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Epigenetic Transmission of Holocaust Trauma: Can Nightmares Be Inherited?

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Abstract

the Holocaust left its visible and invisible marks not only on the survivors, but also on their children. Instead of numbers tattooed on their forearms, however, they may have been marked epigenetically with a chemical coating upon their chromosomes, which would represent a kind of biological memory of what the parents experienced. as a result, some suffer from a general vulnerability to stress while others are more resilient. Previous research assumed that such transmission was caused by environmental factors, such as the parents' childrearing behavior. New research, however, indicates that these transgenerational effects may have been also (epi) genetically transmitted to their children. Integrating both hereditary and environmental factors, epigenetics adds a new and more comprehensive psychobiological dimension to the explanation of transgenerational transmission of trauma. Specifically, epigenetics may explain why latent transmission becomes manifest under stress. a general theoretical overview of epigenetics and its relevance to research on trauma transmission is presented.
33
NATAN P.F. KELLERMANN
AbstrAct
The Holocaust le its visible and invisible marks not only
on the survivors, but also on their children. Instead of
numbers taooed on their forearms, however, they may
have been marked epigenetically with a chemical coating
upon their chromosomes, which would represent a kind
of biological memory of what the parents experienced.
As a result, some suffer from a general vulnerability
to stress while others are more resilient. Previous
research assumed that such transmission was caused
by environmental factors, such as the parents’ child-
rearing behavior. New research, however, indicates that
these transgenerational effects may have been also (epi)
genetically transmied to their children. Integrating both
hereditary and environmental factors, epigenetics adds a
new and more comprehensive psychobiological dimension
to the explanation of transgenerational transmission of
trauma. Specifically, epigenetics may explain why latent
transmission becomes manifest under stress. A general
theoretical overview of epigenetics and its relevance to
research on trauma transmission is presented.
Address for Correspondence: Natan P.F. Kellermann, AMCHA, POB 2930, Jerusalem 91029, Israel.  natank@netmedia.net.il
Apparently, not only children of Holocaust survivors,
but ospring of other PTSD parents are also vulnerable
to such a burdensome legacy, including descendants of
war veterans (1), survivors of war trauma and childhood
sexual abuse, refugees, torture victims and many others
(2). Moreover, the transmission may continue beyond the
second generation and also include the grandchildren,
great grandchildren and perhaps others as well. is
process of transgenerational transmission of trauma (TTT)
has been repeatedly described in the academic literature
for more than half a century (3).
Generally speaking, TTT refers to the process in
which a trauma that happened to the rst generation
was passed on to the second generation. Such a process
is deeply connected with the general theme of hered-
ity – the transmission of characteristics from parents to
their ospring. Despite more than 500 studies published,
however, we are still unable to suciently explain exactly
how the unconscious trauma of a PTSD parent can be
genetically transmitted to a child and to verify this idea
with sucient empirical evidence. Such a notion evades
any simple and logical explanations. How can a repressed
memory be passed on from one person to another? Can
a child really “inherit” the unconscious mind of a parent?
Is it possible for a child to remember what the parent has
forgotten? Will we ever be able to produce “hard” neuro-
biological evidence of such far-fetched and preposterous
assumptions and perhaps see traces of the unconscious
trauma of a PTSD parent in a blood specimen or an MRI
scan of the child? Probably not. But even though we still
know very little about the level of specic inheritance of
trauma, new research indicates that traumatic experiences
of parents may indeed lead to a general disposition to
PTSD in the ospring. Family and twin studies have
found that risk for PTSD is associated with an underly-
ing genetic vulnerability and that more than 30% of the
variance associated with PTSD is related to a heritable
component (4). Perhaps this heritable component can
Some children of Holocaust survivors have terrible night-
mares in which they are chased, persecuted, tortured or
annihilated, as if they were re-living the Second World
War over and over again. At these times, they suer
from debilitating anxiety and depression which reduce
their ability to cope with stress and adversely impact
their occupational and social function. It seems that
these individuals, who are now adults, somehow have
absorbed the repressed and insuciently worked-through
Holocaust trauma of their parents, as if they have actually
inherited the unconscious minds of their parents.
Epigenetic Transmission of Holocaust Trauma:
Can Nightmares Be Inherited?
Natan P.F. Kellermann
AMCHA, the National Israeli Center for Psychosocial Support of Survivors of the Holocaust and the Second Generation, Jerusalem, Israel
Isr J Psychiatry Relat Sci - Vol. 50 - No 1 (2013)
34
EPIGENETIC TRANSMISSION OF HOLOCAUST TRAUMA: CAN NIGHTMARES BE INHERITED?
be observed in the epigenetic marks that aect gene
expression patterns in the nervous system?
Four major theoretical approaches to understanding
trauma transmission have been earlier suggested by
Kellermann (5): (1) psychodynamic relational models
(6); (2) sociocultural and socialization models (7); (3)
family systems and communication models; and (4)
biological or genetic models. Children are of course
inuenced by their parents in a variety of ways, either
through upbringing or heredity, or through both (8) and
such an integrative view of trauma transmission seems
to make perfect sense. Upon further inspection however,
these theories are too general to suciently explain the
specic process of how the impact of trauma can cross
generations and how social and biological inuences
interact to produce TTT.
As emphasized by Jablonka and Lamb (9), genetic mech-
anisms alone cannot explain how some cellular traits are
propagated and heritable changes in gene expression and
regulation that have little to do with DNA sequence seem
to be more relevant to explain TTT. Any theory explaining
transgenerational transmission of trauma must therefore
take into account the powerful hereditary variations which
would explain how parental trauma may be biologically
passed on to the child before birth. ese theories should
explain how children who have not themselves been trau-
matized tend to manifest inherited emotional problems.
Even though empirical data are still poor in com-
parison to the ideas presented here and my assump-
tions may sound bold, speculative and unfounded at this
point in time, I suggest that epigenetics may introduce
a promising new and more comprehensive explanatory
variable of TTT than the earlier ones. Since it includes
both hereditary and environmental factors, it may add
a signicant psychobiological dimension which could
conrm clinical observations with empirical research.
e purpose of this paper is therefore to explore what
epigenetics can teach us about TTT and to review some
of the prevalent empirical research in this eld. Finally, I
will show how the inclusion of epigenetics would explain
some of the discrepant ndings from previous research on
the transgenerational transmission of Holocaust trauma.
EpigEnEtic trAnsmission
More than two centuries ago, the founder of evolution,
Jean-Baptiste Lamarck, suggested that acquired char-
acteristics may be transmitted from one generation to
another. Ever since, evolutionary developmental biology
has continued to study this assumption. Recent advances
in the eld of epigenetics are now revealing a molecular
basis for how heritable information other than DNA
sequence can inuence gene function (10, 11). ese
advances may add greatly to our understanding of trauma
transmission and may even establish a promising new
research paradigm in the eld, as recently pointed out by
Yehuda and Bierer (12): “Epigenetic modications, such
as DNA methylation, can occur in response to environ-
mental inuences to alter the functional expression of
genes in an enduring and potentially, intergenerationally
transmissible manner. As such, they may explain inter-
individual variation, as well as the long-lasting eects
of trauma exposure. Although there are currently no
ndings that suggest epigenetic modications that are
specic to posttraumatic stress disorder or PTSD risk,
many recent observations are compatible with epigen-
etic explanations” (p. 427). Naturally, various questions
remain regarding such assumptions, and we still know
too little about where to draw the line between PTSD
based on a single traumatic event, complex and chronic
PTSD, as well as individuals who have largely overcome
their responses to overwhelming stress.
Epigenetics is typically dened as the study of heritable
changes in gene expression that are not due to changes in
the underlying DNA sequence. Such heritable changes in
gene expression oen occur as a result of environmental
stress or major emotional trauma and would then leave
certain marks on the chemical coating, or methylation,
of the chromosomes (13). e coating becomes a sort
of “memory” of the cell and since all cells in our body
carry this kind of memory, it becomes a constant physi-
cal reminder of past events, our own and those of our
parents, grandparents and beyond. “e body keeps the
score” (14), not only in the rst generation of trauma
survivors, but possibly also in subsequent ones. Because
of their neurobiological susceptibility to stress, children of
Holocaust survivors may thus easily imagine the physical
suering of their parents and almost “remember” the
hunger, the frozen limbs, the smell of burned bodies
and the sounds that made them scared.
In the same way as parents can pass on genetic charac-
teristics to their children, they would also be able to pass
on all kinds of “acquired” (or epigenetic) characteristics,
especially if these were based on powerful life-threatening
experiences, such as survival from starvation, torture or
persecution. Such environmental conditions would leave
an imprint on the genetic material in eggs and sperm
and pass along new traits even in a single generation.
35
NATAN P.F. KELLERMANN
Such an explanation of TTT can be described in com-
puter terminology in which the genome would represent a
kind of hardware that remains xed, while the epigenome
would represent the variable soware with all the memory
les. e epigenome thus would function like a “switch,
which has the inherent ability to turn certain functions
on” or “o.” From such a point of view, ospring of
trauma survivors would be somehow “programmed”
to express a specic cognitive and emotional response
in certain dicult situations. In eect, these children of
PTSD parents would be suering from a kind of “soware
bug,” an error in a computer program or system that
produces incorrect or unexpected results, or causes it to
behave irrationally. is bug would for example switch
on a panic attack and instruct the genes to prepare for
“ght and ight” when triggered, as if the individual were
thrown into a Nazi persecution manuscript of catastrophic
proportions, even in a relatively non-threatening situa-
tion. Metaphorically, such an epigenetic coating would
aect the child of survivors in a way which is similar to
a computer infected with a malicious virus, a malware
that inicts harm at certain unpredictable points in time.
Any such explanation in epigenetic terms of how
the Holocaust trauma can “run in families” must rst
show that the PTSD parent was somehow “damaged”
with some kind of brain short-circuit or constitutional
“PTSD bug” and then demonstrate that the child was
born with this same “bug.” Among children and grand-
children of Holocaust survivors as well as ospring of
other traumatized populations, this “bug” would be
manifested as a latent susceptibility to (secondary) PTSD
and would cause increased vulnerability to stress under
certain conditions, such as when a new stress becomes
the trigger to a past traumatic event. At such times the
epigenetic switch would turn the survival strategy “on”
and activate a specic neuro-biological response. Initially,
most aected ospring would not be aware of its origin
or even of its existence until a new trauma occurs, and
then be surprised that some old trauma of the parents
would suddenly be surfacing.
If any specic past memory can be epigenetically trans-
mitted or not, however, must be le open to speculation
and we should be careful not to slip from reasonable
assumptions to fantastic and unsupported scenarios.
While a general tendency for having frightening night-
mares may well be epigenetically transmitted, and the
persecution nightmares of children of Holocaust survivors
may be colored by their Holocaust imagery, we are obvi-
ously still unable to show that the content of a specic
nightmare is aected by epigenetic marks transmitted in a
reproductive cell or in the womb. Eva Jablonka (personal
communication) writes: “We have good reasons to believe
that epigenetic marks can be inherited between genera-
tions, including marks that aect gene expression patterns
in the nervous system. Of course, we need evidence that
this actually happens in the case of human PTSD, but
we do know that the eects of psychological stress are
inherited in mice and rats. It would therefore not surprise
me if we nd out that the disposition to PTSD is inherited
via an epigenetic route, and that traumatic experiences
of parents lead to extra-sensitivity to traumatic inputs in
ospring, and this may linger for some generations. If the
eects of trauma are inherited we shall have to nd out
for how many generations (this may vary, depending on
genetic background, type of trauma, and the persistence
of traumatic experiences) and whether the eects make
the descendants more prone to develop PTSD. Even if the
disposition to develop PTSD is found to be increased in
descendants, it is important to emphasize that the specic
trauma is unlikely to be inherited. So the fact that children
of Holocaust survivors dream of the Holocaust was not
transmitted through gametic epigenetic inheritance (as
a mark on the chromosomes of the parental sex cells).
What could have been inherited is the disposition to
have nightmares, and of course if they know something
about the Holocaust through primary exposure, from
stories and so on, the nightmares will take this form.
What we know about epigenetic marks is that they can
dispose one towards developing some behaviors, but the
specic behavior depends on specic inputs the person
gets in its own lifetime.
EpigEnEtic rEsEArch
e eld of epigenetics is becoming increasingly more
accepted by the scientic community and there has been
a large increase in studies conducted during the last
decade. A comprehensive review of more than hundred
studies of transgenerational epigenetic inheritance was
compiled by Jablonka and Raz (15) who described the
phenomena in a wide range of organisms, including bac-
teria, plants and animals. ese studies included various
kinds of adverse conditions, early stress and “emotional
trauma” of the “rst generation” which altered the gene
expression in the subsequent generations. Reik, Dean
and Walter (16) also reviewed what is known about
reprogramming in mammals and discussed how it might
relate to developmental potency and imprinting. More
36
EPIGENETIC TRANSMISSION OF HOLOCAUST TRAUMA: CAN NIGHTMARES BE INHERITED?
recently, Franklin et al. (17) showed that chronic and
unpredictable maternal separation induces depressive-like
behaviors, not only in the rst generation of mice, but
also in their ospring. Empirical evidence of epigenetic
transmission in human beings, however, is very scarce
because of the diculties in gathering relevant data from
human as compared to animal subjects. Some of these
will be summarized here briey.
One of the rst epigenetic studies on human beings
was carried out by Bygren et al. (18) in Överkalix in
Northern Sweden. He found that overeating as a youngster
could initiate a biological chain of events that would lead
ones grandchildren to die decades earlier than their
peers did (19). us it was shown – perhaps for the rst
time – that a famine or overeating at critical times in the
lives of the grandparents could inuence the life expec-
tancy of the grandchildren. In their eorts to replicate
this astounding nding, Pembrey et al. (20) conducted
another transgenerational study which showed that sons
of men who smoke in pre-puberty were found to be at
higher risk for obesity and other health problems than
sons of non-smoking fathers. Much later, a series of
unique post-mortem studies on the brains of men who
had committed suicide in Canada (21) found that the
chemical coating on genes seem to have been inuenced
by exposure to childhood abuse.
Additional indirect evidence came from the Dutch
Famine Birth Cohort study (22) who concluded that
exposure to acute, severe famine during pregnancy alters
the distribution of birth weights of both the women born
at the time of the famine and, through a phenotypic
response, that of their own ospring. Even though it is
clearly dicult to separate phenotypic (i.e., potentially
modiable) and genotypic (i.e., immutable) eects across
generations, the complex mechanisms by which trans-
generational transmission of stress responsiveness occur
are rapidly becoming a focus of investigation (23). Rachel
Yehuda and her team from the Mount Sinai School of
Medicine have been at the forefront of this research for
more than a decade (24). Having found that parental
PTSD appeared to be a relevant risk factor for the develop-
ment of PTSD in adult ospring of Holocaust survivors
with PTSD, Yehuda and Bierer (25) summarized recent
neuro-endocrine studies in ospring of parents with
PTSD. ese studies indicated that ospring of trauma
survivors with PTSD had signicantly lower urinary
cortisol excretion and salivary cortisol levels as well as
enhanced plasma cortisol suppression than ospring of
survivors without PTSD. In all cases, neuro-endocrine
measures were negatively correlated with severity of
parental PTSD symptoms, even aer controlling for
PTSD and other symptoms in ospring.
ough the majority of their work focused on adult
ospring of Holocaust survivors, more recent observa-
tions in infants born to mothers who were pregnant
on 9/11 demonstrated that low cortisol in relation to
parental PTSD appears to be present early in the course
of development and may be inuenced by gluco-corticoid
programming in unborn children. Lower cortisol lev-
els were found in mothers who developed PTSD aer
exposure to the attacks on September 11 compared with
similarly exposed mothers who did not develop PTSD
(26). Pregnant women, who had been close to the World
Trade Center on September 11th, 2001, gave birth to
babies who had elevated levels of stress agents in their
saliva (27-29). ese data suggest that eects of mater-
nal PTSD on cortisol can be observed very early in the
life of the ospring and highlight the in utero eects
as contributors to biological risk factor for PTSD (30).
Since low cortisol levels are particularly associated with
the presence of maternal PTSD, the ndings suggested
the involvement of epigenetic mechanisms. In a more
recent study on combat war veterans with and without
PTSD, this line of research was continued and the PTSD+
group again showed greater cortisol and ACTH sup-
pression (31, 32).
In an early study of maternal Hypothalamic-Pituitary-
Adrenal Axis (HPA-axis) functioning, Schechter et al.
(33) measured maternal salivary cortisol within a clini-
cal sample of mothers before and aer a mother-child
interaction protocol involving separations and reunions.
e study showed modest, but signicant associations
between pre-separation cortisol as well as cortisol reac-
tivity with the severity of maternal PTSD, dissociative
symptoms, and atypical care giving behavior. Later studies
of gene environment interactions focused on environ-
mental stressors such as interpersonal violence and the
regulatory eects of the serotonin transporter gene and
other genes with which it is known to interact on the
HPA axis (34).
Apparently, parenting itself may be epigenetically
transmitted from parent to child. In a fascinating study
of gene-environment interaction, Beaver and Belsky (35)
recently found a signicant interaction between parenting
quality and cumulative genetic plasticity in the predic-
tion of parental stress during adulthood. Depending on
genotype, parenting quality was thus shown to dieren-
tially aect future parental stress. Exposure to maternal
37
NATAN P.F. KELLERMANN
parenting was measured prospectively when respondents
were adolescents and parental stress was measured when
they were parents themselves, some 14 years later. Some
genes that seem to aect neural plasticity were shown
to be involved and the variation in these genes aected
parental behavior and the response to stressful parenting.
Finally, a range of dierent neurotransmitters have
been investigated, from serotonin and dopamine to
neuro-peptide Y, brain-derived neuro-trophic factor,
and the gluco-corticoid receptor in the predisposition
to PTSD. In their review of molecular genetic studies
relating to PTSD, Broekman, Ol and Boer (36) found
inconsistent results among eight major genotypes: sero-
tonin (5-HTT), dopamine (DRD2, DAT), gluco-corticoid
(GR), GABA (GABRB), apolipoprotein systems (APOE2),
brain-derived neuro-trophic factor (BDNF) and neuro-
peptide Y (NPY). According to Binder et al. (37), several
single-nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) in FK506 bind-
ing protein 5 (FKBP5) interact with childhood trauma to
predict severity of adult PTSD. ese ndings suggest that
individuals with these SNPs who are abused as children
are more susceptible to PTSD as adults (38).
As can be seen from the above examples, the potential
for creative research in this eld is huge. However, though
it is widely accepted that epigenetic factors can play an
important role in the development and transmission of
PTSD, “there have been no empirical demonstrations of
epigenetic modications per se in association with PTSD
or PTSD risk” (12, p. 430). Uncovering the heritable
biomarkers that are involved in TTT would thus be an
important task for future research.
Many years of brain research has shown that human
beings are “hard-wired” for stress through an intricate
pattern of neural pathways designed for the ght-or-
ight response. Research also suggests that chronic stress
appears to destroy brain tissue, specically the hippo-
campus and much of research on the fear response in
humans has focused on the activating of the amygdala
in subjects with PTSD (39).
Intergenerational eects related to PTSD and HPA-axis
stress reactivity are also likely via epigenetic mecha-
nisms (26). New techniques are investigated to search the
genome or gene modications that have been identied
as epigenetic risk factors. But while the majority of the
initial investigations into main eects of candidate genes
hypothesized to be associated with PTSD risk have been
negative (40), promising avenues of inquiry into the role
of epigenetic modications have been proposed and future
studies of PTSD epigenotypes may help to elucidate the
neurobiology of inherited PTSD. Epigenomic studies
that look at patterns of methylation in many loci and
particularly on candidate genes are presently conducted
in various places. Similar to the Human Genome Project
(41), a new public/private collaboration has initiated
a Human Epigenome Project which aims to “identify,
catalogue and interpret genome-wide DNA methylation
patterns of all human genes in all major tissues” (42).
is project is searching for a particular form of a gene
variation on a specic chromosome which makes some
people more likely to develop PTSD than others. While
simplied biological models may not properly capture
the complex etiology of PTSD (43), and though studies
of genotype may only present a limited picture of the
molecular biology of this disorder, there seems to be a
clear rationale for examining genetic factors in PTSD in
conjunction with environmental factors, such as trauma
exposure. e examination of epigenetic mechanisms
together with gene expression might help rene models
that explain how PTSD-risk and recovery are mediated
by the environment (32).
conclusion
Presenting such veriable data of TTT would have far
reaching consequences. First of all, it would continue
to reinforce the paradigm shi in scientic thinking
that underscores the impact of stressful events on the
physiology not only of the trauma survivors themselves,
but also of their ospring (23). Furthermore, improved
understanding of epigenetic transmission of PTSD in
children of trauma survivors would allow a more accurate
diagnosis, improved prevention and more targeted treat-
ment interventions of such clients, possibly leading to
a sort of “epigenetic medicine” (44). Specic epigenetic
therapies could hold promise for a wide range of biological
applications, from cancer treatment to the development
of induced stem cells (45), as well as for a more targeted
treatment of TTT. Finally, any such veriable data of
trauma transmission would have legal consequences for
generations of trauma survivors who may want to claim
reparation for their epigenetically inicted wounds.
Most importantly, however, new epigenetic data have
the potential to settle some controversies from previ-
ous research. Recent overviews of such research (46-49)
concluded that the contrasting forces of vulnerability
and resilience were both present in Holocaust survivors
and their children. But how did the rst generation of
severely traumatized survivors achieve so much, and how
38
EPIGENETIC TRANSMISSION OF HOLOCAUST TRAUMA: CAN NIGHTMARES BE INHERITED?
can their children function so well when bearing such a
heavy burden? And how can we explain that ospring
who came to psychotherapy complained so much about
various kinds of secondary traumatization eects, while
epidemiological studies repeatedly failed to show that they
were any dierent from comparable populations? Clinical
observations and controlled research were consistently
divided in their assessment of this population for many
decades. With the added use of epigenetics, however, this
dispute becomes much more reconcilable. Epigenetic trans-
mission models make the discrepant ndings regarding
the presence or absence of specic psychopathology as well
as the simultaneous presence of both frailty and hardiness
in this population much more explicable. Because from
the point of view of epigenetics, any inherited (genetic)
dispositions can be either turned on or o, and thus acti-
vate either overwhelming anxiety or sucient coping in
the same person at dierent times, according to certain
aggravating and mitigating (environmental) factors (3).
As emphasized by Yehuda and Bierer (12), “integrating
epigenetics into a model that permits prior experience to
have a central role in determining individual dierences is
also consistent with a developmental perspective of PTSD
vulnerability” (p. 432).
Finally, epigenetics opens up a potentially more
optimistic view of health and disease in ospring of
trauma survivors. Since epigenetics conveys that human
beings are not only predestined, but also highly malleable
creatures, they are able to reverse the deleterious eects
of trauma and nd some closure to the endless multi-
generational saga. is may be achieved either through
a variety of established psychotherapeutic interventions
or through new psycho-pharmacological drugs, or a
combination of both. Even though such ospring might
still be more or less inuenced by their genes and despite
their physiological predestination, they might realize
that it’s up to them to decide what to do with all of it.
Instead of succumbing to the emotional eects of the
past tragedies, they might search and nd some kind of
personal transformation journey that gives new meaning
to their legacy.
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... Intergenerational or transgenerational trauma can impact descendants of survivors of war trauma, the Holocaust, terrorist attacks, as well as descendants of war veterans and refugees, and may continue beyond the 2 nd and 3 rd generation (Kellermann, 2013;Yehuda et al., 2005). ...
... For example, descendants of Holocaust survivors often report having nightmares where they are "chased, persecuted, tortured or annihilated, as if they were re-living the Second World War over and over again" (Kellermann, 2013, p. 1). Heritable changes in gene expression can occur from major emotional trauma and are proposed to leave marks on the chemical coating of the chromosomes, which then becomes a sort of memory of the cell (Kellermann, 2013;Meaney & Szyf, 2005). "The body keeps score" (van der Kolk, 1994, p. 253) and it is proposed that physical reminders of past events persist not only in first generation survivors, but in descendants as well (Kellermann, 2013;Meaney & Szyf, 2005;van der Kolk, 1994). ...
... Heritable changes in gene expression can occur from major emotional trauma and are proposed to leave marks on the chemical coating of the chromosomes, which then becomes a sort of memory of the cell (Kellermann, 2013;Meaney & Szyf, 2005). "The body keeps score" (van der Kolk, 1994, p. 253) and it is proposed that physical reminders of past events persist not only in first generation survivors, but in descendants as well (Kellermann, 2013;Meaney & Szyf, 2005;van der Kolk, 1994). Holocaust-related flashbacks and nightmares, themes of loss of family, feelings of sadness, and intergenerational effects have also been observed in Polish-Catholic survivors of the Holocaust (Montague, 2012). ...
... Intergenerational trauma can be transmitted in different ways. Firstly, there are biological transmission paths, such as epigenetic transmission, where trauma-related biochemical changes that alter gene expression get passed to the next generation (Kellermann, 2013). On a psychological level, trauma may be transmitted through family interactions, such as parent-child attachment styles, parenting types and family communication (Salberg, 2015). ...
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This literature review addresses how historical trauma is transmitted intergenerationally, focusing on attachment styles and parenting approaches, family communication, as well as resilience in the communities affected by Soviet and Nazi committed genocides. Millions of people have been harmed by these regimes directly, and their impact may extend to the second and the third generations. Having conducted a literature search, 23 studies were selected for the review. Integrative methods were used to analyse the studies, while thematic analysis was used to find patterns across the studies. Family communication emerged as one of the most common trauma transmission pathways: open communication was associated with transmission of resilience, while absent communication was associated with transmission of traumatic symptoms. Also, trauma tended to be transmitted through insecure attachment styles, and overprotective or avoidant parenting approaches. The results were comparable across samples, though communities affected by Soviet genocides reported more mistrust and helplessness, which could be explained by the historical context of the Soviet crimes. Finally, the findings on intergenerationally transmitted resilience imply that the survivors of these regimes and their offspring have unique strengths that go beyond the trauma-induced vulnerabilities, therefore, future research on intergenerational resilience could benefit the field.
... The literature proposes a variety of theoretical perspectives explaining why descendants of traumatized individuals may experience distressing emotional and behavioral symptoms and events. Some hold that trauma results in direct changes to an individual's offspring on a cellular and biological level, predisposing them to vulnerabilities or specific adaptive responses [17,18]. Others suggest that trauma impedes numerous areas of a person's functioning, including their parenting capacity, thereby putting their children at risk of direct relational or environmental adversity during upbringing [19,20]. ...
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Intergenerational trauma, violence, and maltreatment, in which symptoms or experiences of an ancestor’s trauma repeat or otherwise manifest in subsequent generations, presents a weighty societal challenge to which a multiplicity of therapeutic intervention strategies have been applied. Theoretical perspectives are antecedent to clinical and social intervention, informing decisions in both policy and practice. However, these frequently remain subliminal or imperceptible in the discourse, resulting in interventions that remain somewhat dislocated from their theoretical foundations. This narrative review seeks to summarize and discuss each of these theories as they apply to intergenerational trauma, violence, and maltreatment, and to reveal their potential association with specific intervention models or approaches. It positions flexibility between theories and the integration of theories as opportunities to reach new and enhanced understandings and to engender distinctive therapeutic interventions. An enriched understanding of the theories explaining intergenerational trauma, violence, and maltreatment, a deeper appreciation for the pertinence of theory for practice, and an incitement to blend theoretical perspectives in unique ways is, herewith, reached.
... This transmission process may influence how German Jews interpret and respond to current events like the October 7 attacks, potentially amplifying feelings of vulnerability while also activating inherited coping mechanisms. Kellermann (2013) notes that many Jewish family histories are shaped by traumatic experiences, often passed on transgenerationally. Research on second and thirdgeneration Jews has shown increased rates of various physical illnesses, partly attributed to this intergenerational transmission of trauma (Scharf, 2007). ...
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The October 7, 2023 Hamas attack on Israel marked a significant turning point for Jewish communities worldwide, including in Germany. This study explored the experiences, perceptions, and coping strategies of Jewish individuals in Germany in the aftermath of these events. Our research aimed to provide a preliminary but thorough understanding of how Jews in Germany, with or without Israeli migration background, navigated the complex emotional landscape of collective trauma and rising antisemitism.The primary objectives of this study were to: (1) Examine the immediate and ongoing impacts of the October 7 events on Jewish individuals in Germany; (2) Investigate changes in experiences of antisemitism and perceptions of societal responses; (3) Identify coping strategies and resilience mechanisms employed by Jewish individuals; (4) Explore the influence of these events on Jewish identity and community engagement; (5) and assess concerns and hopes for the future of Jewish life in Germany.We conducted in-depth, semi-structured interviews with 18 Jewish individuals living in Germany, including both Israeli and non-Israeli backgrounds. Participants ranged in age from 23 to 68 years old and represented diverse socioeconomic backgrounds and levels of religious observance. Interviews were conducted in German, English, or Hebrew, according to participant preference.Our analytical approach employed qualitative network analysis, utilizing network centrality measures such as weighted degree, PageRank, and clustering. This innovative method allowed us to identify both prominent themes and unique experiences, providing a comprehensive view of the data's structure and interconnections.Key findings: Profound Emotional Disruption and Trauma: The October 7 attacks precipitated a significant disruption in the lives of many interviewees. Participants reported intense and prolonged emotions, including shock, fear, anger, and sadness. Some experienced symptoms reminiscent of post-traumatic stress, such as intrusive thoughts, nightmares, and hypervigilance. This emotional distress was often exacerbated by obsessive news consumption and personal connections to Israel.Changes in Social Relationships: A concerning trend of social withdrawal emerged, with many participants distancing themselves from non-Jewish acquaintances due to perceived lack of support or understanding. This erosion of social bonds, particularly for those with Israeli backgrounds, reflects ongoing challenges in integrating Jewish and German identities. The loss of these support networks may increase vulnerability to the psychological impacts of antisemitism and collective trauma.Nevertheless, many participants reported a strengthening of their Jewish identity in response to the attacks and subsequent rise in antisemitism, aligning with the rejection-identification model. Accordingly, we observed a notable increase in community engagement and activism among Jewish individuals in Germany following the October 7 attacks. Many participants reported strengthening ties within Jewish and Israeli communities, often as a response to perceived lack of understanding from broader German society. This heightened community involvement manifested in various forms, including increased participation in Jewish cultural events, religious observances, and community support networks. Concurrently, we observed among some participants significant involvement in activism, with participants engaging in public demonstrations, social media campaigns, and educational initiatives to combat antisemitism and raise awareness about Jewish issues. This surge in identification, community involvement, and activism appeared to serve dual purposes: as a coping mechanism in the face of collective trauma and as a means of asserting Jewish identity in an increasingly challenging environment.Pervasive Sense of Insecurity and Vigilance: Participants reported a heightened sense of insecurity and increased caution in expressing their Jewish identity in public. Many felt unsafe, particularly in areas with large Muslim or Arab populations, leading to behavioral changes such as concealing Jewish identity markers or avoiding speaking Hebrew in public. This climate of fear raises concerns about the long-term viability of Jewish life in Germany and its impact on future generations.Practical ImplicationsOur findings suggest several key recommendations to address challenges faced by the Jewish community in Germany. We propose implementing targeted mental health support services to address trauma and anxiety, while also developing programs that strengthen both in-group networks and connections with broader German society. To enhance security, we recommend strengthening legal protections against antisemitism and improving education about Jewish history and contemporary issues. Supporting the safe expression of Jewish identity in public spaces and fostering interfaith understanding through community events could promote social cohesion. Lastly, we suggest developing long-term strategies to address the integration of Jewish and German identities, aiming to create a more inclusive society. These measures collectively seek to improve the environment for Jewish life in Germany while fostering greater societal understanding and cohesion.While our study focused on the German context, many of these implications likely resonate with Jewish communities in other countries facing similar challenges, highlighting the potential for international collaboration in addressing these complex issues.
... Turner, 2000), much recent research paints a picture of human beings as containing many overlapping 'control systems' involved in coordinating and regulating the inner and outer activity and milieu of a living human being. Some such research explores plausible links between epigenetic mechanisms and certain kinds of intergenerational trauma (Kellermann, 2013;Youssef et al., 2018), between the immune system and processes related to mood and social motivation (Eisenberger et al., 2010a(Eisenberger et al., , 2010bEisenberger et al., 2010aEisenberger et al., , 2010b, and between the heart, autonomic nervous system, and cognitive functions including attentional and emotional regulation (Forte, Favieri, & Casagrande, 2019). Intelligent behaviour, personality, thought, and feeling all appear to be generated by a variety of processes operating on different time-scales, and these processes are frequently implemented by different parts of the overall human being in fairly systematic ways. ...
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The terms ‘mind’ and ‘mental’ are used to refer to different phenomena across and within at least philosophy, psychology, psychiatry, and cognitive science. My main aim in this paper is to argue that the terms ‘mind’ and ‘mental’ are in this way ‘pluralistic’, and to explore the different options for responding to this situation. I advocate for a form of pluralistic eliminativism about the terms ‘mind’ and ‘mental’, ‘mind concept eliminativism,’ because I believe that current use of the terms results in both public and scientific confusions that hamper progress on important issues and increase stigma around certain vulnerable groups.
... 16 Alterations to the chemical coating of chromosomes (though not to gene structure) have been found in survivors of life-threatening experiences such as war, torture or famine. 17 This coating becomes a sort of cell "memory," and is passed on, like other genetic characteristics, intergenerationally. Progeny thus can carry a kind of physiological "footprint" of the trauma. ...
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