of the attention has centred on the ‘creative class’ thesis and its relevance for regional economic growth. By taking the thesis at face value, this paper empirically analyses the extent to which Dublin's creative knowledge workers conform or otherwise to the characteristics of the ‘creative class’. Thus, we investigate the satisfaction of Dublin's creative knowledge workers with the ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ factors associated with the city's living environment. We also analyse the most important reasons attracting creative knowledge workers to the Dublin region. In addition, the paper also explores the mobility of Dublin's creative knowledge workers within the context of locational and workplace mobility. The results show that workers within the creative knowledge class are attracted to Dublin on the basis of classic factors: employment availability, family and birthplace. ‘Soft’ factors play an important role in the decision-making process of only a small minority of workers.
Based on data for Amsterdam, the Netherlands, this paper presents new evidence of a strong increase in the number of middle-class families in the city. By presenting the spatial patterns and trends of middle-class families in selected Amsterdam neighbourhoods, the paper shows that central neighbourhoods in particular attract middle-class families. In addition, new-build areas, both central and peripheral, offer a residential environment for middle-class families as a compromise between inner city and suburb. This paper links these patterns and trends with gentrification literature. Middle-class family neighbourhoods are classified in a typology that perceives neighbourhoods as fields that are accessed by means of capital, and operate as a stage for the accumulation of various forms of capital, which are associated with various habituses of the middle class.
The creative class thesis put forward by Florida [(2002a) The Rise of the Creative Class and How it's transforming Work, Leisure, Community and Everyday Life (New York: Basic Books)] has in recent years been subject to vivid debate and criticism. This article applies the creative class thesis onto a Nordic context in order to examine whether Florida's theory proves fruitful in a context different from the US. Based on qualitative data, the paper analyses the role of people climate and business climate for the location of the creative class and firms in three different kinds of regions in four Nordic countries. The analyses demonstrate that the people climate tends to be of secondary importance to the business climate in explaining the location of the Nordic creative class. This should be seen as a result of the urban hierarchy within the Nordic countries as well as a strong welfare policy, which ensures an equal distribution of public provision and supports dual career households. Together, these factors diminish the role of people climate for location choices. The study also finds that the notion of people climate has different meanings in various places, and what attracts or repels the creative class depends on the life phases of the members of the creative class. The study raises concerns about the potential for applying the creative class approach beyond large city regions, which limits its usability in regional planning.
Home and workplace location choices are closely related. The determinants of these choices operate differently based on an individual's life cycle, particularly with regard to the presence or absence of children. Individuals with children often place value on greenspace and recreational opportunities, while those without children often prefer smaller residential lots and locations with access to services. Existing studies have found that if residential location desires are satisfied, people are less likely to emphasize the importance of job location irrespective of their life stage. Taking a different approach, this study examines home-workplace decisions from a commuting standpoint. Commute durations and personal characteristics are used to analyse individual behavior. The contributions of this work include the finding that environmental characteristics and amenities may explain the connection between commuting behavior and residential location choices. Existing studies have not connected environmental characteristics and commuting behavior. This study also uses various GIS modeling techniques to explore the effects of previously unanalysed variables on residential location decisions.
Richard Florida contends that the key determinant of the economic growth of cities is the presence of concentrations of what he terms the ‘creative class’–‘[those] who use creativity as a key factor in … [their] work …’– and that places should aim to attract these workers by endowing themselves with the 3Ts of technology, talent and tolerance. Despite courting serious criticisms from both the Left and Right, Florida’s arguments continue to resonate with civic leaders and a popular audience. Building on work that questions the theoretical robustness of the concept, this review focuses on the construction of identity and ontology in Florida’s work. Tracing the genealogy of the ‘creativity’ debates, the article seeks to explore the implications of this work on ideas about cities and urban policy. I argue that the creative class thesis successfully streamlined a number of disparate and emergent discourses (on the knowledge economy, cultural and creative industries, industrial clustering, flexible labour, etc.) into a platform upon which such processes could be seen as constitutive, and therefore provide a rhetorical ‘solution’ to a complex set of problems. The concept also works in terms of a personal buy-in, in that people are willing to subscribe to this world view and place themselves within this schema. Florida’s texts are sophisticated polemic mobilisations of identity, which package and market a particular view of the individual and society. Ultimately, however, the concept accounts for human creativity and the dynamics of place in shallow ways that ignore geographical context, reinforce and almost glorify the growing inequalities between rich poor, and ultimately co-opt creativity into the status quo of neoliberal capitalism.
This paper aims to quantify the extent to which transport and other factors impact on residential decisions using Oxfordshire, UK, as a case study. It investigates the impacts of the current dwelling, household characteristics and alternative properties on the probability of moving. It also highlights the trade-off between access, space and other attributes in residential location choice. Particular emphasis is placed on assessing the impact of transport and location-embedded amenities. A nested logit model is applied to estimate the indirect random utility functions of the intention to move and residential location choice based on stated preference data. The estimation results of the intentions to move model illustrate the impact of housing and household characteristics on the probability of moving. The estimation results of the residential location choice model quantify the trade-offs between transport, amenities and other factors.
creative city and growth exemplars. Limit-ations of the comparative nature of such cross-national policy analysis and method-ological challenges arising are then discussed in the context of this convergence in the nature and location types chosen for policy implementation—where the new economy meets city regeneration at a site-specifi c level. A discussion of the widening definitions Abstract The paper presents the results of an international study of creative industry policies and strategies, based on a survey of public-sector creative city initiatives and plans and their underlying rationales. As well as this survey and an accompanying literature review, interviews were carried out with senior policy-makers and intermediaries from Europe, North America, Africa and south-east Asia. The paper considers the scope and scale of so-called new-industrial clusters in local cultural and creative quarters and sub-regional creative hubs, which are the subject of policy interventions and public–private investment. The semantic and symbolic expansion of the cultural industries and their concentration in once-declining urban and former industrial districts, to the creative industries, and now to the knowledge and experience economy, is revealed in economic, sectoral and spatial terms. Whilst policy convergence and emulation are evident, manifested by the promotion of creative spaces and industry clusters and versions of the digital media and science city, this is driven by a meta-analysis of growth in the new economy, but one that is being achieved by old industrial economic interventions and policy rationales. These are being used to justify the redevelopment of former and residual industrial zones, with cities utilising the creative quarter/knowledge hub as a panacea to implement broader city expansion and regeneration plans.
The effective planning of residential location choices is one of the great challenges of contemporary societies and requires forecasting capabilities and the consideration of complex interdependencies which can only be handled by complex computer models. This book presents a range of approaches used to model residential locations within the context of developing land-use and transport models. These approaches illustrate the range of choices that modellers have to make in order to represent residential choice behaviour. The models presented in this book represent the state-of-the-art and are valuable both as key building blocks for general urban models, and as representative examples of complexity science.
Neo-Bohemia brings the study of bohemian culture down to the street level, while maintaining a commitment to understanding broader historical and economic urban contexts. Simultaneously readable and academic, this book anticipates key urban trends at the dawn of the twenty-first century, shedding light on both the nature of contemporary bohemias and the cities that house them. The relevance of understanding the trends it depicts has only increased, especially in light of the current urban crisis puncturing a long period of gentrification and new economy development, putting us on the precipice, perhaps, of the next new bohemia.
The effective planning of residential location choices is one of the great challenges of contemporary societies and requires forecasting capabilities and the consideration of complex interdependencies which can only be handled by complex computer models. This book presents a range of approaches used to model residential locations within the context of developing land-use and transport models. These approaches illustrate the range of choices that modellers have to make in order to represent residential choice behaviour. The models presented in this book represent the state-of-the-art and are valuable both as key building blocks for general urban models, and as representative examples of complexity science.
Relatively little attention has been given in the planning literature to investigating the nature of legislative change in the planning domain. Utilising a political economy approach, this article analyses recent planning legislative change in the Republic of Ireland. The article argues that changes in planning legislation can be interpreted within a broader agenda of entrepreneurial planning within the Irish state. In critiquing recent change, three key issues are highlighted: (1) the state, through legislation, facilitates development capital over the interests of the general population; (2) entrepreneurial planning approaches can be traced to formal legislative change; (3) recent legislative change has been designed specifically to reduce democracy in the planning process. The findings support the assertion that planning legislation predominantly facilitates the interests of elite groups in society over those of the 'common good'.
This article tests Richard Florida's hypothesis about the spatial mobility of the ‘creative class' and the role of soft factors in the decisions of creative workers concerning their places of residence. Empirical data from 11 European cities suggest that the European ‘creative class' is not as mobile as Florida says. Cultural and institutional constraints contribute to lower mobility rates in Europe. In this article the role of ‘personal trajectories', completely disregarded until now, is highlighted. On the basis of empirical research data, the role of soft location factors in the decisions of creative workers does not seem to be as relevant as has been implied by Florida and others. These factors play only a marginal role in attracting members of the creative class to a city. On the other hand, they play an important role in retaining them once they have relocated. This provides some support for policies aimed at bringing about a characteristical environment of creative cities.
The geography of the creative class and its impact on regional development has been debated for some years. While the ideas of Richard Florida have permeated local and regional planning strategies in most parts of the Western world, critiques have been numerous. Florida's 3T's (technology, talent, and tolerance) have been adopted without considering whether the theory fits into the settings of a specific urban and regional context. This article aims to contextualize and unpack the creative class approach by applying the knowledge-base approach and break down the rigid assumption that all people in the creative class share common locational preferences.We argue that the creative class draws on three different knowledge bases: synthetic, analytical, and symbolic, which have different implications for people's residential locational preferences with respect to a people climate and a business climate. Furthermore, the dominating knowledge base in a region has an influence on the importance of a people climate and a business climate for attracting and retaining talent. In this article, we present an empirical analysis in support of these arguments using original Swedish data.
This study uses a large longitudinal data set of housing and mobility information for the city of Tilburg, The Netherlands, to examine the relationships among households and the housing stock. The focus is on the nature of housing consumption by tenure and life-cycle characteristics of households and the impact of space requirements on residential mobility. Stepwise logit and discriminant models show that space considerations are central stimuli in the mobility process and that square meters per person is the most consistent predictor of the propensity to move. A specific study of the role of births indicates that such additions to families, especially for private renters and renters in the public sector, are a significant trigger in the mobility process.
Gentrification involves the transition of inner-city neighbourhoods from a status of relative poverty and limited property investment to a state of commodification and reinvestment. This paper reconsiders the role of artists as agents, and aestheticisation as a process, in contributing to gentrification, an argument illustrated with empirical data from Toronto, Montreal and Vancouver. Because some poverty neighbourhoods may be candidates for occupation by artists, who value their afford ability and mundane, off-centre status, the study also considers the movement of districts from a position of high cultural capital and low economic capital to a position of steadily rising economic capital. The paper makes extensive use of Bourdieu's conceptualisation of the field of cultural production, including his discussion of the uneasy relations of economic and cultural capitals, the power of the aesthetic disposition to valorise the mundane and the appropriation of cultural capital by market forces. Bourdieu's thinking is extended to the field of gentrification in an account that interprets the enhanced valuation of cultural capital since the 1960s, encouraging spatial proximity by other professionals to the inner-city habitus of the artist. This approach offers some reconciliation to theoretical debates in the gentrification literature about the roles of structure and agency and economic and cultural explanations. It also casts a more critical historical perspective on current writing lauding the rise of the cultural economy and the creative city.
Highly skilled workers are increasingly recognised as a key competitive asset for regional development, and claims have been made that emphasise the importance of certain amenities for the prospects of attracting this particular group of workers. We use a recent large-scale survey to investigate the relative importance of jobs versus amenities for the decision to migrate, as perceived by the migrants themselves. The paper thereby adds important insights to the existing literature that has hitherto mainly focused on analysing the extent to which aggregate migration flows correlate with employment-related or amenity-related factors. The results show that jobs are considerably more important for the decision to move among highly educated migrants compared with migrants with lower education.
The onus on the planning systems of most advanced capitalist societies to develop a more sustainable urban development pattern has resulted in an ever-increasing emphasis on policies to increase residential densities. As evident by rapidly sprawling development patterns which are now characteristic of most Western societies, individual residential preferences appear to be at variance with this policy agenda. Using quantitative and qualitative research data this paper examines the motives, behaviour and preferences of residents living in new relatively compact residential environments in the central area of Dublin city. This is a group who have made the choice to move into a relatively compact urban area and hence it will be revealing to assess the motives, preferences and future intentions of this residential population. Evidence presented in this paper would suggest that residential preferences are at variance with policy prescription emphasising the need for higher residential densities as, for example, even among those living in new compact urban environments in the central city, there is a clear aspiration for lower-density living. The preference of the majority of these residents to ultimately relocate to lower-density locations would suggest that urban planners and designers still have some way to go before they can claim to have created residential environments that meet liveability as well as sustainability criteria.
This paper investigates various factors influencing individual’s choice of residence location and the role of the commute trip on that decision. It tries to identify how residential decisions are influenced by socio-economics variables and neighborhood characteristics with emphasis on behavioral differences between the genders. The analysis is based on the Israel Census data for the Tel Aviv metropolitan area and uses both descriptive statistics and estimation of a logit choice model. The results show the important of both the area characteristics and the commute distance in choosing residential location and significant differences between men and women. The importance of commute distance in residential location choice decreases with increase in one’s level of income, level of education, and number of car in one’s household. The results are consistent with existing research literature with new emphasis on the effect of income.
This study focuses on homeowners’ satisfaction with their neighborhoods, which is a major factor associated with a strong sense of community. Beginning with the assumption that there are neighborhood factors that influence residents’ satisfaction and that these factors differ between satisfactory and unsatisfactory areas in a city, the authors use regression analysis to examine the relationships. Regression analysis showed that 14 variables were significantly related to neighborhood satisfaction. An analysis that focused on the satisfactory group of neighborhoods had a similar result. However, analysis that focused on the unsatisfactory group showed noticeable differences. For instance, safety and social problems were much more significant influences than physical factors in neighborhood satisfaction in unsatisfactory areas.
Introducing the special issue on “Mobilizing policy,” the paper contrasts orthodox approaches to policy transfer with an emerging body of work in the interdisciplinary field critical policy studies. The governing metaphors in this latter body of work are those of mobility and mutation (rather than transfer, transit, and transaction), policymaking dynamics being conceived in terms of reproduction across and between sites of innovation/emulation (rather than interjurisdictional replication). Distinctive contributions of the following collection of papers are highlighted in the context of an emergent “policy mobilities” approach.
a b s t r a c t The paper contributes to the conceptualization of cities in the world by first outlining the conceptual and empirical challenges of theorizing the urban/global nexus in both relational and territorial terms. It argues that the most useful and appropriate approach to understanding contemporary urban governance in global context is to develop a conceptualization that is equally sensitive to the role of relational and territorial geographies, of fixity and flow, of global contexts and place-specificities (and vice versa), of structural imperatives and embodied practices, in the production of cities. In order to illustrate the ben-efits of this conceptualization, the paper will apply it to the case of how downtown development is gov-erned in many contemporary cities. The role of the Business Improvement District (BID) program and New Urbanist planning models in shaping downtowns will be examined in terms of: (1) how and by whom these models are developed in a global-relational context and are set in motion through scaled cir-cuits of policy knowledge and (2) how the mobilization of these models are conditioned by their territo-rialization in specific spatial and political economic contexts. The paper emphasizes that the 'local globalness' of policy models like BIDs and New Urbanism and their consequences for cities can best be understood through a combined focus on relationality and territoriality.
Studies of the city traditionally posit a division between a city’s economy and its culture, with culture subordinate in explanatory power to work. However, post–industrial and globalizing trends are dramatically elevating the importance of culture. Cultural activities are increasingly crucial to urban economic vitality. Models to explain the growth of cities from the era of industrial manufacturing are outmoded. Citizens in the postindustrial city increasingly make quality of life demands, treating their own urban location as if tourists, emphasizing aesthetic concerns. These practices impact considerations about the proper nature of amenities that post–industrial cities can sustain.
Attracting in-migration of the creative class has been argued by Florida (2002) to be a route to higher economic growth in the era of the knowledge economy. This paper critically evaluates this proposition in relation to old industrial regions using the example of Scotland. The paper presents an assessment of, in the first instance, to what extent there is a shortage of skilled, talented and entrepreneurial individuals and, in the second instance, whether a talent attraction strategy alone can hope to attract such people to Scotland. It is proposed that for most migrants the availability of appropriate economic opportunities is a prerequisite for mobility. However, despite uncertain evidence that place attractiveness is a catalyst to mobility among the so-called creative class, this is not a reason for dismissing talent attraction programmes. Instead it is argued that talent attraction programmes have the potential to contribute to old industrial economies, but their success will be greatest when talent attraction is carefully targeted and based on economic realities rather than the marketing of ethereal conceptions of place attractiveness.
Cities and regions have long captured the imagination of sociologists, economists, and urbanists. From Alfred Marshall to Robert Park and Jane Jacobs, cities have been seen as cauldrons of diversity and difference and as fonts for creativity and innovation. Yet until recently, social scientists concerned with regional growth and development have focused mainly on the role of firms in cities, and particularly on how these firms make location decisions and to what extent they concentrate together in agglomerations or clusters. This short article summarizes recent advances in our thinking about cities and communities, and does so particularly in light of themes advanced in my recently published book, The Rise of the Creative Class, which focuses on diversity and creativity as basic drivers of innovation and regional and national growth. This line of work further suggests the need for some conceptual refocusing and broadening to account for the location decisions of people as opposed to those of firms as sources of regional and national economic growth. In doing so, this article hopes to spur wider commentary and debate on the critical functions of cities and regions in 21st–century creative capitalism.
The aim of this article is to critically examine the notion that the creative class may or may not play as a causal mechanism of urban regeneration. I begin with a review of Florida's argument focusing on the conceptual and theoretical underpinnings. The second section develops a critique of the relationship between the creative class and growth. This is followed by an attempt to clarify the relationship between the concepts of creativity, culture and the creative industries. Finally, I suggest that policy-makers may achieve more successful regeneration outcomes if they attend to the cultural industries as an object that links production and consumption, manufacturing and service. Such a notion is more useful in interpreting and understanding the significant role of cultural production in contemporary cities, and what relation it has to growth.
Issues surrounding central city residential housing have increased in prominence in recent times as a result of the onus on the planning systems of most Western countries to develop a more sustainable development pattern. Similarly to many British and US cities, Dublin in recent times has been successful in attracting large numbers of residents back into new residential developments within the central city. This paper raises questions relating to the long-term sustainability of these areas as residents ultimately express a preference to reside in lower-density locations. In examining what lies behind these residential preferences, this paper focuses on one aspect of individuals' mobility behaviour: namely housing satisfaction. Results from a logistic model of housing satisfaction indicate that both background variables such as age and ethnicity as well as various design elements of the dwelling unit emerge as significant predictors of overall housing satisfaction within these newly regenerated residential areas.
The City of Edmonton in Canada conducted a stated preference survey where over 1,200 respondents were asked to consider tradeoffs
involving a wide range of elements of urban form and transportation, including mobility, air quality, traffic noise, treatment
of neighbourhood streets, development densities and funding sources such as taxes. Respondents were to imagine moving to a
new home location and to indicate preferences among hypothetical alternatives for this new location, with these alternatives
described in terms of attributes related to the elements of interest. The observations of choice behaviour thus obtained were
then used to estimate choice model parameters indicating the sensitivities to these attributes. As such, these parameter estimates
provide indications of the relative importance of the corresponding elements and they also provide insights into the influences
of the specific home location attributes considered. It is these insights into the influences of home location attributes
that is of particular interest in this book presenting a collection of modelling treatments of household behaviour.
City-marketing and place-branding strategies today often stress ideas and stereotypes of culture and creativity to promote attractive urban images. The aim of this paper is to empirically analyze how the creative city is celebrated and displayed in the case of Turin (Torino), Italy. This case study represents a typical example of an industrial town, trying to promote new urban representations at an international level, and celebrating ideas of a cultural, post-industrial economy through campaigns of urban branding. This paper presents some reflections on the branding policies of the Italian city and, through the review of a sample of promotional materials and policy documents, it tries to determine to what degree Turin’s branding represents ideas of creativity.
This research critically examines a new chapter in the evolution of the entrepreneurial city; one distinguished by its reliance on Richard Florida’s thesis about the relationship between the creative class and economic growth. Since the 2002 publication of his wildly-popular book, The Rise of the Creative Class, Florida’s ideas were broadly assimilated into the infrastructure of urban entrepreneurialism across the United States. This was especially the case in slow-growth metropolitan areas, where it was hoped that a “creative city” development strategy might reverse decades of relative decline. Using Milwaukee, Wisconsin as a representative case study, this paper scrutinizes the actions of that city’s image-makers, planners, and municipal actors, who together orchestrated a new round of urban promotional activities and planning strategies. What made this new round of growth coalition activities unique was that it highlighted a distinct set of urban motifs presumably commensurate with creative class lifestyles, cultural practices, and consumption habits. Following MacLeod [MacLeod, G (2002) From urban entrepreneurialism to a “revanchist city”?: on the spatial injustices of Glasgow’s renaissance. Antipode34(3), 602–614], Maliszewski [Maliszewski, P (2004) Flexibility and its discontents. The Baffler16, 69–79] and Peck [Peck, J (2005) Struggling with the creative class. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research29(4), 740–770], this work argues that this creative city growth strategy worked primarily to repackage and strengthen the extant downtown-based property-led development paradigm. The marriage of Florida’s ideas with municipal action therefore brought into even sharper relief what was already one of the most economically and racially polarized large cities in the United States.
There is a tendency in contemporary North American urban policy-making to uncritically connect specific ideals of urban ‘livability’ with efforts to cater to the whims of the so-called ‘Creative Class.’ The paper engages with this tendency through an analysis of the politics of urban policy-making in Austin, Texas – a place regarded as an exemplar of ‘livability’ and ‘creativity.’ With reference to the Austin case, the paper identifies and describes two related spatial frames that underpin the ‘Creative Class’ thesis and its relationship to a certain conception of urban livability – an idealization of the vibrant urban neighbourhood and a moral geography of competing ‘livable’ and ‘creative’ cities. The paper then addresses the question of inequality and its relationship to policies aimed at nurturing, attracting, and retaining the ‘Creative Class.’ This is done through a discussion of Austin’s experience of rising economic inequality and declining housing affordability just as the city became ‘creative’ and ‘livable.’ The paper’s core argument is that policy-makers must acknowledge and address the inequality that seems to result from the implementation of narrow ‘livability’ and ‘creativity’ policies and that advocates of the ‘Creative Class’ thesis must address, with more than hand-wringing and platitudes, evidence that ‘creative cities’ are becoming increasingly less livable