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Gezellig en gewend: Jongeren over wonen en de toekomst in een herstructureringswijk
Abstract
http://www.swpbook.com/1471
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... Dit hoofdstuk is gebaseerd op onderzoek uitgevoerd in twee subwijken 3 van Overvecht, Utrecht, in 2009 en 2010, onder jongeren van 15 tot en met 17 jaar, medewerkers van verschillende betrokken organisaties en hun beleidsdocumenten (Koster en Mulderij, 2011). De subwijken bevinden zich in een proces van herstructurering. ...
... De woningcorporaties en de gemeente -zowel op centraal niveau als op wijkniveau -hebben specifiek aandacht voor kinderen tot 12 jaar en hun ouders. De wijkactieplannen 2008-2009en 2010-2011(gemeente Utrecht 2008, 2010 zijn opgebouwd rondom een aantal speerpunten, waarvan het vergroten van kansen voor kinderen tot 12 jaar en hun ouders er één is. Dit uit zich in speelmogelijkheden op straat, opvoedingsondersteuning en het versterken van de Brede School, in het bijzonder het wegwerken van onderwijsachterstanden. ...
In de ontmoeting tussen jongeren enerzijds en de gemeente en woningcorporaties anderzijds speelt
beeldvorming een belangrijke rol. Dit hoofdstuk laat zien hoe jongeren in sociale woningbouw vaak
geen helder beeld hebben van de gemeente en de woningcorporaties. Vervolgens wordt beschreven
hoe deze organisaties op hun beurt aandacht besteden aan jeugdigen. Er wordt geconcludeerd dat
deze organisaties, die grote invloed hebben op het leven van jongeren en hun toekomst, deze groep
niet altijd goed in beeld hebben. Ten slotte wordt stilgestaan bij het risico dat categorieën die in
beleid rondom jongeren worden gehanteerd kunnen bijdragen aan het bezien van ‘de jongere’ als
probleem
... Laurie's personal biography enhances a positive perception of familiarity, which is similar to other young or economically marginalised people's identification of their neighbourhoods. Research shows that these people know everyone and are used to their own neighbourhoods, and are therefore positive about them (Koster & Mulderij, 2011;MacDonald, Shildrick, Webster, & Simpson, 2005). However, social ties can also be negative. ...
... Moreover, existing research on neighbourhood satisfaction shows that a sense of belonging plays an important role in feeling satisfied with the neighbourhood, and that particularly young people often express a strong sense of neighbourhood belonging (see Visser 1 3 and Tersteeg 2019; Visser et al. 2015;Koster and Mulderij 2011;Benson 2014;Laurier et al. 2002). Moreover, Karsten (2011) shows that while bridging capital for children in urban neighbourhoods has diminished in recent decades, connections with co-ethnics in the neighbourhood ('bonding capital') still play an important role in children's lives. ...
In recent decades, many Dutch municipalities have adopted policies of urban restructuring in deprived neighbourhoods. These policies lead to the forced relocation of the families living in the original social housing. As these families have priority in the housing market, the forced relocation is often seen as an opportunity to move to a better neighbourhood. However, we know little about how such a forced relocation and the new neighbourhood are experienced by the children of these families. Why are some young people satisfied with their new neighbourhood whereas others are not, and does their involvement in the decision-making process play a role in this? In this paper I show that for young people a sense of belonging is an important determinant of neighbourhood choice and satisfaction, more so than neighbourhood socioeconomic status. Moreover, limited perceived choice leads to lower neighbourhood satisfaction, but this is primarily related to actual or perceived obstacles in the housing market rather than the involvement of children in intra-family decision-making.
... "Hanging" and "chilling" with friends in the streets or on the squares are important group activities that contribute to the social and psychological development of young people. This is where they construct and experiment with their identities (Koster & Mulderij, 2011;Lieshout & Aarts, 2008). We agree with Langevang (2008) that many studies on youth in public space tend to focus on boys (see, e.g., Robinson, 2000). ...
Based on qualitative research among female Dutch-Moroccan teenagers in two underprivileged neighborhoods in the city of Utrecht, the Netherlands, this article focuses on the spatial practices of young Muslim women in public space. Compared to their male counterparts, who “hang around” in groups, female teens spend less time in public space. We focus on girls’ “wandering practices” through the neighborhood, a spatial practice structured by their search for freedom (to spend time outside the home, to talk to friends in private) and by social control (to avoid the presence of young men, to avoid being gossiped about). Our research shows that wandering both decreases their visibility and pushes against gendered cultural norms about women in public space. By analyzing their wandering as a form of social navigation, we show how these teenagers maneuver through both the physical neighborhood and the gendered cultural norms regarding appropriate behavior in public space.
Young minority men from low-income neighbourhoods are often perceived as a uniform, disaffected group with antipathy towards mainstream education and occupations, while their own experiences are generally overlooked. Through in-depth interviews, we investigated how 14 minority young men (aged 16-23) from low-income neighbourhoods experience and navigate the impact of the neighbourhood social environment on their educational and occupational aspirations. Despite facing several challenges, the men felt that those conditions did not strongly affect their aspirations. Their narratives provided a nuanced picture of how the neighbourhood facilitated connections that influenced their aspirations and how this social environment was navigated by the young men in different and dynamic ways.
In dit artikel staat de betekenis van de buurt voor Marokkaans-Nederlandse jongeren in twee Utrechtse buurten, Kanaleneiland en Hoograven, centraal. De concepten ‘plaats’ en ‘ruimte’ uit de sociale geografie komen daarbij van pas. Gevoelens van thuis, binding met de buurt, maar ook van verlies en machtsrelaties komen daarbij aan de orde.
Dit hoofdstuk laat zien waarom de veronderstelde positieve effecten van een gemengde wijk voor
jongeren niet opgaan. Dit heeft te maken met hoe zij hun wijk beleven. Kijkend naar de Utrechtse
wijk Overvecht wordt getoond dat jongeren trots zijn op hun wijk. De sociale dimensie is hierin van
groot belang. Ze vinden hun wijk rustig en gezellig – want hun familie en vrienden wonen er – en ze
zijn er gewend – want ze kennen iedereen en iedereen kent hen. Ze delen hun wijk in aan de hand van
hun familiebanden en vriendschappen. Jongeren uit sociale huurwoningen, die vooral familie en
vrienden hebben in andere sociale huurwoningen, beschouwen de delen van de buurt met koopwoningen
niet als hun domein en hebben niet of nauwelijks contact met jongeren uit de ‘betere’
delen van de gemengde wijk. Het creëren van gemengde wijken heeft als zodanig weinig consequenties
voor deze groep
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