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It Takes Some Effort: How Minimal Physical Effort Reduces Consumption Volume.
Abstract
Plenty of studies have demonstrated that effort influences food choice. However, few have been conducted to analyze the effect of effort on consumption volume. Moreover, the few studies that have measured consumption volume all have strong limitations. The goal of the present paper is to disentangle confounding variables in earlier research and to rule out various alternative explanations. In a tasting setting focusing on snacking behavior, either unwrapping a food product or grabbing it with sugar tongs was enough to significantly reduce consumption, regardless of whether an unhealthy or healthy food item was used. Hardly any cognitive resources seem to be necessary for the effect to occur, as cognitive load did not affect the findings. In light of obesity being a pressing concern, these findings might be valuable for individuals as well as for the food industry.
... Accessibility or convenience can also change food selection; increasing effort required by offering food that needs unwrapping can reduce intake and this has been shown with individual chocolates (62) and chocolate brownies (58) . Further, increasing physical effort (wrapped v. unwrapped brownie) and also positioning snacks further away can act independently and interactively to decrease snack consumption (58) . ...
... Other simple adjustments such as the specific location within a salad bar and also the provision of a pair of tongs v. a spoon can change (8-16 % difference) food choice (63) . Another study demonstrated how participants having to grab food with sugar tongs significantly reduced consumption of unhealthy (chocolate candies) and healthy (dried apricots) snacks (62) . H. Ensaff 4 Several mechanisms have been proposed to explain the effects observed. ...
Populations' diets typically fall short of recommendations. The implication of this on ill health and quality of life is well established, as are the subsequent health care costs. An area of growing interest within public health nutrition is food choice architecture; how a food choice is framed and its influence on subsequent food selection. In particular, there is an appeal to manipulating the choice architecture in order to nudge individuals' food choice. This review outlines the current understanding of food choice architecture, theoretical background to nudging and the evidence on the effectiveness of nudge strategies, as well as their design and implementation. Interventions emphasising the role of nudge strategies have investigated changes to the accessibility, availability and presentation of food and the use of prompts. Empirical studies have been conducted in laboratories, online and in real-world food settings, and with different populations. Evidence on the effectiveness of nudge strategies in shifting food choice is encouraging. Underpinning mechanisms, not yet fully explicated, are proposed to relate to salience, social norms and the principle of least effort. Emerging evidence points to areas for development including the effectiveness of choice architecture interventions with different and diverse populations, and the combined effect of multiple nudges. This, alongside further examination of theoretical mechanisms and guidance to engage and inspire across the breadth of food provision, is critical. In this way, the potential of choice architecture to effect meaningful change in populations' diets will be realised.
... Thus, nudging interventions (BCTs) do not depend on cognitive skills or the provision of external resources to be effective (van Gestel et al., 2020). Preliminary evidence supports this claim (Brunner, 2013;Hunter et al., 2018). ...
Background:
Health behavior change is among the top recommendations for improving health of patients with lifestyle-related chronic diseases. An array of behavior change techniques (BCTs) have been developed to support behavior change initiation and maintenance. These BCTs often show limited success when they are not informed by theory, leading to a mismatch between the intention of the BCT and patients' needs or expectations. Previous studies have identified a number of resources (domains) which patients may require to initiate and maintain health behavior change. Indeed, not yet well established is how BCTs address these resources, i.e., the functional mechanisms of BCTs.
Purpose:
Provide a theoretical framework of the functional mechanisms of BCTs for developing and implementing successful interventions for health behavior change.
Methods:
Conceptual review, including literature analysis and synthesis as well as conceptualization of a new model based on the synthesis.
Results:
Through the integration of dual-process models as well as reward and motivation proceeding, i.e., affective, emotional, or intuitive neurobiological cues, into the rational framework of rather linear cognitive or task-related decision progress, we categorize previously identified resources into three distinct sets: external, internal reflective, and internal affective resources. Based on this triad, we classify BCTs according to their functional mechanisms into facilitating (=providing external resources), boosting (=strengthening internal reflective resources), and nudging (=activating internal affective resources). Consequently, we present a simplified Behavior Change Resource Model (BCRM) that is centered on patients' resources.
Conclusion:
The model can be applied to develop health behavior change interventions, which promote engagement and empowerment. Future studies should aim at testing the applicability and practicality of the BCRM.
... Studies on the center-stage nudge (using the inclination to choose the middle option; Valenzuela & Raghubir, 2009) revealed a similar pattern; that is, the effect of the nudge did not increase when participants were in a state of low self-control ( Missbach & König, 2016;Venema et al., 2019). In line with these findings, a study on increasing the effort to obtain snacks by means of sugar tongs revealed no moderation of cognitive load (Brunner, 2013). Taken together, these studies demonstrate that System 1 conditions do not enhance nudge effects compared with a control, as is often assumed. ...
Nudges are behavioral interventions to subtly steer citizens’ choices toward “desirable” options. An important topic of debate concerns the legitimacy of nudging as a policy instrument, and there is a focus on issues relating to nudge transparency, the role of preexisting preferences people may have, and the premise that nudges primarily affect people when they are in “irrational” modes of thinking. Empirical insights into how these factors affect the extent to which people are susceptible to nudge influence (i.e., “nudgeable”) are lacking in the debate. This article introduces the new concept of nudgeability and makes a first attempt to synthesize the evidence on when people are responsive to nudges. We find that nudge effects do not hinge on transparency or modes of thinking but that personal preferences moderate effects such that people cannot be nudged into something they do not want. We conclude that, in view of these findings, concerns about nudging legitimacy should be softened and that future research should attend to these and other conditions of nudgeability.
... Preliminary evidence seems to be in line with this proposition, as it has been shown that increasing the distance toward a bowl filled with M&M's decreases the likelihood of taking any snacks, regardless of cognitive resources (trait or state; Hunter et al., 2018). Similarly, in a study investigating the use of sugar tongs as a means of increasing the effort needed to acquire a certain snack, it was found that the effect on intake is not dependent on the availability of cognitive resources (state; Brunner, 2013). At the same time, there is suggestive evidence indicating that nudges are more effective in the crucial circumstances when deliberate reasoning is inhibited due to reduced self-control capacity (Salmon et al., 2014). ...
Nudges are defined as small adjustments in the choice architecture that stimulate desirable behavior. Nudging techniques can be used as a promising policy tool, but research has hardly systematically taken into account the complexity of the situation in which nudges have been implemented. In the current studies, we investigated the effectiveness of a proximity nudge on food choice in a realistic situation with multiple options in the immediate surroundings of the target option. In two studies, we presented participants from a community sample with an assortment of either three or nine different types of chocolate. For half of the participants, the target chocolate was placed most proximally on a table. Across two studies, we demonstrated that the proximity nudge was effective in stimulating the choice for a specific piece of chocolate in a simple and more complex situation. Results were further qualified by Bayesian analyses, which revealed most support for the hypothesis that the proximity effect existed in both the conditions with three and nine options, regardless of the number of options in the choice set. Results imply that the proximity effect can remain robust in realistic situations that include multiple options in the immediate environment to choose from.
... This could slow down their progression, while dozens of other hungry college students waited behind them. Research has shown that even mild increases in the effort needed to access food can reduce selection [29]. The second factor is that students may just have a strong preference for chicken nuggets, or a strong preference against vegetable lasagna, that cannot be overridden by nudging interventions. ...
A mixed-methods approach was used to evaluate and improve the “late-night dining” options in a university dining hall. Surveys assessed student desires for late-night offerings, and evaluated students’ habits and motivations during late-night dining. Two interventions were implemented to see if students could be “nudged” into different choice patterns. In the first, a “veggie-heavy” entrée was added at the beginning of the entrée line, so that students would substitute an entrée containing vegetables for the alternatives. In the second, a snack-food bar was set up to cater to students who didn’t want to stand in the long entrée line, and preferred a snack. Data on food choice was collected during the interventions. Survey responses showed significant differences in the reasons females and males utilized late-night dining (p<0.001). We also found that students at late-night dining had a lower emphasis on health than the general student population. Even students at late-night who reported being health-conscious showed no difference in food selections from students who said health was not important (p = 0.883). Veggie-heavy entrées had mild success in increasing vegetable selection. However, veggie-heavy entrées were largely ignored when the other option was chicken nuggets. The snack bar was very popular. Entrée placement and convenience lines may have mild impacts on food selection in a late-night dining environment.
... Research exploring the effect of physical effort on snack consumption (Brunner, 2013) illustrates that minimally increasing the effort needed to attain and consume a snack reduces the amount eaten, with opaque wrappers, clear wrappers, and the use of sugar tongs each reducing the consumption of food. This effect of effort has been found to occur regardless of cognitive resources, a term commonly used to express the capacity for regulating thoughts and behaviours (Diamond, 2013). ...
Obesity prevalence is increasing around the globe, with interventions manipulating the decision environment thought to have a large potential to change behaviour. One such simple yet effective intervention utilises the Proximity Effect, whereby snack consumption is decreased as the physical distance (proximity) between the individual and the snack is increased. Recent studies have suggested that visual salience and physical effort may underpin the effect. The current protocol outlines the first study to experimentally manipulate effort to determine its potential role in the proximity effect.
A sample of 90 university students will be randomly allocated to one of four conditions in a 2 (proximity; 20cm vs 70cm) x 2 (effort; unwrapped vs wrapped) between subjects study. Twenty chocolate brownies will be presented at either 20cm or 70cm, with these brownies being either unwrapped or wrapped in a single layer of clear plastic film (high effort). Participants will also complete self-report measures for potential moderating factors including eating behaviour and perceived visual salience.
Primary outcomes of the study are likelihood of consumption (whether an individual consumed any of the snack), and the actual amount consumed (kCal) according to experimental conditions. Implications of the results may be implemented in food service areas to decrease consumption of unhealthy foods by increasing the physical effort required to attain such foods.
... Increasing the availability of healthy snacks (75% versus 25%) enhanced the probability of choosing them, whereas the position on the shelf (top or bottom) had no effect on snack selection (van Kleef, Otten, & van Trijp, 2012). In addition, the effort of unwrapping a food product or grabbing it with sugar tongs reduced consumption of fruity (apricot) and chocolate snacks (Brunner, 2013). ...
The influence of product position in a row of three similar snacks with varying calorie contents was examined in a sample of 120 students (equal numbers of males and females). Three equally sized, real cereal snack bars were arranged on a vendor’s tray in three identical boxes. Two conditions were used. In the control condition, the three boxes of snack bars were positioned from left to right in ascending order of calorie content (apple/lowest calorie content = left position; apple-chocolate/high calorie content = middle position; coco-chocolate/highest calorie content = right position). In the experimental condition (nudged group), the left and middle box positions were exchanged (apple-chocolate/high calorie content = left position; apple/lowest calorie content = middle position; and coco-chocolate/highest calorie content = right position). There was a significant effect of position on participants’ snack bar selections (χ2(2) = 14.953, p = 0.001). When the apple bar was positioned on the left, it was selected 13.3% of the time (8/60), and when it was positioned in the middle, it was selected 36.3% of the time (22/60). There was no gender effect (χ2(2) = 0.713, p = 0.70). The apple bar with lowest calorie content was selected almost three times more often when it was placed in the middle than when it was placed on the left. Changing the physical placement of the snack improved snack choices. Rearranging snacks on shelves and checkout counters in grocery stores or vending machines in schools might be an easy, inexpensive and effective intervention measure to improve consumers’ snack choices.KeywordsNudgingFood choicePosition effect
Background:
Recent work has explored the effectiveness of the Proximity Effect, where increasing the physical distance between consumer and snacks reduces intake. Foods requiring less effort to attain, or being more visually appealing, are seen to be consumed more. Relatedly, perceived effort and visual salience are suggested mechanisms for the proximity effect, but no prior studies have directly manipulated these in association with the effect. Two between-subjects studies conducted in university laboratories are presented.
Method:
Twenty chocolate brownies that were either wrapped or unwrapped (Study 1, N = 85), or 250g of M&M's, either colourful or plain brown (Study 2, N = 80), were presented as effort and salience manipulations respectively to participants at either 20 cm or 70 cm. Consumption was measured as 'likelihood of consumption' (Yes/No) and 'actual consumption' (units/grams). Potential moderating variables including perceived effort and perceived visual salience were also measured.
Results:
Likelihood of consumption was positively predicted by perceived visual salience in both Studies, and by distance in Study 2. Significant main effects of distance, p < .001, ȵ2 = 0.102 (20 cm > 70 cm), effort, p < .001, ȵ2 = 0.089 (unwrapped > wrapped), and distance × effort interaction, p = .003, ȵ2 = 0.111, were observed in Study 1 for actual consumption. A main effect of distance was found in Study 2 for actual consumption, p < .001, ȵ2 = 0.062 (20 cm > 70 cm). Perceived visual salience positively correlated with actual consumption in both Studies.
Conclusions:
Increasing physical effort and placing snacks further away appear to act independently and interactively to reduce snack consumption. Manipulating snack colour does not appear to influence consumption, whereas perceptions of visual salience appear to influence consumption. As such, perceived visual salience and physical effort are thought to be key mechanisms underpinning the proximity effect.
Pre-registration:
Both Studies were pre-registered on the Open Science Framework (Study 1: 10.31234/osf.io/rmnys; Study 2: 10.31234/osf.io/u8bsz).
While research has extensively investigated how portion sizes can influence the quantity of food consumed, relatively little work has been done to explore how bite size influences overall consumption. This research seeks to address this concern. In a field study, we collected data in a restaurant and manipulated bite size by providing diners with small or large forks. We found that diners consumed more from smaller rather than larger forks. Utilizing motivation literature, which ties into the unique factors present in a restaurant consumption setting (e.g., diners have a well-defined goal of hunger satiation because they invest effort by visiting a specific restaurant, choose from a menu, and pay money for the meal), we present our rationale for the pattern of results. Moreover, in a controlled lab study we demonstrate that when these factors are absent, the pattern of results is reversed.
Person perception includes three sequential processes: categorization (what is the actor doing?), characterization (what trait does the action imply?), and correction (what situational constraints may have caused the action?). We argue that correction is less automatic (i.e., more easily disrupted) than either categorization or characterization. In Experiment 1, subjects observed a target behave anxiously in an anxiety-provoking situation. In Experiment 2, subjects listened to a target read a political speech that he had been constrained to write. In both experiments, control subjects used information about situational constraints when drawing inferences about the target, but cognitively busy subjects (who performed an additional cognitive task during encoding) did not. The results (a) suggest that person perception is a combination of lower and higher order processes that differ in their susceptibility to disruption and (b) highlight the fundamental differences between active and passive perceivers. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Very small but cumulated decreases in food intake may be sufficient to erase obesity over a period of years. We examine the effect of slight changes in the accessibility of different foods in a pay-by-weight-of-food salad bar in a cafeteria serving adults for the lunch period. Making a food slightly more difficult to reach (by varying its proximity by about 10 inches) or changing the serving utensil (spoon or tongs) modestly but reliably reduces intake, in the range of 8-16%. Given this effect, it is possible that making calorie-dense foods less accessible and low-calorie foods more accessible over an extended period of time would result in significant weight loss.
Success in slowing obesity trends would benefit from policies aimed at reducing calorie consumption. In a field experiment at a fast-food sandwich chain, we address the effects of providing calorie information, mimicking recent legislation, and test an alternative approach that makes ordering healthier slightly more convenient. We find that calorie information reduces calorie intake. Providing a daily calorie target does as well, but only for non-overweight individuals. Making healthy choices convenient reduces intake when the intervention is strong. However, a milder implementation reduces sandwich calories, but does not reduce total calories due to compensatory effects on side orders and drinks. (JEL I12, I18, L81)
Overweight is increasing in children, leading to negative health consequences. Children also lack appropriate levels of important vitamins and nutrients in their diets. Environmental cues, such as food proximity, have been shown to influence consumption rates in adults. The present study has tested whether proximity to either a nutrient-dense or caloric-dense food would influence children's snack consumption in a day care setting. Children (N = 46, age range 3.4-11) consumed more of both nutrient- and energy-dense foods when they are sitting closer to the food than if they are sitting farther away from the food, above and beyond the effects of age. The data indicate that it may be possible to increase the consumption of nutrient-dense foods or decrease the consumption of energy-dense foods, respectively, by modifying the proximity of such foods within a child's environment.
Package size, plate shape, lighting, socializing, and variety are only a few of the environmental factors that can influence the consumption volume of food far more than most people realize. Although such environmental factors appear unrelated, they generally influence consumption volume by inhibiting consumption monitoring and by suggesting alternative consumption norms. For researchers, this review suggests that redirecting the focus of investigations to the psychological mechanisms behind consumption will raise the profile and impact of research. For health professionals, this review underscores how small structural changes in personal environments can reduce the unknowing overconsumption of food.
Objective and purpose:
Although there is increasing interest in how environmental factors influence food intake, there are mixed results and misunderstandings of how proximity and visibility influence consumption volume and contribute to obesity. The objective of this paper is to examine two questions: first, how does the proximity and salience of a food influence consumption volume? Second, are proximate foods consumed more frequently because they are proximate, or are they consumed more frequently because people lose track of how much they eat?
Research methods and procedures:
The 4-week study involved the chocolate candy consumption of 40 adult secretaries. The study utilized a 2 x 2 within-subject design where candy proximity was crossed with visibility. Proximity was manipulated by placing the chocolates on the desk of the participant or 2 m from the desk. Visibility was manipulated by placing the chocolates in covered bowls that were either clear or opaque. Chocolates were replenished each evening, and placement conditions were rotated every Monday. Daily consumption was noted and follow-up questionnaires were distributed and analyzed.
Results:
There were main effects for both proximity and visibility. People ate an average of 2.2 more candies each day when they were visible, and 1.8 candies more when they were proximately placed on their desk vs 2 m away. It is important to note, however, that there was a significant tendency for participants to consistently underestimate their daily consumption of proximately placed candies (-0.9) and overestimate their daily consumption of less proximately placed candies (+0.5).
Discussion:
These results show that the proximity and visibility of a food can consistently increase an adult's consumption of it. In addition, these results suggest that people may be biased to overestimate the consumption of foods that are less proximate, and to underestimate those that are more proximate. Knowing about these deviation tendencies is important for those attempting effectively monitor their consumption of fat and sugar.
The continued growth of the obesity epidemic at a time when obesity is highly stigmatizing should make us question the assumption that, given the right information and motivation, people can successfully reduce their food intake over the long term. An alternative view is that eating is an automatic behavior over which the environment has more control than do individuals. Automatic behaviors are those that occur without awareness, are initiated without intention, tend to continue without control, and operate efficiently or with little effort.
The concept that eating is an automatic behavior is supported by studies that demonstrate the impact of the environmental context and food presentation on eating. The amount of food eaten is strongly influenced by factors such as portion size, food visibility and salience, and the ease of obtaining food. Moreover, people are often unaware of the amount of food they have eaten or of the environmental influences on their eating. A revised view of eating as an automatic behavior, as opposed to one that humans can self-regulate, has profound implications for our response to the obesity epidemic, suggesting that the focus should be less on nutrition education and more on shaping the food environment.
• A set of naturalistic observations was conducted to examine Schachter's theory that obese individuals are more responsive to external food cues than persons of normal weight. During six days of observation at a large hospital cafeteria, experimenters manipulated the accessibility of high- and low-calorie desserts. No differences in selection by obese, overweight, and normalweight individuals of meals or desserts were observed. All weight groups were equally responsive to the experimental manipulation of food cues.
automated social cognitive processes categorize, evaluate, and impute the meanings of behavior and other social information, and this input is then ready for use by conscious and controlled judgment and decision processes / review . . . the literature on automaticity in social cognition] / discuss the research in terms of its relevance for the] issues of awareness, intentionality, efficiency, and control (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)(chapter)
The authors demonstrate that partitioning an aggregate quantity of a resource (e.g., food or money) into smaller units reduces the consumed quantity or the rate of consumption of that resource. Partitions draw attention to the consumption decision by introducing a small transaction cost; i.e., they provide more decision making opportunities so that prudent consumers are able to control consumption. Thus, individuals are better able to constrain consumption when resources associated with a desirable activity (which individuals are trying to control) are partitioned rather than when they are aggregated. This effect of partitioning is demonstrated for consumption of chocolates (study 1) and gambles (study 2). In study 3 process measures reveal that partitioning increases recall accuracy and decision times. Importantly, the effect of partitioning diminishes when consumers are not trying to regulate consumption (studies 1 and 3). Finally, study 4 explores how habituation may decrease the amount of attention that partitions draw to consumption. In this context, partitions control consumption to a greater extent when the nature of partitions changes frequently.
This research investigates the effects of refraining from a purchase temptation at one point in time on choices made at a subsequent opportunity to purchase or consume a tempting product. Four experiments involving scenarios and real decisions demonstrate that the salience of restraint at a prior impulse buying opportunity causes consumers to reward themselves subsequently by choosing indulgence over non-indulgence. We show that indulgence is likely to increase only when prior restraint is salient and hence can be used as a justification. As expected, an index of reasons for vs. against buying mediates the relationship between prior impulse purchase decision and indulgent choice. In further support of the mechanism, we find that prior indulgence can have the same effect as prior restraint, if the prior indulgence is made justifiable. Finally, we show that prior shopping restraint can increase indulgence without a corresponding increase in self-esteem. These findings extend our understanding of self-regulation and demonstrate that everyday consumer decisions such as responses to impulse buying opportunities can have consequential downstream effects.
Across a series of three studies, we demonstrate that the number of product units displayed on a package biases consumers' perceptions of product quantity (i.e., the number of snack items the package contains) and actual consumption. Specifically, we demonstrate that consumers use an anchoring heuristic to infer that packages that display a greater number of product units (e.g., 15 pretzels vs. 3 pretzels) have a higher product quantity inside. Importantly, we demonstrate that actual consumption of the food product follows this anchor judgment. The studies demonstrate that these effects are moderated by level of visual processing and that they are robust even in the presence of verbal information.
This research investigated the influence of weight-related cues on food intake. The first study used a screensaver showing three of the famous skinny human-like sculptures by Alberto Giacometti and found that participants in this condition consumed less chocolate than when they were exposed to a more neutral work of art. In the second study, participants had to indicate their body weight either before or after the tasting. Reporting their weight before the tasting resulted in reduced food intake. A gender effect was found for the second but not the first study. We suggest that the cues in the two studies might have been processed with different levels of awareness, which might explain the gender effect found in the second study.
Dyads composed of unacquainted females (n=82) watched a cartoon while consuming salty aperitif snacks. The Affective Communication Test was used to measure nonverbal expressiveness. Computing intraclass correlation coefficients, the extent to which participants within dyads matched each other's food intake was analyzed. Food intake matched highly for dyads with two expressive individuals and moderately for dyads with one expressive participant. For dyads with two unexpressive participants, there was no evidence for matching behavior. Highly expressive people seem to be able to synchronize with others and thereby allow for close matching. This is the first study to show an influence of personality on matching consumption behavior.
It was hypothesized that consuming in-shell pistachios, compared to shelled pistachios, causes individuals to consume less. A convenience sample of students at a mid-western university (n=140) was recruited, asking them to evaluate a variety of brands of pistachios. A survey at the end of class determined fullness and satisfaction. Subjects entering the classroom were given a 16-ounce cup and asked to self-select a portion of pistachios. Portion weight was recorded and subjects consumed pistachios at their leisure during class. At class end, pistachios remaining in the cup were weighed and total consumption by weight was determined. The caloric content of each portion was then calculated. In condition one, subjects offered in-shell pistachios consumed an average of 125 calories. In condition two, subjects offered shelled pistachios consumed an average of 211 calories; a difference of 86 calories. Subjects in condition one consumed 41% fewer calories compared to subjects in condition two (p≤.01). Fullness and satisfaction ratings were not significantly different (p≥.01). Caloric intake was influenced by the initial form of the food. The difference in calories consumed may be due to the additional time needed to shell the nuts or the extra volume perceived when consuming in-shell nuts.
In a standard modeling experiment, a naïve participant eats in the presence of an experimental confederate who has been instructed to eat a lot or a little. Results from such experiments show that people eat more when eating companions eat more and less when eating companions eat less. This modeling effect has been shown to be highly powerful. In the current report, two studies demonstrate that the effect is moderated when participants are exposed to weight-related cues. In Study 1, a body-weight scale was present in the experimental room; in Study 2, a weight-related verbal statement was uttered. Results of both of the chocolate tasting studies show that without the weight-related cues, participants consumed more chocolate when the confederate ate a large quantity than when she ate little. However, in the sessions including the weight-related cues, participants ate little chocolate, regardless of how much the confederate consumed. Weight-related cues might function as primes that elicit cognitions about body weight and these cognitions might, unbeknownst to the individual, render him or her more vigilant concerning food intake, thereby decreasing consumption.
We studied college students to determine the effect of variations in the foodservice system on their food choices. We measured time students spent waiting to enter the dining facility and selecting foods in the servery and analyzed photographs of food selections. Data were collected for the same menu four times. Time spent both waiting for access and in the servery decreased during the academic year. Female students selected significantly higher levels of energy and several nutrients (protein, vitamin A, iron, and cholesterol) when they spent more time in the servery. Food appearance influenced food choices for men and women. Escalloped potatoes and stuffed shells were selected by fewer students when they appeared dry. Limiting portion sizes had no impact on food choices of women but markedly changed choices for men. When protein-containing foods were limited, men increased their selection of higher-fat items so that energy intake was unchanged. The location of milk machines did not directly influence the number of students who selected milk, but there is some suggestion that improved access resulted in some increase in choice of calcium-containing foods by women. Dietitians can influence food choices by assuring speed of service, product consistency, portion control, and ease of access to foods containing nutrients that may be deficient in the population being served.
Behavioral economic analysis has shown food choice in normal weight adults is influenced by both liking and constraints on access to food. The present study assessed the contributions of food liking and environmental constraints to choice of moderately liked, low-calorie foods or highly liked high-calorie foods in obese children. Access to the moderately liked food remained on a VR2 schedule, while response requirements for the highly liked food ranged from VR2 to VR32. Subjects chose to work for the higher-rated food at comparisons up to VR2/VR4, showed no preference at VR2/VR8 and their choice shifted to the lower rated food when response requirements for the highly liked food were increased to VR16. These results show that both subjective and environmental factors contribute to children's choice of foods.
Three studies on the behavioral economics of food choice were presented. In Experiment 1 subjects were provided a choice of working for food on concurrent VR4 VR20 schedules, and subjects allocated the majority of their responding to the VR4 schedule. Subjects in Experiment 2 were provided a choice between two foods differing in ratings of subjective liking. The lower rated food was available on an FR1 component of a concurrent schedule, while the higher rated food was available on the other component across six comparisons ranging from FR1 through VR32. Subjects initially chose to work for the higher rated food, but as the constraints for this food increased, subjects chose to work for the lower rated food. In Experiment 3, subjects were provided the choice of a breakfast they liked or the monetary equivalent during deprivation and non-deprivation conditions. The food and money were first compared on equal FR1 schedules. Schedule requirements for money were subsequently maintained on a VR2 schedule, while access to food was presented in four phases from VR4 through VR32. Under deprivation, subjects allocated their time to get the preferred food instead of money only at the FR1 FR1 comparison. Under non-deprivation subjects allocated almost all their responding to work for money. These results suggest that the laboratory choice task is sensitive to schedule differences when food is used as a reinforcer, that subjective liking and schedule constraints for food are both important in determining food choice, and that alternative reinforces can complete with food, but the effect is dependent on both the level of deprivation and constraints on access to food.
Offered aluminum-foil-wrapped or unwrapped food (chocolates and cashews) to 62 obese and 64 normal undergraduates to investigate the effects of past experience on the willingness to work for food. The results show that neither obesity nor the unwrapping manipulation had an effect on the consumption of chocolates. Wrapping, however, produced a significant effect on cashew consumption-obese Ss ate fewer cashews if they were wrapped, while normal Ss ate about the same number of wrapped and unwrapped cashews. It appears that the willingness to work for food in obese humans depends on training and testing conditions. Obese humans are less motivated only when they must work harder than they are accustomed to obtain food. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Examined similarities between experimental findings with obese human Ss and lesioned hyperphagic rats. In comparison to normals, obese Ss (a) eat more of a good- and less of a bad-tasting food; (b) eat fewer meals/day, eat more/meal, and eat more rapidly; (c) react more emotionally; (d) eat more when food is easy to procure and less when it is difficult; (e) do not regulate food consumption when preloaded with solids, but do when preloaded with liquids; and (f) are less active. N. Mrosovosky's theory that the ventromedial hypothalamus is functionally quiescent in obese Ss is discussed. The function of the hypothalamus is examined. It is hypothesized that obese Ss are stimulus-bound. Experiments reveal that obese Ss (a) do better on recall tests, (b) respond faster with fewer errors on complex RT tasks, (c) are more distractible, and (d) work harder for food when food cues are prominent. Reexamining the activity levels of Ss, it was found that beyond a given stimulus intensity, Ss are more reactive than normals. Difficulties with the comparison and formulation are noted. (38 ref.)
Obese human subjects who were offered three sandwiches ate more than normal subjects. When only one sandwich was offered and
additional sandwiches were available but out of sight, the obese subjects ate less than normal subjects. This resuclt is discussed
in terms of the types of cues that motivate eating for obese versus normal individuals.
1. It has been suggested that obese subjects have a greater relative preference for palatable foods than lean subjects. 2. The food intake of eight obese subjects was measured using an automated food dispensing machine. 3. Subjects ate ad libitum for the first three days from a range of acceptable foods predetermined by questionnaire. 4. On the next three days the food which subjects chose most frequently ('palatable' food) was priced at a level such that if the subjects maintained their intake of that food they were forced to reduce their total energy intake by 50 per cent, but the subjects were able to obtain food sufficient to maintain their energy intake only if they ate exclusively food rated as 'ordinary'. 5. On this differential fixed price schedule the obese subjects reduced total energy intake to a small extent (20 per cent) whereas their intake of palatable food was reduced to a larger extent (65 per cent). Thus obese subjects relatively defended energy intake at the expense of palatability. Hunger and appetite ratings did not differ from each other throughout the study.
A set of naturalistic observations was conducted to examine Schachter's theory that obese individuals are more responsive to external food cues than persons of normal weight. During six days of observation at a large hospital cafeteria, experimenters manipulated the accessibility of high- and low-calorie desserts. No differences in selection by obese, overweight, and normal-weight individuals of meals or desserts were observed. All weight groups were equally responsive to the experimental manipulation of food cues.
Past laboratory and field studies show that the effort necessary to obtain food acts as a determinant of food selection and consumption. Two studies examined the impact of increasing the effort needed to obtain candy or potato chips on selection in a normal lunch setting. In the first study, food selection, acceptance and intake were obtained during the first week baseline and under the effort manipulation during the second week. With increased effort, candy selection dropped dramatically in week 2. Subjects substituted items from the desert, fruit and accessory food groups. In the second study, food selection and acceptance were measured during a 2-week baseline, a 3-week effort period, and a 3-week recovery period. With increased effort, potato chip selection dropped dramatically and only partially recovered in the last phase. Subjects substituted items from the starch food group. These results demonstrate that changes in the effort needed to obtain food can have a nutritional impact in an actual eating situation and could be an important part of a healthy eating strategy.
The role of economic and social influences on water intake in humans was explored in two experiments. In the first experiment, the effect of water cost (as defined as the amount of effort required to acquire water) on prandial drinking was studied by manipulating water position during an ad libitum meal: water was available either on the dining table, about 20 feet from the table, or approximately 40 feet away. Subjects drank significantly more when the water was on the table than in the other conditions; but a linear relationship between cost (distance) and intake was not observed. In the second experiment, the effects of water cost and a social model on drinking were assessed in a similar paradigm. Increasing effort required to obtain water significantly reduced prandial water intake, and the presence of a social model increased water intake. Although some interesting trends emerged, no significant interactions between social and economic factors were found. These experiments demonstrate that environmental factors can significantly affect facultative drinking in humans.
How do environmental factors, such as a food's visibility or convenience, influence one's consumption volume of that food? Knowing the impact of these factors could help individuals better monitor and manage consumption tendencies of which they or their families may be unaware (Rolls, Engell & Birch, 2000). Yet surprisingly little research has investigated the impact of either visibility or convenience on consumption. What has been done has generated largely inconsistent findings.
Americans have become considerably more obese over the past 25 years. This increase is primarily the result of consuming more calories. The increase in food consumption is itself the result of technological innovations which made it possible for food to be mass prepared far from the point of consumption, and consumed with lower time costs of preparation and cleaning. Price changes are normally beneficial, but may not be if people have self-control problems. This applies to some, but not most, of the population.
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