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Rural culture and urban water security: the Traveston Crossing Dam case

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Rural culture and urban water security: the Traveston Crossing Dam case

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need'.1 To date, the Queensland Government bought 494 properties2, although that number may have increased as a result of the 1200 approval conditions, some of which include the rehabilitation of habitat outside the inundation zone, set out by the Queensland Coordinator General in October this year. The area proposed to be inundated covers most of what is locally known as the Mary Valley. It was at various times renowned for its red cedar, milk and butter, bananas and pineapples. My research asks how local notions of belonging and sense of place are expressed in the context of the proposed dam. It also asks how such expressions are informed by ideas about nature and land-use. This paper firstly looks at the contemporary social significance of historical changes in the area under study. Then, current forms of belonging among residents of the Valley and its environs are briefly explored through the practice of naming places and the symbolic politics of community representation, understood within the social dynamics that are the result of the proposed dam and broader processes. Within the limited space available, this paper presents some preliminary thoughts and examples, based on 10 months of continuing qualitative ethnographic fieldwork. These matters are relevant to the debate about sustainable cities since urban water security may be as much about the rural as it is about the urban. Historical change Of particular socio-economic relevance to the Mary Valley region are various boom-and-bust cycles that have characterised the history of economic activities in the area. Examples of the busts include timber depletion in the late 1800s, banana rust in the mid 1920s, the 'dairy crash' in the late 1960s and the 'beef crash' in the mid 1970s. Socio-economic changes away from agricultural production started in earnest after the dairy crash in the late 1960s; a period in which the Australian Commonwealth's Marginal Dairy Farm Reconstruction Scheme stimulated investors from metropolitan centres to buy and amalgamate dairy farms. Agricultural production however did not appear to be their major concern and subdivisions for rural residential developments soon followed. Rural residential subdivisions in the area are mostly bought by urban residents, many from Brisbane, attracted by comparatively low land prices and opportunities for small acreage 'hobby-farm' lifestyles. After the first influx during the 1970s this group increased further in size as a result of the dairy industry deregulation in the 1980s when more dairy farms became available for subdivision. While farmers have remained important to the region, 'lifestyle' people now form the largest demographic group. Many of these are educated, retired and debt free, and in some way environmentally interested. They generally have retained urban social networks and interact only marginally with long-term local residents who may have grown up in the area. The dam proposal however has resulted in more local interaction between such diverse groups than ever before, particularly through the anti-dam campaign organised by the local Save the Mary River Coordination Group (STMRCG).
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Final Proceedings
Universitas 21 International Graduate
Research Conference: Sustainable
Cities for the Future
Melbourne-Brisbane, 29
th
November to 5
th
December 2009
ii
Prepared on behalf of the Organising Committee by:
Dave Kendal, The University of Melbourne
This document should be cited as:
Kendal, D (ed) (2009) Proceedings of the Universitas 21 International Graduate Research Conference:
Sustainable Cities for the Future. Melbourne & Brisbane
Disclaimer: This volume is a pre-conference compilation of papers submitted by the authors attending the
conference. Apart from some layout changes, these have been printed as received from the authors.
Organising Committee
The University of Melbourne
Dave Kendal
Sandra Hawthorne
Prof. John Langford
Prof. Dick Strugnell
The University of Queensland
Natalie Armstrong
Justine Lacey
Tony Miscamble
Rajesh Prasad
Prof. Zlatko Skrbis
All copyrights remain with the authors
Page iii
Guest Speakers
(in alphabetical order)
Melbourne
Prof. Rob Adams
Director City Design, City of Melbourne
Prof. Ruth Fincher
Interim Director of the Melbourne Sustainable Institute, University of Melbourne
Assoc. Prof. Tim Fletcher
Director, The Institute for Sustainable Water Resources, Monash University
Prof. Tom Kvan
Dean of Architecture, Building and Planning, University of Melbourne
Prof. John Langford
Director, Uniwater, University of Melbourne
Dr Chris McAuliffe
Director of the Ian Potter Museum of Art, University of Melbourne
Assoc. Prof. Mark McDonnell
Director of the Australian Research Centre for Urban Ecology, University of Melbourne
Rob Moore
Manager, Parks & Urban Design, City of Melbourne
John Rayner
Lecturer in Urban Horticulture, University of Melbourne
Prof. Dick Strugnell
Pro Vice Chancellor (Graduate Research), University of Melbourne
Brisbane
Prof Paul Greenfield
Vice-Chancellor and President, University of Queensland
Prof Ove Hoegh-Guldberg
Director of the Global Change Institute, University of Queensland
Prof. John Quiggin
Director of the Risk & Sustainable Management Group, University of Queensland
Assoc. Prof. Sarah Roberts-Thomson
Deputy Dean of Graduate Research, University of Queensland
Prof. Zlatko Skrbis
Dean of Graduate Research, University of Queensland
iv
Page v
Table of Contents
Anifowose, Babatunde Urban environmental footprints of petroleum oil (transport)
infrastructure in Lagos, Nigeria.......................................................................................1
Bendel, Susan Tree root interaction with stormwater pipes ...................................................................9
Bosworth, Rosie The organisational “front end” eco innovation process within the
European cement Industry .............................................................................................15
Brennan, Michael Encroachment upon protected areas within the Greater Dublin Area
under two simulated futures ..........................................................................................21
Chapple, Sarah “I feel like I just don’t quite fit in”: working-age adults with a physical
disability share their experiences in residential care.....................................................27
Dabaieh, Marwa Conservation of desert vernacular architecture as an inspiring quality
for contemporary desert architecture: theoretical and practical study of
Balat Village in Dakhla oasis ........................................................................................29
de Rijke, Kim Rural culture and urban water security: the Traveston Crossing Dam
case.................................................................................................................................33
Fairman, Tom Using STRATUM to estimate the benefits of Australian street trees in
Melbourne, Victoria.......................................................................................................37
Fergusson, Emma Are Transition Towns insurgent planning?...................................................................39
Flyborg, Lena Nanofiltration and ozonation for potable water reuse: a pilot study of
pharmaceutical removal.................................................................................................43
Ganis, Mary Planning adaptable and resilient cities: a ‘small world’ paradigm...............................47
Gu Yan An intelligent model for sustainable urban development beyond the
unsustainable industrial pattern in Anglo-Saxon model ...............................................51
Haggarty, Ruth Evaluation of sampling and monitoring designs to maximize
information and to inform evidence based policy.........................................................53
Marjan Hajjari Improving urban life through urban public spaces: a comparison
between Iranian and Australian cases............................................................................57
Henriques, Justin Selecting essential infrastructure for sustainable metabolisms in
developing communities................................................................................................61
Hossain, Raquibul Numerical evaluation of yielding shear panel device: a sustainable
technique to minimise structural damages due to earthquakes.....................................65
Yunyan Jia Organizational environment and professional well-being: mapping the
worklife landscape in the construction industry............................................................69
Taebyung KIM Collaborative governance for sustainable development in urban
planning in South Korea ................................................................................................73
Laddaga Alicia Medina Elasti-city .......................................................................................................................79
Lau, Colleen Urbanisation, climate change, and leptospirosis: environmental drivers
of infectious disease emergence ....................................................................................83
Lau, Ee Von Remediation of Polycyclic Aromatic Hydrocarbon (PAH) contaminated
soil using vegetable oil: a potential solution for land availability
problems in growing cities.............................................................................................89
Lim Wei Da A critical exploration of ‘sustainable’ water management: a case-study
of Singapore’s Waterworks ...........................................................................................93
Lindgren, Anna Traffic-related air pollution and chronic respiratory disease:
epidemiological studies in southern Sweden ................................................................95
Kaizhi Liu China’s urban informal settlements: concepts and sustainability
implications....................................................................................................................99
Bee Ting Low Membrane technology for hydrogen and natural gas purifications............................105
Ji Ma Marketising urban water supply in China ...................................................................107
Macmillan, Alexandra Mediated modelling: a participatory research and policy method for
urban sustainability......................................................................................................111
vi
McKenzie, Louise Climate, public space and public health: the influence of heat on the
use of public space and implications for public health, a Western
Sydney case study ....................................................................................................... 117
McLennan, Char-lee The tourism transformation process: an inquiry into the three main
process phases ............................................................................................................. 121
Mias, Paul-Edouard Rapid Detection of Faecal Pollution Using Microbial Fuel Cells.............................. 127
Dang Min Environmental journalism and the ecological conscious cultivation of
the public ..................................................................................................................... 131
Pan Lu Understanding sustainable city in spatial modernity: a case study of
Shanghai Shikumen housing....................................................................................... 135
Patel, Kamna Land tenure and vulnerability: the social consequences of the in situ
upgrade of informal settlements, a South African case study.................................... 137
Rasoamampianina, Vanessa Communicating science to the public: how to deal with scientific
uncertainties and controversies? ................................................................................. 141
Salim Mohamed Salim Urban air quality management: effects of trees on air pollution
concentration in urban street canyons......................................................................... 145
Saydi, Maryam MUtopia: a collaborative tool for engineering sustainable systems .......................... 149
Scheurich, Frank Small-scale wind turbines for sustainable energy supply in urban
environments ............................................................................................................... 153
Shi Shulin Health promoting effects of enclosure of urban public open spaces:
through behavioral studies in Hong Kong .................................................................. 159
Liangjun Song Globalization and the changing male breadwinner model: a perspective
from OECD countries.................................................................................................. 165
Thelin, Martin DS-epimerase 1 has possible role as promotor of invasive cancer ............................ 169
Thornhill, Ian The Urban Pond and Threats to Human and Environmental Health ......................... 173
Tomlinson, Charlie Climate change and heat risk in urban areas: a Birmingham case study ................... 179
Trinh Hong Viet Roles of everyday lifestyle in the city’s built environment: the use of
glass in Hanoi’s new shop-houses .............................................................................. 183
Varna, Georgiana Designing the sustainable city: the role of public space............................................. 187
Wei Yan The accountability gap in China’s urban water supply marketization
reform .......................................................................................................................... 195
Liu Weibin Social capital and urbanization: the case of “villages within city” in
Shenzhen, China.......................................................................................................... 197
Xie Yongqing Compact city and its linkage with economic development in coastal
China: a case study of Beijing..................................................................................... 205
Yáñez-Arenas, Javier Service-dominant logic: a contribution to the sustainability debate .......................... 211
Yishuang Xu The rural land ownership problem in China: lessons from the
organizational structure of REITs............................................................................... 213
Zhang Han Housing reform by urban redevelopment in China .................................................... 215
Yinghe Zhang Hydrogen storage in nano-structured graphite: a solution for economic
energy storage for low-carbon vehicles and the buffering of renewable
energy?......................................................................................................................... 217
Babatunde Anifowose, Damian Lawler, Dan van der Horst, Lee Chapman
Urban environmental footprints of petroleum oil (transport) infrastructure in Lagos, Nigeria
Page 1
Urban environmental footprints of petroleum oil (transport)
infrastructure in Lagos, Nigeria
Babatunde Anifowose, Damian Lawler, Dan van der Horst, Lee Chapman
School of Geography, Earth & Environmental Sciences (GEES), The University of Birmingham
email: baa631@bham.ac.uk
Introduction
The case of Lagos and its environs is presented because of its strategic importance to Nigeria. Lagos is
Africa’s most populous city and is endowed with four ports which accounts for over 50% of Nigeria’s
seaborne trade; including refined oil importation through the Atlas Cove depot (Fig. 1 & 2). Transport
pipeline interdiction (see, Church et al. 2004) is the deliberate damaging of oil pipelines by third-party(s).
Interdiction is a major problem in Nigeria, resulting in pollution of environmental receptors (water, air, land),
fire incidents with high fatality cases and loss of properties. Apart from interdiction (which, dependent on
one’s view, may be interpreted as sabotage, theft or vandalism), there are other causes of pipeline breaks such
as corrosion, mechanical failure or rupture (Lyons 2002, Capelle et al. 2008, Lilly et al. 2007). This paper
aims to examine the problem of pipeline interdiction in Nigeria with specific focus on Mosimi region (Lagos).
It further attempts to answer the question; what risk does petroleum transport infrastructure pose for an urban
environment like Lagos? Environmental footprint in the context of this paper refers to pollution and associated
consequences caused by interdiction and other aspects of oil transport operations. These footprints can be
assessed by how well crude/refined products or oil waste are absorbed into the contiguous environment where
the infrastructures are located. Petroleum transport infrastructure in the context of this article includes
pipelines, depots, pump-stations, marine station, boosters, refineries and other associated accessories (Fig. 1).
Aba
Biu
Jos
Ore
Bnny
Yola
Kano
Izom
Enugu
Gusau
Zaria
Gombe
Minna
Abaji
Auchi
Abudu
Benin
Warri
Kaduna
S/Pawa
Suleja
Lokoja
Ilorin
Ibadan
Mosimi
Makurdi
Calabar
Escravos
Maiduguri
Satellite
P/Harcourt
Atlas Cove
PPMC/Downstream Depots
System 2E:Bonny-PH (Crude)
System 2A
System 2B
System 2C (Crude)
System 2CX
System 2D
System 2DX
System 2E, 2EX
²
0 100 200 300 40050
Kilometers
Kaduna Region
Gombe Region
W
a
r
r
i
R
e
g
i
o
n
Mosimi Region
PortHarcourt Region
Niger Republic
Atlantic Ocean
Benin Republic
Cameroo
n
Rep
u
blic
Africa
Nigeria
"
p
"
p
"
p
"
p
"
p
"
p
"
p
"
p
k
k
"
p
k
Marine Station
Pump House
Refinery
Booster
«
«
«
«
I & II
Fig. 1: Nigeria showing downstream transport pipeline infrastructures
Universitas 21 International Graduate Research Conference: Sustainable Cities for the Future
Melbourne & Brisbane. Nov 29 – Dec 5, 2009
Page 2
Lagos State
Ogun State
Oyo State
Ore
Ilorin
Ibadan
Mosimi
Satellite
Atlas Cove
Legend
Depots
System 2B Pipeline
.
0 2040608010
Kilometers
Atlantic Ocean
Fig. 2: PPMC Mosimi Region showing State composition & some pipeline infrastructure
Methodology
Interdiction in the Lagos area and Nigeria as a whole is examined by a graph plot of trend over a 15-year
period. Further analysis is made in order to espouse the regional differences to highlight the Lagos-Mosimi
(Fig. 2) area using one-way ANOVA with post-hoc Tukey test in SPSS. The Petroleum Pipelines Marketing
Company (PPMC) provides the best publicly available dataset on interdiction in Nigeria based on five
infrastructural regions (see, Anifowose et al. in prep.). However, this data is only available for the time period
1999-2007 and as such is supplemented in this paper with the data used by Akpoghomeh and Badejo (2006)
which starts from 1993.
Urban environmental footprints traceable to operational activities along petroleum transport infrastructures at
the Atlas Cove and Satellite depots (Fig. 1&2) are examined, using data from the Environmental Audit report
Babatunde Anifowose, Damian Lawler, Dan van der Horst, Lee Chapman
Urban environmental footprints of petroleum oil (transport) infrastructure in Lagos, Nigeria
Page 3
(EA 2008). In this article, three gaseous pollutants viz: sulphur dioxide (SO
2
), nitrogen dioxide (NO
2
) and
Suspended Particulate Matter (SPM) are discussed. Five water quality parameters are presented, and the
implications of exceeded limits of Biochemical Oxygen Demand (BOD) are discussed.
Results and Discussion
Interdiction Trend
In total 13,433 interdiction cases were recorded over the fifteen year period (Fig. 3). This is far greater than
the total number of pipeline incidents reported in a joint UNDP/World Bank energy sector study on Russian
pipeline oil spills published in 2003. That study covered a ten year period (1986 to 1996) and reported a total
of 113 cases. Of this total, interdiction was the cause of just 17 cases compared to Nigeria’s 13,433 cases.
Comparisons between Russia and Nigeria are problematic as although they have a similar population, they
have very different governance.
Regional Scale Interdiction (1999-2007)
The nine-year regional pattern of interdiction and product loss, and eight-year regional pattern of fire outbreak
as well as regional population density map are presented in Fig. 4(a-f). The statistical significance of
variations in interdiction cases over the nine-year period across the five regions was tested by a one-way
ANOVA using log-transformed data and complemented with a post-hoc Tukey test (Table 1). The ANOVA
demonstrates that the Port-Harcourt, Warri and Mosimi (including Lagos) regions do not have a statistically
significant difference in the pattern of interdiction occurrence.
-500
0
500
1000
1500
2000
2500
3000
3500
4000
1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007
Year
Frequency
interdiction
% change
Fig. 3: Interdiction over a 15-year period (1993 to 2007) on a National Scale
The test also implies a high incidence of interdiction in these regions compared to Kaduna and Gombe
(significant at the 95% confidence level).
In recent years, vessels have expressed a preference to offload refined products at the Atlas Cove jetty (in
Lagos) and load crude in the Lagos Area because of the fear of piracy and hostage taking in the Port-Harcourt
Universitas 21 International Graduate Research Conference: Sustainable Cities for the Future
Melbourne & Brisbane. Nov 29 – Dec 5, 2009
Page 4
and Warri regions. This situation has ensured constant product transportation through Mosimi region (i.e. the
System 2B) and, consequently major segments of the System 2B pipeline which links Atlas Cove to Mosimi,
Ore, Benin, Ibadan and Ilorin depots (Fig. 2) have become severely damaged as a result of interdiction. This
explains why more oil products are lost in the Mosimi region after Port-Harcourt (Fig. 4B). The (Lagos)
Mosimi region has the highest death toll resulting from pipeline fire incidents (Fig. 4E, Fig. 5A and 5B).
A
Gombe Region
Warri Region
Kaduna Region
Mosimi Region
P/Harcourt Region
Aba
Biu
Jos
Ore
Bnny
Yo l a
Kano
Izom
Enugu
Gusau
Zaria
Gombe
Minna
Abaji
Auchi
Abudu
Ikej a
Benin
Warr i
Kaduna
S/Pawa
Suleja
Loko ja
Ilorin
Ibadan
Mosimi
Makurdi
Calabar
Escravos
Maiduguri
P/Harcourt
Atlas Cove
²
0 100 200 300 40050
Kilometers
Interdiction by Region
9 Year Total
680
999
1505
2430
7653
B
Aba
Biu
Jos
Ore
Bnny
Yol a
Kano
Izom
Enugu
Gusau
Zaria
Gombe
Minna
Abaji
Auchi
Abudu
Ikeja
Benin
Warri
Kadun a
S/Pawa
Suleja
Lokoj a
Ilorin
Ibadan
Mosimi
Makurdi
Calabar
Escravos
Maiduguri
P/Harcourt
Atlas Cove
²
0 100 200 300 40050
Kilometers
Product Loss by Region
9 Year Total ('000MT)
35210
35660
390380
976010
1858870
C
Aba
Biu
Jos
Ore
Bnny
Yo la
Kano
Izom
Enugu
Gusau
Zaria
Gombe
Minna
Abaji
Auchi
Abudu
Ikej a
Benin
Warri
Kadun a
S/Pawa
Suleja
Lokoj a
Ilorin
Ibadan
Mosimi
Makurdi
Calabar
Escravos
Maiduguri
P/Harcourt
Atlas Cove
²
0 100 200 300 40050
Kilometers
FireOutbreak by Region
8 Year Total
19
36
53
90
195
D
Aba
Biu
Jos
Ore
Bnny
Yol a
Kano
Izom
Enugu
Gusa u
Zaria
Gombe
Minna
Abaji
Auchi
Abudu
Ikeja
Benin
Warr i
Kaduna
S/Pawa
Suleja
Lokoja
Ilorin
Ibadan
Mosimi
Makurdi
Calabar
Escravos
Maiduguri
P/Harco urt
Atlas Cove
²
0 100 200 300 40050
Kilometers
Pop.Density by Region
91.89
153.80
192.17
431.90
597
E
Aba
Biu
Jos
Ore
Bnny
Yo la
Kano
Izom
Enugu
Gusau
Zaria
Gombe
Minna
Abaji
Auchi
Abudu
Ikej a
Benin
Warri
Kadun a
S/Pawa
Suleja
Lokoj a
Ilorin
Ibadan
Mosimi
Makurdi
Calabar
Escravos
Maiduguri
P/Harcourt
Atlas Cove
²
0 100 200 300 40050
Kilometers
Estimated Fatality by Region
0
950
1566
2733
F
Aba
Biu
Jos
Ore
Bnny
Yol a
Kano
Izom
Enugu
Gusau
Zaria
Gombe
Minna
Abaji
Auchi
Abudu
Ikej a
Benin
Warri
Kaduna
S/Pawa
Suleja
Lokoja
Ilorin
Ibadan
Mosimi
Makurdi
Calabar
Escravos
Maiduguri
P/Ha rcourt
Atlas Cove
²
0 100 200 300 40050
Kilometers
Poverty Incidence by Region
32.51
45.91
54.84
71.66
72.34
Fig. 4: Nigeria showing Transport Pipelines in Relation to Regional pattern of:
A – Interdiction (1999-2007); B – Product Loss ‘000 Metric Tonne (1999-2007);
C – Fire Outbreak (2000-2007); D – Population Density;
E – Estimated fatality; and F – Poverty incidence.
Babatunde Anifowose, Damian Lawler, Dan van der Horst, Lee Chapman
Urban environmental footprints of petroleum oil (transport) infrastructure in Lagos, Nigeria
Page 5
The implication of this is that whereas other parts of the country benefits from the strategic importance of
Lagos, Lagos appears to bear greater consequences with grave implications for urban and environmental
sustainability. Figure 5B particularly gives an example of environmental pollution where poisonous fumes are
released into the atmosphere and Fig. 5C shows a pool of refined products being scooped by people.
Suggested causes of interdiction are further examined in Anifowose et al. in prep.
Table 1: ANOVA (Multiple Comparisons) and post-hoc Tukey test result
log_data
Tukey HSD
95% Confidence Interval
(I) Sample
(J)
Sample
Mean Difference
(I-J)
Std. Error Sig.
Lower Bound Upper Bound
2 .640 .308 .252 -.24 1.52
3 .845 .308 .067 -.04 1.73
4 1.470
*
.308 .000 .59 2.35
1-Port-Harcourt
5 1.504
*
.345 .001 .52 2.49
1 -.640 .308 .252 -1.52 .24
3 .204 .308 .963 -.68 1.09
4 .830 .308 .074 -.05 1.71
2-Warri
5 .864 .345 .111 -.12 1.85
1 -.845 .308 .067 -1.73 .04
2 -.204 .308 .963 -1.09 .68
4 .626 .308 .272 -.26 1.51
3-Mosimi
5 .660 .345 .328 -.33 1.65
1 -1.470
*
.308 .000 -2.35 -.59
2 -.830 .308 .074 -1.71 .05
3 -.626 .308 .272 -1.51 .26
4-Kaduna
5 .034 .345 1.000 -.95 1.02
1 -1.504
*
.345 .001 -2.49 -.52
2 -.864 .345 .111 -1.85 .12
3 -.660 .345 .328 -1.65 .33
5-Gombe
4 -.034 .345 1.000 -1.02 .95
*. The mean difference is significant at the 0.05 level.
Environmental footprints (Air and Water)
As a demonstration of risks associated with oil transport infrastructure within the urban city of Lagos, result of
air quality sampling taken at two main locations (Atlas Cove and Satellite) during the Environmental Audit
(2008) exercise are mapped in Fig. 6. The Federal Ministry of Environment’s (FMEnv) set limit for SO
2
is
0.01ppm daily average of hourly values and all the sampled locations A to L (Fig. 6) exceeds this limit. The
set limit for NO
2
is between 0.04ppm – 0.06pm and the sampling results show they are below set limit except
for the truck parking area (J) with 0.08. This may have been due to combustion from the truck engines
especially because the Lagos depots have the highest number of trucks/tankers loading products on a daily
basis (
2
Anifowose et al. in prep). As against the daily average limit of 250μg/m
3
for SPM, all the sampled
locations (Fig. 6) exceeded this limit except for the Jetty, Workshop, Tankfarm, Agbagbo community and the
Atlas Cove office areas. The SPM and SO
2
concentration should be of great concern for city managers
because particulate matters, for example, are carcinogenic and are potential causes of respiratory and
cardiovascular diseases (Baumbach et al. 1995, Srivastava and Jain 2007, Barman et al. 2009). These may
spread to other parts of the metropolis depending on wind speed and direction.
The physico-chemical parameters of water sampling carried out during the EA (2008) survey at both Atlas
Universitas 21 International Graduate Research Conference: Sustainable Cities for the Future
Melbourne & Brisbane. Nov 29 – Dec 5, 2009
Page 6
Cove (AtlasC1-9) and Satellite (Satellite1-8) depots are presented in Fig. 7. The pH values of effluent waters
from all the stations in both depots fall within the FMEnv limits of 6-9 at 25
0
C. The BOD
5
values in five out
of the seventeen stations appear excessively high and above the minimum limit of 30mg/l and maximum
allowable limit of 40mg/l (Chukwu 2008), especially at AtlasC2 (Fig. 7). Oil & Grease are above the set limit
of 10mg/l at AtlasC2 and 5, not detected in others and below the set limit in all of Satellite stations. Phosphate
is below the set limit of 5mg/l except for AtlasC5 and 7, and Satellite3 stations. Copper levels within Atlas
Cove stations are slightly higher than the ‘less than 1’ set limit at AtlasC5 and 7; while they are significantly
high at Satellite5(3.1mg/l), Satellite3(2.05mg/l) and Satellite2(1.39mg/l) respectively. BOD is an important
pollution calibrating parameter in water bodies (Sponza 2003, Chukwu 2008) particularly due to it role in
microbial oxidization and the survival of living organisms (Yusuf & Shonibare 2004). Therefore, the high
BOD at AtlasC2 (616.27mg/l) could easily be washed into nearby water bodies depending on the season,
rainfall intensity and the velocity of receiving rivers/streams.
This is particularly of great concern as these effluents and wastewater discharges containing hydrocarbon
materials are released into water bodies without treatment (EA 2008, p.108). This may kill aquatic organisms
and threaten public health, as water may be used for drinking, washing, recreation; or, as bioaccumulation of
pollutants may poison food for human consumption.
Fig. 5A: Part of System 2B pipeline and fatality at Ilado
(Isanki Island), Lagos. Incident occurred on 12 May
2006. Law enforcement agents at the background.
Source:www.thewe.cc/contents/more/archive/globalization.html
Fig. 5B: Fatalities and properties destroyed in the aftermath of
an oil pipeline interdiction explosion at Abule-Egba, Lagos.
Incident occurred on 26 December 2006.
Source: www.thewe.cc/contents/more/archive/globalization.html
Fig. 5C: An example of oil scooping after
pipeline interdiction.
Source: http://www.pppra-nigeria.org/
Fig.
5
Sourc
e
awak
e
(Fatality hidden from view)
Fig. 5D: An example of Pipeline ROW.
Source: afrika-awake.blogspot.com/2007_11_14_archive.html
Babatunde Anifowose, Damian Lawler, Dan van der Horst, Lee Chapman
Urban environmental footprints of petroleum oil (transport) infrastructure in Lagos, Nigeria
Page 7
LAGOS STATE
L
G
K
J
I
H
F
E
D
C
B
A
09184.5
Kilometers
4
Legend
Petroleum Infrastructures
Satellite Town Depot Environ
Atlas Cove Depot Envron
A - Jetty
B - Workshop
C - Tankfarm
D - Effluent/Sludge
E - Agbagbo Comm
F - Office
SO
2
NO
2
NO CO H
2
S CH
4
VOC
SPM
μg/m
3
0.02 0.01 0.0 0.50 0.0 0.00 0.00 135
0.02 0.02 0.0 0.62 0.0 0.02 0.00 245
0.02 0.02 0.01 0.72 0.02 0.41 0.12 159.6
0.11 0.02 0.02 0.68 0.22 0.02 0.06 307
0.02 0.01 0.0 0.52 0.06 0.06 0.02 245
0.02 0.02 0.01 0.40 0.03 0.03 0.03 61.4
0.04 0.02 0.0 5.0 0.20 0.05 0.07 650.8
0.02 0.01 0.01 5.00 0.12 0.04 0.04 589.4
0.11 0.01 0.0 7.0 0.05 0.03 0.17 564.9
0.20 0.08 0.03 4.00 0.02 0.22 0.02 392.9
0.04 0.01 0.01 4.00 0.04 0.00 0.01 577.1
0.05 0.02 0.01 4.00 0.00 0.00 0.01 368.4
G - Separator Pit
H - Tank
I - Loading Bay
J - Truck Park
K - Ejigbo Comm
L - Office
Sampling Area within Depots
AIR QUALITY PARAMETERS
Data Source: Environmental Audit Report (2008)
Fig. 6: Lagos State showing air quality sampling locations within selected infrastructural areas
0
100
200
300
400
500
600
700
AtlasC1 AtlasC2 AtlasC3 AtlasC4 AtlasC5 AtlasC6 AtlasC7 AtlasC8 AtlasC9 Satellite1 Satellite2 Satellite3 Satellite4 Satellite5 Satellite6 Satellite7 Satellite8
Sampling Locations
Quantity
pH @ 25oC
BOD (mg/l)
Oil & Grease (mg/l)
Phosphate (mg/l)
Copper (mg/l)
Fig. 7: Water sampling parameters within selected infrastructural areas at the Atlas Cove (AtlasC1-9)
and Satellite (Satellite1-8) depots, Lagos
Universitas 21 International Graduate Research Conference: Sustainable Cities for the Future
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Concluding thoughts
At a national scale, the rate of interdiction has been shown to be increasing at a near exponential rate (Fig. 3)
and is in need of urgent attention. At the city-region scale, result of the analysis of variance suggests civil
unrest could spread from the Niger Delta to Lagos-Mosimi and environs. The July 12th 2009 attack on the
Atlas Cove Jetty is an example. To reduce risks, further research is suggested into unravelling the optimal
process/mechanism of a renewal scheme that would ultimately restrict access to oil infrastructures. Better
governance (including more social justice and better policing) may help reduce interdiction. There is an urgent
need for a feasible government plan to address poverty and social-neglect which have been suggested
possible’ causes of interdiction (further explored in Anifowose et al. in prep).
It has been shown that basic environmental receptors (air, water) are subjected to pollutants such as SPM and
BOD traceable to petroleum transport infrastructures/ activities. If cities like Lagos are to be environmentally
sustainable, it is therefore suggested that government should empower the relevant agencies (e.g. FMEnv and
other parastatals) to continuously research/monitor these pollutants, take measures to reduce them and award
stiffer penalties to erring companies. This will ensure, amongst others, treatment of effluent discharge before
release into surrounding environments.
References
Anifowose, B, Lawler, D, van der Horst, D & Chapman, L, ‘Exploring oil transport pipeline interdiction in Nigeria: Possible
causes and data needs for mitigation’ (in prep.).
2
Anifowose, B, Chapman, L, Lawler, D & van der Horst, D,Pipeline interdiction and bridging in Nigeria: is a modification to the
spatial connectivity matrix model required?’
(in prep.).
Akpoghomeh, S & Badejo, D 2006, ‘Petroleum product scarcity – a review of the supply and distribution of petroleum products
in Nigeria’ OPEC Review 30 (1), 27-40.
Barman, S, Singh, R, Negi, M & Bhargava, S. 2009. Fine particles (PM2.5) in ambient air of Lucknow city due to fireworks on
Diwali festival. Journal of Environmental Biology 30(5), 625-632.
Baumbach, G, Vogt, U, Hein, K, Oluwole, A, Ogunsola, O, Olaniyi, H & Akeredolu, F. 1995, ‘Air pollution in a large tropical
city with a high traffic density - results of measurements in Lagos, Nigeria’ The Science of the Total Environment 169,
25-31.
Capelle, J, Gilgert, J, Dmytrakh, I. & Pluvinage, G. 2008, ‘Sensitivity of pipelines with steel API X52 to hydrogen
Embrittlement’ Int. J. of Hydrogen Energy33, 7630–7641
Chukwu, O. 2008, ‘Analysis of Groundwater Pollution from Abbattoir Waste in Minna, Nigeria’ Research Journal of Dairy
Sciences 2(4), 74-77.
Church R, Maria P, & Middleton RS 2004, ‘Identifying Critical Infrastructure: The Median and Covering Facility Interdiction
Problems’ Annals of the Association of American Geographers 94(3), 491-502
Environmental Audit [EA] 2008, ‘Pipelines and Products Marketing Company Limited (PPMC)’ commissioned by the National
Council on Privatization (NCP)/Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE)/PPMC, Abuja, Nigeria.
Federal Republic of Nigeria Official Gazette No. 2, Abuja - 2nd Feb. 2009. Report on Census 2006 Final Results. Published by
the Federal Government, Abuja, Nigeria.
Joint UNDP/World Bank Energy Sector Management Assistance Programme (ESMAP) 2003. Report on Russia Pipeline Oil
Spill Study. Available at: http://www.esmap.org/filez/pubs/03403RussiaPipelineOilSpillStudyReport.pdf, Accessed:
18.03.08.
Lilly, M., Ihekwoaba, S., Ogaji, S. and Probert, S. 2007. Prolonging the lives of buried crude-oil and natural-gas pipelines by
cathodic protection . Appl. Energy 84, 958–970.
Lyons, D. 2002. Thirty-years of CONCAWE Pipeline Statistics [Online]. Available at:
http://www.concawe.org/Content/Default.asp?PageID=73. [accessed 15 Nov. 2008]
Srivastava, A. & Jain, V. 2007, ‘Size distribution and source identification of total suspended particulate matter and associated
heavy metals in the urban atmosphere of Delhi’ Chemosphere 68(3), 579-589.
Sponza, D. 2003, ‘Application of toxicity tests into discharges of the pulp-paper industry in Turkey’ Ecotoxicology and
Environmental Safety 54(1), 74-86
Yusuf, R & Shonibare, J. 2004, ‘Characterization of Textile Industries’ Effluents in Kaduna, Nigeria and Pollution
Implications’ Global Nest: the Int. J. Vol 6(3), 212-221.
S. Bendel, G. M. Moore and P. B. May
Tree root interaction with stormwater pipes
Page 9
Tree root interaction with stormwater pipes
S. Bendel, G. M. Moore
and P. B. May
Melbourne School of Land and Environment, Burnley College, The University of Melbourne
email: s.bendel@pgrad.unimelb.edu.au
Introduction
Sustainable cities require trees for shade, carbon sequestration, limiting pollution and for human physical and
mental well-being (Harris, Clark and Matheny, 2004; Moore 2009; Brindal and Stringer 2009; Plant 2009).
Tree roots are often blamed for damage to urban infrastructure such as roads, footpaths, houses and
underground services. The damage is costly to society through damage to pipes, litigation and compensation
claims. Often there is little proof that the tree roots caused the damage, rather than opportunistically growing
through pre-damaged materials thus causing damage to pipes.
Aim of research project
This project investigated the capacity of the root tips of selected native and exotic street tree species to exploit
cracks and structural weaknesses in the fabric of common urban infrastructure. The aims of the experiment
were
To observe if the width of the crack in stormwater pipes affects the rate and extent of root penetration
To observe if the contents of a model stormwater pipe affects the rate and extent of root penetration
To observe if the rate and extent of root penetration into the stormwater pipes, differs between species.
Methodology
The model stormwater pipes were cracked to three different extents. These stormwater pipes contained a
stormwater nutrient solution, water, a sandy soil used for growing the trees in containers, or a nutrient
enriched sandy soil.
Measurements were taken to determine the growth of each tree during the term of the experiment. When the
experiment was completed, dry weights of the above ground parts of the trees were measured, and the mass of
dry roots both inside and outside the pipe was measured. The number of pipes entered by roots was counted.
The native and exotic tree species are described in table 1.
Table 1: Selected tree species.
Eucalyptus leucoxylon F. Muell.
Subsp. Megalocarpa Boland
Yellow Gum Native, evergreen
Lophostemon confertus (R. Br.) P.G.
Wilson & Waterhouse
Brushbox Native, evergreen
Allocasuarina littoralis (Salisb.)
L.A.S. Johnson
Black Sheoke Native, evergreen
Acer palmatum Thunb. Japanese Maple Exotic, deciduous
Pyrus calleryana Decne. Callery Pear Exotic, deciduous
Callistemon salignus (Sm.) DC White Bottlebrush Native, evergreen
The nutrient solution was a synthetically produced replicate stormwater solution containing the nutrients
found in urban runoff. The size of the width of the crack in the pipes is shown in table 2.
Universitas 21 International Graduate Research Conference: Sustainable Cities for the Future
Melbourne & Brisbane. Nov 29 – Dec 5, 2009
Page 10
Table 2: Average crack width
Mild 0.04mm
Moderate 0.66mm
Severe 1.48mm
There were six replicates and the trees were randomly sorted into blocks of 72 trees.
The results of the experiment
The severely cracked pipe was entered by slightly fewer roots than the moderately cracked pipe; (figure 1)
however there was not a significant difference. The mass of the roots in the severely cracked pipes was
slightly higher than that of the moderately cracked pipes but still not significant (figure 2). When it came to
the mildly cracked pipes, roots from only three plants were able to enter the pipes. These plants were all of the
same species, Callistemon salignus.
Figure 1 Number of roots in pipe in cracked stormwater pipes
Figure 2 Mass of roots in pipes in cracked stormwater pipes
S. Bendel, G. M. Moore and P. B. May
Tree root interaction with stormwater pipes
Page 11
Slightly more roots penetrated the pipes filled with soil, and the pipes with stormwater had the lowest number
of roots entering the pipes; however there was no significant difference (figure 3). The content of the pipe
containing the heaviest root was soil (figure 4). The average mass of roots in the pipes was similar for all fills.
There was no significant difference between the four different pipe contents.
Figure 3 effect of fill on the number of roots penetrating pipes
Figure 4 Effect of fill on the mass of roots penetrating pipes
The species which entered the pipes the most was Callistemon salignus, followed closely by Allocasuarina
littoralis and Lophostemon confertus. The species with the fewest roots to enter the pipes was Acer palmatum
followed by Eucalyptus leucoxylon (figure 5). Pyrus calleryana had the largest root mass inside the pipes
followed closely by C. salignus. By far the lightest mass of roots in pipes was for A. palmatum, followed by L.
confertus and E. leucoxylon very similar in mass to L. Confertus (figure 6).
Universitas 21 International Graduate Research Conference: Sustainable Cities for the Future
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Figure 5 Number of pipes being penetrated by roots for each species
Figure 6 Mass of foliage penetrating pipes for each species
Discussion of results
The plant roots entered both the moderately and severely cracked pipes to a similar rate as the size of the
cracks in both of these was sufficiently large for plant roots to grow through without any difficulty. On the
other hand, the mildly cracked pipes had such a fine crack that it was difficult for the roots to enter, with only
three examples of Callistemon salignus entering the pipes. These roots grew less than ten millitimetres at most
in contrast to the much longer roots growing in the moderately and severely cracked pipes.
The different fills in the pipes made very little difference to the overall growth of biomass. The effects of the
nutrient solution compared with no nutrient solution require further research for two reasons. Firstly all the
plants were fertilized several times during the period of the research, making the contrast of plants with pipes
filled with stormwater solution and those without far less certain. Secondly, the roots had to reach the inside
of the pipes in order to access the nutrients and this may not have happened until quite late in the research
period, not allowing the nutrient solution to show any changes in plant growth.
S. Bendel, G. M. Moore and P. B. May
Tree root interaction with stormwater pipes
Page 13
The Callistemon salignus entered the pipes the most as the C. salignus roots formed a dense mat throughout
the container and had a more even spread in the middle of the container above the cracked pipe. Acer
palmatum had both the least number of plant roots entering the pipes and the lightest mass of roots in pipes as
A. palmatum had the smallest root systems of all the species planted. Eucalyptus leucoxylon only had a few
roots, and these were quite thick, but the roots tended to circle around the perimeter of the container so fewer
encountered the cracks in the pipes. The roots of Pyrus calleryana formed a strong root system growing
outwards towards the perimeter of the container and then down around the sides with not as many roots in the
centre of the container as some of the other species. However, those roots of P. calleryana that entered the
pipes were much thicker than the roots of any other species.
Conclusion
Callistemon salignus is able to penetrate a crack averaging 0.04mm in width, although the root growth was
only about 10mm long. A crack of 0.66mm width was sufficiently wide enough to be penetrated by any of the
species sampled.
The heaviest mass of roots in the pipe was found in the soil, while the heaviest average mass was found in the
stormwater solution. However, from the experiment the difference, if any, of growth rate in the stormwater
pipe is inconclusive.
When planting near old infrastructure or cracked pipes, the recommendation would be not to plant
Callistemon salignus or Pyrus calleryana, as their root mass can block the stormwater pipes. Acer palmatum
would be a better choice.
References
Brindal, M and Stringer, R 2009, The Value of Urban Trees: Environmental Factors and Economic Efficiency,
Proceedings of the Tenth National Street Tree Symposium, 23-36, University of Adelaide, Adelaide.
Harris, RW, Clark, JR & Matheny, NP 2004, Arboriculture integrated management of landscape trees, shrubs, and vine,
4th edn, Prentice Hall, New Jersey.
Moore, GM 2009, Urban Trees: Worth More than they Cost, Proceedings of the Tenth National Street Tree Symposium,
7-14, University of Adelaide, Adelaide.
Plant, L 2009, Are Your Urban Trees in the Climate Change and Sustainability Spotlight? Proceedings of the Tenth
National Street Tree Symposium, 83-86, University of Adelaide, Adelaide.
Universitas 21 International Graduate Research Conference: Sustainable Cities for the Future
Melbourne & Brisbane. Nov 29 – Dec 5, 2009
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Rosie Bosworth
The organisational “front end” eco innovation process within the European cement Industry
Page 15
The organisational “front end” eco innovation process within the
European cement Industry
Rosie Bosworth
The University of Auckland
email: r.bosworth@auckland.ac.nz
Background
Eco innovation
1
(otherwise referred to as environmental or sustainable innovation) is increasingly viewed as
an attractive approach among policy makers and academics alike towards solving the world’s environmental
problems (Kivimaa et al 2008) and has been noted as one of the emergent fundamental forces for change in
business and society today (Larson 2000) forming the basis of establishing a future competitive business
environment and an enduring, sustainable economy.
The most frequently cited primary drivers facilitating the diffusion of eco innovation at a firm and societal
level within the literature are noted as regulatory/policy factors; market (or demand) pull and technology push
(Rennings 2000). More recently, a body of literature has emerged which emphasises organisational specific
factors as also playing an influential role in firm level adoption of environmental innovation.
Empirical studies investigating organisational factors that play a role in eco innovation can be grouped into
three broad categories regarding the specific high-level findings: organisational culture and concern; high
level strategic driven formal initiatives and organisational structure. Current empirical studies however fail to
adequately explore and provide insight into specific methodologies, tools, activities and techniques within
organisations which enable eco innovative ideas to germinate and develop into leading edge sustainable eco
innovations. In essence present studies do not sufficiently explore the initial new concept development phase
of organisations undertaking eco innovations –also referred to as the “front-end”
innovation process. Indeed
how are firms able to successfully undertake eco innovation leading to significantly heightened levels of
environmental sustainability - if they are largely unaware of effective processes, tools and methodologies
behind the initial stages of new concept development which sets the ball rolling for the generation of
successful eco innovation? In light of this gap, my research aims to gain a greater understanding of how the
firm actually innovates, and the processes by which a firm creates a significant eco innovation.
ASCEM B.V
Within the context of sustainable urban development this research paper presents preliminary findings on the
front-end innovation process of Dutch organisation ASCEM B.V. who has developed an inherently more
sustainable form of cement and cement manufacturing process with the potential to m progressive
advancements towards environmental sustainability within the cement industry.
ASCEM and its innovation practices bears extreme relevance within the broader context of sustainable urban
development due to the fact that the cement industry is among the world’s largest and most important heavy
industries - forming the backbone of almost all of the world’s construction activity - yet which also places
significant burden on the natural environment. With global cement demand and production significantly rising
and the continual increase in global coal-fired energy generation, innovations within the cement industry
enabling a transition towards more sustainable forms of construction materials will play a vital role in
sustainable urban development particularly in light of the rapid growth of developing countries including India
and China. (See appendix for further information on the relevance of sustainable cement production).
1
Many definitions of environmental innovation exist. My research however uses Kemp and Foxon’s (2007, p.g10) definition who note environmental
innovation as being “the production, assimilation or exploitation of a product, production process, service or management or business methods that is
novel to the firm and which results, throughout its life cycle, in a reduction of environmental risk, pollution and other negative impacts of resources use
(including energy use) compared to relevant alternative1
Universitas 21 International Graduate Research Conference: Sustainable Cities for the Future
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Page 16
ASCEM B.V Front-End Eco Innovation Process
ASCEM’s front-end innovation process resulting in the development of its leading-edge environmental
innovation can be conceptualised into two distinct phases/stages spanning a significant time period (some 15
years). The first phase of idea generation process involves the initial conceptualisation of the original raw idea
for fly-ash based cement by the founder. Phase two of the front-end innovation process occurred some years
later when the founder’s original raw idea was integrated into a formal business/organisational environment
after the purchase the ASCEM cement intellectual property.
Front-End Innovation Process: Phase one
Phase one of ASCEM’s initial idea conceptualisation was predominantly a product of the combination and
application of the founder’s educational background (holding a PhD in environmental technology specialising
in high temperature technologies and the reaction of gypsum with clinker), industry knowledge and
manufacturing know-how gained from employment within the traditional cement industry, combined with
knowledge gained by later the founder following his departure from the cement industry through consulting
within the building and construction materials industry.
A further factor playing a significantly influential role in phase one of ASCEM’s front-end idea generation
process was the development of legislation enacted by the Dutch government prohibiting the further
construction of coal-fired power stations and subsequent governmental financial aid and incentives schemes
promoting research and development activities aimed at developing solutions to the disposal of fly ash (a by
product generated during the production of coal fired energy) in reaction to increasing ground water pollution
caused by its disposal.
Consequently, phase one of ASCEM’s front-end innovation process initiating the creation of its sustainable
cement concept was formed through the dynamic interplay of the founder’s unique educational background
and complementary industry know-how in conjunction with financial motivation spurred by legislation and
financial incentive schemes initiated by the Dutch government.
Essentially phase one of ASCEM’s front-end innovation processes was highly internally and one-man driven -
involving very little involvement with external parties. Further, despite ASCEM’s use of fly ash as a raw
material being indicative of the renowned environmental concept Cradle to Cradle (McDonough and
Braungart 2002), the application of this environmental concept during the initial stages of development was
inadvertent rather than a proactive engagement in environmentally enhancing activities.
In this context the primary phase of the front-end innovation process can be characterised as an evolutionary
and internally driven process comprising the amalgamation of diverse knowledge, external environmental
conditions in the form of legislative push and an implicit environmental focus to form the basis of this new
sustainable concrete concept (see Figure 1).
ASCEM B.V Front-end Innovation Process: Phase two
The second phase of the front-end innovation process entailing further progression and development of
ASCEM’s sustainable cement concept occurred a considerable period later following the sale of ASCEM’s
intellectually property to building construction materials company - BTE group.
During phase two ASCEM grew from one founder to approximately eight full time employees each with a
diverse range of specialist expertise. Regular team meetings, informal daily interaction and the application of
knowledge generation mechanisms (including an in-house development of computer software programmes
allowing staff to investigate and analyse various potential alternative material cement compositions which
yield the greatest environmental improvement) assisted staff in imparting valuable knowledge and ideas
allowing for further refinement and development of the original concept.
Furthermore, market intelligence activities in the form of forecasting, researching new industry innovations,
investigating possible new sustainable construction material alternatives and monitoring movements in the
global cement markets by means of accessing market databases, published journals (academic and
commercial), and undertaking comprehensive internet searches comprised regular staff activities.
Rosie Bosworth
The organisational “front end” eco innovation process within the European cement Industry
Page 17
Figure 1: Phase one primary characteristics of ASCEM B.V’s front-end Innovation process
External Integration mechanisms and System Level Innovation
Largely attributable to the fact that the European cement industry is characterised by a small number of
entrenched incumbent players in support of outdated cement industry standards (which actually prohibit the
wide scale development and application of more sustainable forms of cement), phase two of ASCEM’s front-
end innovation process exhibits significantly increased levels of external interaction and collaboration
activities involving a range of outside parties. Primary collaborative activities involve networking activities
with various universities, worldwide cement industry body RILEM, and specialists who harbor
complementary expert knowledge regarding breakthrough innovations in non-traditional cement production
to advance scientific knowledge related to sustainable construction materials, further refine ASCEM’s cement
innovation and to collectively lobby for revised cement industry standards in order for new forms of
sustainable cement production to gain world-wide acceptance and application. External integration with lead
users, involving parent company BTE undertaking research into its customers’ preferred cement properties
and features, further indirectly influences and steers ASCEM’ innovation activities (see figure two).
Figure 2: Phase Two Characteristics of ASCEM’s Front-End Innovation Process
Universitas 21 International Graduate Research Conference: Sustainable Cities for the Future
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Page 18
To conclude, ASCEM’s front-end sustainable innovation process endured two phases - the first being
predominantly evolutionary in nature forming out of the amalgamation of educational knowledge, legislation
and expert knowledge and know-how from within and outside of the cement industry. The second comprising
a more strategic and structured innovation process and heightened internal collaboration taking into account
the importance and need for system level innovation primarily through multilevel collaboration with external
parties.
Finally, a significant aspect within the context of sustainable development emerging from this research is the
importance of front-end innovation at the systemic level innovation for achieving effective and progressive
advancement towards urban environmental sustainability. The case of ASCEM visibly illustrates that
sustainable innovation in isolation and its associated front-end innovation practices – no matter how
environmentally progressive - can still encounter barriers inhibiting adoption and widespread application of
all elements within the broader interconnected system are not aligned or not actively working towards
common sustainable outcome.
References
Donarova, A. (2008) Breakthrough Innovation by ASCEM: An Introduction into the societal and environmental aspects
for Alkali Activated Cements. Conference proceedings, Eindhoven.
Kemp, R., Foxon, T. & (2007) Eco Innovation from an innovation dynamics perspective: Deliverable 1 of MEI project
(DI) available at http://www.merit.unu.edu/MEI/deliverables/MEI%20D1%20Eco-
innovation%20from%20an%20innovation%20dynamics%20pespective.pdf
Kivimaa, P. (2008) Integrating environment for innovation: Experiences from product development in paper and
packaging. Organization & Environment, 21, 56.
Larson, A. L. (2000) Sustainable innovation through an entrepreneurship lens. Business Strategy and the Environment, 9.
McDonough, W. & Braungart, M. (2002) Cradle to cradle: Remaking the way we make things, North Point Press.
Rennings, K. (2000) Redefining innovation—eco-innovation research and the contribution from ecological economics.
Ecological Economics, 32, 319-332. .
Taylor, M., Tam, C. & Gielen, D. (2006) Energy efficiency and CO2 emissions from the global cement industry. Korea,
50, 61.7.
WBCSD (2005) Guidelines for the Selection and Use of Fuels and Raw Materials in the Cement Manufacturing Process.
1 ed., World Business Council for Sustainable Development (WBCSD).
http://www.wbcsdcement.org/pdf/tf2_guidelines.pdf
Worrell, E., Lynn, P., Hendricks, C. & Ozawa Meida, L. (2001) Annual Review of Energy and Environment, 26, 303-329.
Rosie Bosworth
The organisational “front end” eco innovation process within the European cement Industry
Page 19
Appendix
Cement Industry Environmental Impact
The cement industry is exceedingly taxing on the natural environment from a natural resource use,
consumption, pollution and emissions point of view. The cement industry produces 5% of manmade CO2
emissions globally (Worrell et al 2001, WBCSD 2009). By the year 2050 figure this figure is expected to
increase to 9-10% of global emissions (Taylor et al 2006). The manufacture of cement also produces
significant levels of environmentally damaging airborne pollution in the form of dust, particulates and
chemical gases (in the form of NOx, SO2 ) in addition to high levels of noise and vibration as a result of
operating production machines and blasting of limestone quarries (WBCSD 2005). The quarrying of
limestone – a primary raw material input for cement production - also creates highly visible attacks on the
natural the landscape (ASCEM personal communications). With cement demand and production significantly
rising owing to the economic growth of developing countries and the continual steady increase in world coal-
fired energy generation, innovations within the cement industry enabling a transition towards more sustainable
methods of cement production will play a vital role in sustainable urban development particularly in light of
the rapid growth of developing countries including India and China.
Environmental Benefits of ASCEM Cement
Through the utilization of fly-ash as a primary raw material input (in place of limestone) ASCEM’s cement
production process utilises approximately 70% residual (waste) materials in its concrete production therefore
significantly reducing the demand for raw materials and natural resources
.
Compared with traditional cement
manufacturing, ASCEM requires significantly less energy throughout the manufacturing process compared
with traditional cement manufacturing. Further its substitution of fossil fuels (limestone) for fly ash
significantly reduces the level of limestone required to be quarried in the production of cement and leads to
considerable reductions in CO2 emissions from the calcination process (See figure one below). Utilising fly-
ash as a primary material input in productions cement also provides a partial solution the financial and
environmental costs of fly-ash disposal including temporary storage and land filling due to its highly polluting
and environmentally damaging characteristics. ASCEM cement also has lower levels of dangerous airborne
emissions such as nitrous oxide and sulphur dioxide.
0.52
0.42
0.25
0.19
0.5
0.41
0.27
0.26
0
0.2
0.4
0.6
0.8
1
1.2
Portland cement
(>85%)
Portland fly ash
cement
blast furnace
cement (<10%)
ASCEM cement
CO2 emission comparison (t/ t cement)
Fossil fuel & Electricity
Calcination
Figure 1: Carbon Dioxide Emissions Comparison of Cement Alternative (Donarova 2008.)
Universitas 21 International Graduate Research Conference: Sustainable Cities for the Future
Melbourne & Brisbane. Nov 29 – Dec 5, 2009
Page 20
Michael Brennan
Encroachment upon protected areas within the Greater Dublin Area under two simulated futures
Page 21
Encroachment upon protected areas within the Greater Dublin Area
under two simulated futures
Michael Brennan
Urban Environment Project, UCD Urban Institute Ireland, Dublin, Ireland
email: michael.brennan@ucd.ie
Introduction
The Urban Environment Project (UEP) is a multi-disciplinary, inter-institutional research project whose goal
is to develop a Spatial Decision Support System (SDSS) for the Greater Dublin Area (GDA) (figure 1) so that
policy makers can explore the environmental effects of policy alternatives before implementation and make
evidence based decisions. The questions and problems posed by the specialist teams (Air Quality,
Biodiversity, Climate Change, Transport and Urban Sprawl) are based in an environmental framework, and
the land-use model MOLAND is the engine room for producing possible outcomes and scenarios to aid
visualisation and direct comparison of a selection of infrastructure developments at both regional and local
scales.
The need for a SDSS is particularly relevant for the GDA, which has undergone massive and rapid
development in the past decade (Williams and Shiels 2002, Williams et al. 2007). This development has had
several negative effects, e.g. urban sprawl and habitat destruction (European Environment Agency 2006). To
attempt to steer this development towards sustainability several government documents were produced,
beginning with the Strategic Planning Guidelines for the Greater Dublin Area (Dublin Regional Authority and
Mid-East Regional Authority 1999), followed by Regional Planning Guidelines for each of the seven Regions
in the state in 2004 (Dublin Regional Authority and Mid-East Regional Authority 2004). Section 26(1) of the
Planning and Development Act 2000 provides that RPGs be reviewed not later than six years after the making
of the guidelines i.e. by 2010 in the GDA’s case (Government of Ireland 2000). As part of this process we are
currently collaborating with the Dublin & Mid-East Regional Planning Authority’s SEA process, whereby we
are constructing a spectrum of possibly future development scenarios which take into varying levels of
economic growth/decline; population fluctuations; a range of green infrastructure options; transport modal
shift, on-time versus delayed transport network upgrades and all combinations of the above. In this paper I
will briefly describe two of these future development scenarios (continued trends vs. consolidation and
creation of green belts), discuss one indicator (in this case encroachment of development upon legally
protected areas) and summarise the differences between the simulations.
Methods
The MOLAND model
Rather than give full details of the MOLAND model, which can be found elsewhere (Barredo et al. 2003) we
will summarise the model’s requirements and outputs. MOLAND comprises two sub-models working at
different scales. At the macro (regional) scale, the model takes as inputs the population and the economic
activity in a region. This population and activity is then split between the sub-regions encapsulated in the
model area. In this application, the sub-regions are the administrative counties within the region. At the micro
scale (local) the detailed allocation of economic activities and people is modelled by means of a Cellular
Automata based on land use model (Engelen et al. 2004). To that effect, the area modelled is represented as a
mosaic of grid cells of 4ha each (200m on the side). This model is driven by the demand for land per region
generated at the regional level. Four elements determine whether each 4ha cell is taken in by a particular land
use function or not:
the accessibility for each land use function calculated relative to the transport network;
physical suitability determining the physical, ecological and environmental appropriateness of cell to
support a land use function and associated activity;
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zoning status or institutional suitability (e.g. legal constraints);
Neighbourhood rules: the model assesses the quality of its neighbourhood; a circular area with a
radius of 8 cells. For each land use function, a set of rules determines the degree to which it is attracted to, or
repelled by, the other functions present in the neighbourhood.
Figure 1. Landuse of the GDA in 2006.
Based on the above transition potentials are calculated for each cell by the model for every simulation step,
typically 1 year in a land use change model (White and Engelen 2000). Over time and until regional demands
are satisfied, cells will change to the land use function for which they have the highest potential.
Calibration is achieved by running simulations over a known historical period. The simulations are initiated
using the historical dataset in order to test the simulation results using the reference dataset. Subsequently the
simulations are validated by running the model forward and checking the consistency of the resulting map
The future simulation of land-use can then be performed using the parameters of the already calibrated model
assuming, however, that the calibrated factors will remain relatively stable during the studied period. Detailed
description of the calibration technique and used datasets for GDA is presented in a separate paper
(Shahumyan et al. 2009).
Michael Brennan
Encroachment upon protected areas within the Greater Dublin Area under two simulated futures
Page 23
Divergent policies are generally explored by manipulating the zoning and suitability layers, e.g. ecologically
important areas can be zoned to prohibit development during a simulation run, areas proximate to public
transport/urban centres can be classed as “more suitable” for development than distant areas or vice versa.
The Scenarios
Scenario 1 explores a continuation of current trends whereby a significant divergence between spatial
planning policy and practice has been noted (MacLaran and Williams 2003, Scott et al. 2006), which indicates
the capacity of spatial planning policies to steer the location of development at the city-regional scale may be
limited.
In Scenario 2 a policy of consolidation and “strong” green belts is imposed to steer future development away
from the dispersed settlement patterns that have characterised GDA development recently. Green Belts were
constructed using Arcmap GIS software and used to create restricted zoning maps for the MOLAND model.
Within the area covered by the Green
Belts development was prohibited from
occurring. Consolidation was promoted
using the suitability layer. Five
kilometre buffers were created around
key towns listed in the most recent
Regional Planning Guidelines (Dublin
Regional Authority and Mid-East
Regional Authority 2004). Land inside
of this buffer was classed as more
suitable for development than land
outside the buffer. It should be noted
that development can still occur outside
the buffer.
Measures of encroachment upon
protected areas
To identify which sites would be
threatened and quantify the impact of
forecasted development a 1km buffer
was created around the protected areas
merged using GIS. To allow a per
county analysis this polygon was
intersected with a County shape file to
produce five polygons, representing the
protected areas of each county. Cell
counts within these buffers were found
using a customised tool developed by
UEP. Cell counts were converted to area
values (in ha) by multiplying by four.
The results were compared using MS
excel.
Results
The outputs of Scenarios 1&2 can be seen in figures 3 & 4. In Scenario 1 development disperses widely across
the study area, there is some merger of formerly separate towns and coastal regions are subject to high growth.
In Scenario 2 development is concentrated close to existing urban centres. Development is less dispersed than
in Scenario 1 but the coastal areas are more intensely developed and several agricultural areas proximate to
the city are isolated from the wider countryside.
Figure 2. Protected areas within the study area. Protected areas are represented
in green, 1km buffer around the areas in red and county boundaries in black.
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Melbourne & Brisbane. Nov 29 – Dec 5, 2009
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Encroachment upon protected areas
Overall Scenario 1 resulted in the most encroachment upon protected areas, however there were differences on
a per county basis; in Scenario 2 protected areas in Dublin were more heavily affected (table 1).
Table 1. Area of urban land within 1km of protected areas by County and Scenario. Values are in hectares.
County 2006 Scenario 1 Scenario 2 Scenario 1/Scenario 2 Difference
Louth 1712 2500 2412 88
Meath 1444 2816 2172 644
Dublin 3468 4380 4500 -120
Kildare 1124 2352 1848 504
Wicklow 1432 2944 2696 248
Figure 4. Comparison of actual GDA landuse in 2006
with simulated 2026 landuse under Scenario 2
conditions. Actual landuse in 2006 is in green (light
grey); simulated additional urban development by 2026
is in blue (dark grey) and red is reduced rural
settlements. While development is dispersed somewhat,
it is consolidated into several growth centres.
Figure 3. Comparison of actual GDA landuse in 2006
with simulated 2026 landuse under Scenario 1
conditions. Actual landuse in 2006 is in green (light
grey), simulated additional urban development by 2026
is in blue (dark grey).
Michael Brennan
Encroachment upon protected areas within the Greater Dublin Area under two simulated futures
Page 25
Discussion
These two examples used illustrate the potential of MOLAND to visualise differing policy decisions, identify
potential issues before they occur and structure policy accordingly. The continuation of current trends
represented in Scenario 1 is contrary to Irish national, regional and local policy (Dublin Regional Authority
and Mid-East Regional Authority 1999, Government of Ireland 2002, Dublin Regional Authority and Mid-
East Regional Authority 2004, Dun Laoghaire Rathdown County Council 2004, Kildare County Council
2005, Meath County Council 2007, Government of Ireland 2009), trends which have lead to several well
publicised consequences; urban sprawl, traffic congestion and increased stress to name but a few (O’ Regan
and Buckley 2003, European Environment Agency 2006). If development were to further disperse across the
region deficiencies could be expected for public services such as waste disposal, education, health provision
and emergency service response time (Shahumyan et al. In Press).
Scenario 2 represents a future in line with Irish and European policy (Commission of the European
Communities 1990), but it is not without consequence. By pursuing a policy of “compaction” protected sites
near the main urban area of the region are more heavily impacted than in the business as usual scenario. This
could be considered acceptable given the mitigation of impacts elsewhere but it must be borne in mind,
especially as impacts on these protected sites could constitute a breach of the E.U. Habitats, Birds and/or
Water Framework Directives.
Further examples of UEP scenario development can be found at
www.uep.ie.
References
Barredo, J. I., M. Kasanko, N. McCormick, and C. Lavalle. 2003. Modelling dynamic spatial processes: simulation of
future scenarios through cellular automata. Landscape and Urban Planning 64:145-160.
Commission of the European Communities. 1990. Green Paper on the Urban Environment. Brussels.
Dublin Regional Authority and Mid-East Regional Authority. 1999. Strategic Planning Guidelines for the Greater Dublin
Area. Dublin: Regional Planning Guidelines Project Office.
Dublin Regional Authority and Mid-East Regional Authority. 2004. Regional Planning Guidelines: Greater Dublin Area
2004-2016, Implementing the National Spatial Strategy. Dublin: Regional Planning Guidelines Project Office.
Dun Laoghaire Rathdown County Council. 2004. Dun Laoghaire Rathdown County Development Plan 2004-2010.
Engelen, G., R. White, I. Uljee, A. Hagen, J. van Loon, M. van der Meulen, and J. Hurkens. 2004. MOLAND model for
urban and regional growth: Model description and User Manual. Maastricht, The Netherlands.
European Environment Agency. 2006. Urban sprawl in Europe - The ignored challenge. Report No 10/2006. European
Environment Agency.
Government of Ireland. 2000. Planning and Development Act 2000.
Government of Ireland. 2002. Making Ireland’s Development Sustainable: Review, Assessment and Future Action.
Government of Ireland. 2009. Sustainable Residential Development in Urban Areas: Guidelines for Planning Authorities.
Kildare County Council. 2005. Kildare County Development Plan 2005-2011.
Meath County Council. 2007. Meath County Development Plan 2007-2013.
O’ Regan, B., and F. Buckley. 2003. The Psychological Effects of Commuting in Dublin. Centre for Research in
Management Learning and Development Working Paper Series.
Shahumyan, H., B. Williams, R. White, S. Convery, and I. Boyle. In Press. ‘Adapting an Urban-Regional Model
(MOLAND) for supporting the planning and provision of strategic regional infrastructure: Providing
Wastewater treatment capacity in the Dublin region 2006 - 2026 Urban Institute Ireland Working Paper Series.
White, R., and G. Engelen. 2000. High-resolution integrated modelling of the spatial dynamics of urban and regional
systems. Computers, Environment and Urban Systems 24:383–400.
Williams, B., B. Hughes, and P. Shiels. 2007. SCS Housing Study 2007: Urban Sprawl and Market Fragmentation within
the Greater Dublin Area. Society of Chartered Surveyors.
Williams, B., and P. Shiels. 2002. The Expansion of Dublin and the Policy Implications of Dispersal. Journal of Irish
Urban Studies 1:1-19.
Universitas 21 International Graduate Research Conference: Sustainable Cities for the Future
Melbourne & Brisbane. Nov 29 – Dec 5, 2009
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Sarah Chapple
“I feel like I just don’t quite fit in”: working-age adults with a physical disability share their experiences in residential care
Page 27
“I feel like I just don’t quite fit in”: working-age adults with a physical
disability share their experiences in residential care
Sarah Chapple
University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, Canada
email: schapple@interchange.ubc.ca
This study explores the perceptions of working-age adults with a physical disability who often face unique
challenges while living in a residential care facility designed for a geriatric population. It is apparent that by
addressing psychosocial needs and providing appropriate health care services to adults with a physical
disability, strengths and challenges of these residents can be highlighted and recommendations made to
improve upon experiences within residential care (Bartlett & Baum, 1995: Franks, 2004: Krout & Wethington,
2002). This study evolved out of the author’s experience working in both acute care hospital and residential
care settings with adults who have a physical disability, and the intent of this study was to provide a venue for
young residents to share their concerns, strengths, and ideas about their experiences in residential care.
A review of the literature revealed that this is a topic that is not well reflected, as existing literature is
primarily focused on the experiences of geriatric residents (Miller, 2004). There is very little information
about working-age clients who live in a care facility designed for a geriatric population. Approximately 10%
of clients in geriatric residential care are under the age of 60 years old and in recent years, this percentage has
continued to rise (Silin, 2002). Though a great deal of research has been conducted with long-term care clients
over age 65, little is known about the experiences of residents who are working-age and residing in a geriatric
residential care facility. This exploratory, qualitative research study aimed to reveal how working-age adults
with a physical disability experience living in a residential care facility designed to meet the needs of a
geriatric population. In this study, I sought to answer the question: how do working-age adults with a physical
disability experience living in a residential care home designed for a geriatric population?
For the purpose of this paper, I will briefly discuss reflections on several of the main themes. A diverse range
of topics arose during the course of the research interviews. The participants spoke about their journey prior to
moving into a care facility and these personal narratives have been included in order to provide context and
give a fuller picture of the lives of each participant. The following main themes and numerous sub-themes
emerged from the research data. These main themes are (1) admission stories, (2) coping and adjustment, (3)
relationships, (4) institutional culture and environment, and (5) hope. Some of the subthemes that emerged
include experiences of grief and loss, loss of autonomy and choice, changes in family relationships,
relationships with staff and older residents, social support and advocacy and perceptions of “fitting in.” These
themes create a powerful picture of the complex experience of being an adult with a physical disability who
lives in a care facility that has not been specifically designed to meet the needs of non-geriatric clients. The
quotations in the following sections are taken directly from the transcribed interviews.
Many of the research study participants spoke about their life prior to moving into a residential care facility
and the events that led up to this occurrence. The quotes from these interviews provide context and a fuller
picture of the lives of the participants. Participants spoke about how illness and disability affected their lives
and how their lives changed after moving into a residential care facility. It is important to note that all of the
participants in this study acquired a disability or illness in adulthood rather than having experienced a
disability from birth or childhood. A total of eight adults between the ages of 22 and 59, four men and four
women, participated in this study and all of the participants lived in a residential care facility owned and
operated by the Fraser Health Authority in the Greater Vancouver area of Canada at the time of the interview.
The interviews were conducted using a qualitative narrative method. Semi-structured interviews allowed for
the participants to guide the process into areas that may not have otherwise been considered. This method
provides a “flavour” (Mason, 1996) of the experiences of the participants.
One participant spoke about her experience of making the decision to move into a residential care facility:
Universitas 21 International Graduate Research Conference: Sustainable Cities for the Future
Melbourne & Brisbane. Nov 29 – Dec 5, 2009
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‘When I was 52 I had two severe strokes, which took away my ability to walk and the ability
to use my left hand. We did try home care, 24-hour care at home, but we weren’t really
blessed with our choice of homemaker unfortunately, and we had some severe problems with
her. So just to have ease of life, I guess, without confrontation and worry, my husband and I
decided this was probably the best place for me while he still works.’
When asked how he felt about living with elderly residents, another participant said:
‘Do you want to know what it’s like for someone my age to be in here? It’s tough because
people don’t have memories. I don’t have much in common with anybody. I mean and, uh,
they’re nice people, but they don’t remember a lot of things. I smoke cigarettes and there’s
about five of them that smoke cigarettes. And that’s who I associate with. So my conversation
is with them. And my caregivers. That’s about it.’
This study brings an important and salient issue to light from a social work perspective. Further research on
this topic is relevant to many settings within health care and may also assist in developing alternative housing
and services for clients with a physical disability. In conclusion, one of the study participants stated:
‘I do not feel that I am any different than I was the day before I had my first stroke. I, you
know, I still feel ‘me’ inside me and today I’m young and I’ve still got a lot of living left to
do. And I think compared to a lot of the other seniors in here or all of the seniors in here, a lot
of them know that they will probably die in here. And I don’t see that for me.’
References
Bartlett, M.C. & Baum, B.H. (1995). What happens to patients after nursing home placement? Social Work in Health
Care. 22(1), 69-79.
Franks, J.S. (2004). Comparing perceived quality of life in nursing homes and assisted living facilities. Journal of
Gerontological Social Work. 43(1).
119-130.
Krout, J. & Wethington, E. (2002). Residential choices and experience of older adults: Pathways to life quality. New
York, NY: Springer Publishing Company.
Mason, J. (2002). Sampling and selection in qualitative research. In J. Mason, Qualitative Researching (2
nd
Ed.). London,
UK: Sage Publications, Inc.
Miller, N. (2007). Participation and knowledge related to a nursing home admission decision among a working age
population. Social Science & Medicine. 64(2). 303- 313.
Silin, P. (2001). Nursing homes. Baltimore, MD: John Hopkins University Press.
Marwa Dabaieh
Conservation of desert vernacular architecture as an inspiring quality for contemporary desert architecture: theoretical and practical
study of Balat Village in Dakhla oasis
Page 29
Conservation of desert vernacular architecture as an inspiring quality for
contemporary desert architecture: theoretical and practical study of
Balat Village in Dakhla oasis
Marwa Dabaieh
LTH, Lund University
email: Marwa.Dabaieh@byggark.lth.se
Abstract
Vernacular architecture was always a product of a natural cycle of sustainable building tradition. People
inherit the traditional way of building from their ancestors and the knowledge was transferred and developed
from generation to generation along the years. Inhabitants respond to their surrounding environment and
climate through trial and error in a way satisfying their needs and aspirations. This natural cycle is about to
vanish due to the fact that inhabitants are leaving their houses to deteriorate or they demolish them to build
modern concrete houses instead. People are seeking for modern life facilities that their old houses don't satisfy
any more. My research will help laying hands on the know-how of desert vernacular architecture in Egypt
.Focusing on how to adjust it to new life demands in a way that keep and preserve the beneficial old
traditional techniques. My research will end with a manual and a checklist for a contemporary vernacular
building model based on the argument mentioned above. This manual will be tested by a physical model built
in site. By this way we are preserving the sustainable desert vernacular architecture as it used to be for
centuries and helping to keep the old beneficial values forever. It is a new vision for the future of old and
contemporary vernacular desert communities through conservation by modeling. This research is still in
progress, a preliminary studies and investigations were done to support the research hypothesis. This research
targets planners, architects, conservation architects, anthropologists, theorists and inhabitants in desert
communities.
Introduction
Within the past decade, the study of vernacular architecture has expanded dramatically beyond the limits of
antiquarian and nostalgic interest in old and quaint rural buildings. Besides important vernacular heritage,
buildings have increasingly disappeared due to the absence of laws to protect them as well as to the impact of
urban culture, which is seen by the population as the paradigm of progress. (Wells, 1982, p.3). To the extent,
then, that the social sciences and humanities are concerned with patterns of human behavior, vernacular
architecture is an important and, until recently, neglected field of investigation (Prieto ,2003 p.5).The
international council on monuments and sites ICOMOS announced on 1999 the importance of preserving
vernacular as a heritage suffering a great risk.
It is argued that vernacular heritage is threatened to vanish. That is either due to urban crawl as an outside
factor, or as result of changes in users' perspectives on how they want to live. How can we preserve and
document desert vernacular know-how? What we can extract for a contemporary desert vernacular building
model, that combine between old adequate building technology and new life demands in a cultural context?
Can we build contemporary desert vernacular? Answers to such questions are attempted throughout this
research. A practical study will be applied in Balat village, Dakhla Oasis in Egypt as an application. The
research result is new method for a design manual for contemporary desert vernacular verified by a physical
building model.
Universitas 21 International Graduate Research Conference: Sustainable Cities for the Future
Melbourne & Brisbane. Nov 29 – Dec 5, 2009
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Fig. (1) A panoramic view for desert vernacular mud brick architecture in Dakhla oasis, Egypt.
Scope and limitation
The research aim is to develop a new method for a design manual for conservation of desert
vernacular architecture taking "Balat village in Egypt -western desert- as a case study. The study will
focus on mud brick structures. The main goal is to bridge the gap between achieving modern living
facilities line with inhabitants' aspirations, while at the same time protecting the traditional way of
building that have proven to be more environmentally friendly and respond better to the climate and
culture which modern concrete houses can't fulfill.
The research problem
The problem primarily happens in the urban area that are growing and developing based on nothing but
economics paradigm (De Filippi, 2005, P.3) .If examining the old traditional houses, will find that choosing
natural available building materials from the local surrounding environment were a very sensitive choice, very
responding and adaptive to the climate .The inhabitants tend to avoid harsh desert climatic conditions. Their
houses are warm in cold winter and cold in hot summer times. They tend to minimize any energy loss.
Unfortunately theses old traditional and sustainable ways of thinking are not documented. The old techniques
that was highly adequate to the local desert environment and that were highly satisfying the social and cultural
needs are disappearing day by day. I am working on the problem that inhabitants are deserting their old
healthy, environmental, sustainable and authentic houses to live in modern unhealthy concert blocks.
Fig. (2) Traditional ways of building and craftsmanship using local materials that are about to vanish.
Method
My research project will help laying hands on the know-how of desert vernacular architecture. Analytical site
study in Balat Village will investigate and document building materials, building techniques, climate features,
environmental adaptations besides inhabitants' social habits, traditions and their new life demands. Also some
tools will be used like designed questionnaires, interviews and expert evaluation. The experts are conservation
architects, historians and anthropologists. Assessment tools will be used like post occupancy evaluation and
observer –based environmental assessment. This analytical study will be accompanied by practical site
investigation measurements and documentations on both architecture and urban level. The final step will be a
comparative analysis between expert evaluation and inhabitants' wish list. The outcome is a designed manual
Marwa Dabaieh
Conservation of desert vernacular architecture as an inspiring quality for contemporary desert architecture: theoretical and practical
study of Balat Village in Dakhla oasis
Page 31
and a checklist for a contemporary vernacular building model. This manual will be verified by a virtual then a
physical model for contemporary vernacular desert building built in site. This physical model will be
evaluated using the same tools of assessment mentioned above.
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
1st Qtr
70 % Agree to move back to
old houses if there is
adaptaions
15 % Diagree to move back
to old houses even if there is
addaptaion
6 % Will not leave their old
houses
8 % Neutral
Fig. (3) Preliminary result for questioner done on 2007
In the case study Balat village, Dakhla oasis, Egypt.
Conclusion
People in traditional vernacular desert cultures knew how to make the buildings they need. Inhabitants
integrate materials, climate, other physical constraints and cultural practice into architectural forms that meet
the needs of individuals and groups. (Crouch, 2001) This research tried to bond the fracture that occurs
between traditional desert vernacular architecture that proved to be more efficient with inhabitants' aspiration
for modern life facilities. The research tried to put the practical way of conserving this old vernacular heritage
through a designed manual and checklist based on inhabitants' wish list. This manual when applied into real
physical models will help the natural cycle of desert vernacular buildings to sustain. Desert vernacular is
basically based on adaptation of users' needs, traditions, social habits and climate change. The research took
Balat village as a role model for application.
Fig. (4) Architecture and urban features for Balat village (the case study).
Universitas 21 International Graduate Research Conference: Sustainable Cities for the Future
Melbourne & Brisbane. Nov 29 – Dec 5, 2009
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References:
Crouch, Dora P. & Johnson, June Gwendolyn(2001). 'Traditions in architecture: Africa, America, Asia and Oceania'.
New York: Oxford University.
De Filippi, Francesca (2005),'Sustainable living heritage conservation through community based approaches', 10th
international seminar, Newcastle.
Prieto,Valeria ,(2003), 'Place –memory- meaning: preserving intangible values in monuments and sites' .Vernacular
heritage and intangible heritage in Mexico.
Wells,Camille, (1982),'Perspectives in vernacular architecture', Vernacular architecture forum , Vol.1 . Columbia,
University of Missouri Press.
Kim de Rijke
Rural culture and urban water security: the Traveston Crossing Dam case
Page 33
Rural culture and urban water security: the Traveston Crossing Dam
case
Kim de Rijke
Anthropology Program, School of Social Science, The University of Queensland
email: k.derijke@uq.edu.au
Introduction
In 2006 the Queensland State Government announced plans to dam the Mary River at Traveston Crossing,
some 170km north of Brisbane, Australia. The Traveston Crossing Dam was presented as part of the southeast
Queensland water grid, said to allow the State Government to ‘move water … from areas of supply to areas of
need’.
1
To date, the Queensland Government bought 494 properties
2
, although that number may have increased as a
result of the 1200 approval conditions, some of which include the rehabilitation of habitat outside the
inundation zone, set out by the Queensland Coordinator General in October this year. The area proposed to be
inundated covers most of what is locally known as the Mary Valley. It was at various times renowned for its
red cedar, milk and butter, bananas and pineapples.
My research asks how local notions of belonging and sense of place are expressed in the context of the
proposed dam. It also asks how such expressions are informed by ideas about nature and land-use. This paper
firstly looks at the contemporary social significance of historical changes in the area under study. Then,
current forms of belonging among residents of the Valley and its environs are briefly explored through the
practice of naming places and the symbolic politics of community representation, understood within the social
dynamics that are the result of the proposed dam and broader processes. Within the limited space available,
this paper presents some preliminary thoughts and examples, based on 10 months of continuing qualitative
ethnographic fieldwork. These matters are relevant to the debate about sustainable cities since urban water
security may be as much about the rural as it is about the urban.
Historical change
Of particular socio-economic relevance to the Mary Valley region are various boom-and-bust cycles that have
characterised the history of economic activities in the area. Examples of the busts include timber depletion in
the late 1800s, banana rust in the mid 1920s, the ‘dairy crash’ in the late 1960s and the ‘beef crash’ in the mid
1970s. Socio-economic changes away from agricultural production started in earnest after the dairy crash in
the late 1960s; a period in which the Australian Commonwealth’s Marginal Dairy Farm Reconstruction
Scheme stimulated investors from metropolitan centres to buy and amalgamate dairy farms. Agricultural
production however did not appear to be their major concern and subdivisions for rural residential
developments soon followed.
Rural residential subdivisions in the area are mostly bought by urban residents, many from Brisbane, attracted
by comparatively low land prices and opportunities for small acreage ‘hobby-farm’ lifestyles. After the first
influx during the 1970s this group increased further in size as a result of the dairy industry deregulation in the
1980s when more dairy farms became available for subdivision. While farmers have remained important to
the region, ‘lifestyle’ people now form the largest demographic group. Many of these are educated, retired
and debt free, and in some way environmentally interested. They generally have retained urban social
networks and interact only marginally with long-term local residents who may have grown up in the area. The
dam proposal however has resulted in more local interaction between such diverse groups than ever before,
particularly through the anti-dam campaign organised by the local Save the Mary River Coordination Group
(STMRCG).
1
Ministerial Statement by Henry Palaszczuk, former Minister for Natural Resources, Mines and Water, May 23, 2006.
2
Ministerial Media Statement by Anna Bligh, Queensland Premier, 11 November 2009.
Universitas 21 International Graduate Research Conference: Sustainable Cities for the Future
Melbourne & Brisbane. Nov 29 – Dec 5, 2009
Page 34
The Significance of Naming Rural Places
Socio-cultural differences between ‘life-stylers’ and farmers are reflected in practices of naming places.
When lifestyle people define the Mary Valley as a place these definitions are dominated by references to the
regional environment. Generally speaking, this group tends to describe the Mary Valley in broad terms such as
‘catchment’, ‘watershed’, ‘from the headwaters at Maleny [a town] to the river mouth at River Heads’, and the
like. The Mary River, or the environment more holistically, informs these definitions. In contrast, many
agricultural producers focus their descriptions of the Mary Valley on historical productive ties to the river flats
and surrounding lands. Interestingly, their boundary descriptions are often infused with cultural values such as
those related to landownership, responsible land management and participation in ‘the community’. This may
lead to statements such as ‘[The Mary Valley is] this side of the range but excluding Carters Ridge because
that’s an urban enclave’. Urban enclaves, in this expression, also identify through symbolic dichotomies what
are considered proper rural places, which are owned through freehold title rather than rented, and contain open
and productive spaces rather than trees on small acreage. When naming parts of their land, which is close to a
practical necessity if you have several paddocks or want to keep detailed records of activities, most farmers
use descriptive and/or production oriented terminology such as ‘bull paddock’, ‘back paddock’, ‘bottom flat’,
‘mill paddock’ and so on.
Some farmers however may also use terminology similar to that most often employed by urban ‘life-style’
people. That is, pieces of land are frequently named after particular people or events of personal relevance.
Pertinent examples include naming an area after the first child born at the property, or using a merged
husband-wife name for the property itself. Naming practices in this area thus often display aspects of major
personal significance and experience. Some names also display aspects of personal interest such as the
renaming of a cattle paddock known for three years as the ‘new paddock’ into the ‘PD’ paddock when
Princess Diana died, or the naming of garden areas after permaculture personalities. In short, places become
personalised; references to events, histories and values (cf. Dominy 2001, p.159). Understandably, such
meaningful places played a role in the opposition of local residents to the proposed dam.
Rural Community Identity and the Dam
Many of my ‘life-style’ informants stressed the personal effort it had taken to establish their rural lives. Their
property was generally the culmination of years of urban employment with the vision to retire to the country.
This vision was often driven by both push and pull factors. Many expressed a desire to be closer to the natural
environment, lead more sustainable lives, and to become members of a community in which ‘you know the
mail lady by name’, grow some of your own food or join the local fire brigade (cf. Edwards 1998).
The campaign to stop the Traveston Crossing Dam involves, amongst others, local residents with urban
backgrounds and qualifications in fields such as business management and environmental science. They
brought with them more detailed knowledge of the State and bureaucratic processes than most local farmers
previously had access to. The anti-dam organisation became an incorporated body with a constitution that
stipulates the manner in which it is to conduct its business and proceedings. The focus was, and continuous to
be, on ‘facts and data’. Through such bureaucratic approaches the campaign can be seen to have adopted ‘the
practices of the powerful in such a way as to challenge or undermine their dominance’ (Harrison 1999, p.245).
Broadly speaking however, the longer-term residents have close associations with the agricultural industry and
do not have the mathematical or computing skills to build their own hydrological models to challenge the
conclusions of city-based scientists. As a result they may refer to some of the other campaigners as ‘the brains
behind it’. They do however have something considered far superior in the context of the dam: local
knowledge, particularly of the river and creeks and how they can seasonally flood the landscape.
In such a situation relative newcomers may find it necessary to defer to local knowledge, or the ‘old farming
families’, when attempting to represent ‘the community’ in a public setting. The symbolic politics in this
example, the deference to those who are considered to hold moral authority to speak for an area, are an
important cultural aspect of negotiated community identities and forms of belonging (cf. Strathern 1982). The
proposed Traveston Crossing Dam has forced such issues to be played out in the public halls of the region,
while individual landowners assess the relationships with their land and reflect on the names they bestowed
upon it.
Kim de Rijke
Rural culture and urban water security: the Traveston Crossing Dam case
Page 35
Conclusion
Rural forms of belonging and sense of place in this area must be understood in the context of socio-economic
changes. As an example, relatively recent ‘lifestyle’ naming practices reflect personal identities and
environmental appreciation rather than agricultural production. Associated with such naming practices are
cultural notions regarding the nature of ‘community’ and appropriate forms of land and water use. Such
notions also inform the symbolic politics of local community representation in relation to the proposed
Traveston Crossing Dam. This case then illustrates the manner in which rural culture can be relevant to urban
water security initiatives.
References
Dominy, MD 2001, Calling the Station Home: Place and Identity in New Zealand's High Country, Rowman & Littlefield
Publishers, Inc, Lanham.
Edwards, J 1998, ‘The need for a 'bit of history': Place and past in English identity’, In N. Lovell (ed.) Locality and
Belonging. Routledge, London, pp. 147-167.
Harrison, S 1999, ‘Identity as a scarce resource’, Social Anthropology, vol. 7, no. 3, pp. 239-251.
Strathern, M. 1982, ‘The village as an idea: constructs of village-ness in Elmdon, Essex’, In A.P. Cohen (ed.) Belonging:
Identity and social organisation in British rural cultures, Manchester University Press, Manchester, pp. 247-277.
Universitas 21 International Graduate Research Conference: Sustainable Cities for the Future
Melbourne & Brisbane. Nov 29 – Dec 5, 2009
Page 36
Tom Fairman, Steve Livesley, Jason Summers, Ian Shears & Oliver Pohls
Using STRATUM to estimate the benefits of Australian street trees in Melbourne, Victoria
Page 37
Using STRATUM to estimate the benefits of Australian street trees in
Melbourne, Victoria
Tom Fairman, Steve Livesley, Jason Summers, Ian Shears & Oliver Pohls
T. Fairman, S. Livesley: Department of Forest and Ecosystem Science, The University of Melbourne, Victoria
3121, Australia.
J. Summers: City of Hume Council, 1079 Pascoe Vale Road, Broadmeadows, Victoria 3047, Australia.
Ian Shears & O. Pohls: City of Melbourne Council, Town Hall, 90-120 Swanston Street, Melbourne, Victoria
3001, Australia.
email: thomas.fairman@gmail.com
Forest landscapes, when mixed with human populations, tend form the centre of contentious issues and heated
debate. A multitude of questions and opinions regarding forest management arise in a variety of locations, and
have done so for a very long time around the world. If human beings therefore have so much invested in the
machinations and management of their forest landscapes, it is therefore worthwhile if we are to turn our gaze
to the forests that exist in the most densely populated regions of the world – the urban forests and street trees
that exist in cities, in all their urban and suburban glory.
For the purpose of this research project, we will focus upon the street trees in the city of Melbourne, Australia.
In general, urban street trees provide many important ecosystem and social services to Australians. A wide
variety of native and exotic tree species are grown in Australian streetscapes under different management and
climatic growth conditions, which makes understanding and estimating their environmental benefits difficult.
As part of the iTree Software Suite for assessing and managing community forests, the United States
Department of Agriculture (USDA) Forest Service has developed the Street Tree Resources Analysis Tool for
Urban-Forest Managers (STRATUM) model to estimate carbon, shade and water benefits of urban street trees
in all North American regions. This model uses allometric data to estimate tree mass and leaf area for the main
US tree species (types) based on simple stem diameter and height measurements. The ability to successfully
apply this model in an Australian context is as yet unknown.
This project provides a ‘proof of concept’ for the use of STRATUM as a means to quantify the environmental
benefits that Australian urban street trees provide in Melbourne, the state capital of Victoria. Primarily, we
seek to identify any knowledge or data deficiencies in the application of STRATUM in Australia, and then
make the appropriate conclusions to address these deficiencies. To achieve this we are supplementing existing
street inventories with the necessary stem diameter, tree spatial location and assessment of the health of the
canopy and stem. Using existing allometric and growth data within STRATUM, and using the US climatic
zone most similar to Melbourne (our reference climate zone for being the Northern Californian Coast), this
will allow an estimate of the C sequestered, the shade benefit and reduced storm water benefit of street trees in
the city.
Most importantly, this project will seek to quantify the benefits of street trees within an urban landscape,
whether it be residential, commercial or industrial. It is an intuitive reaction to presume that more trees in
urban area is a positive thing, however, the ability to quantify the benefit and provide empirical evidence of
this benefit does not occur as often as qualitative assessments. Frequently, the benefit of street trees is placed
within the context of community values, environmental psychology, public health, driver safety, property
value/prices, and public values systems (see the work by Kathleen L. Wolf from the University of
Washington, College of Forest Resources).
Accordingly, it is only within the last ten years or so that urban forests have begun to be seen in the context of
providing quantifiable values in terms of pollution reduction, carbon sequestration, and energy and storm
water reduction. For instance, it has been estimated that the urban forest of the capital city of Canberra,
Australia during the 5-Year Kyoto Commitment Period (2008-2012) will provide $US20-67 million in value
due to energy reduction, pollution mitigation and carbon sequestration (Brack, 2002). Furthermore, US
research has been suggested that, depending on climatic conditions, the type of species planted and the
Universitas 21 International Graduate Research Conference: Sustainable Cities for the Future
Melbourne & Brisbane. Nov 29 – Dec 5, 2009
Page 38
management cost, urban tree plantings can be potentially cost-effective in carbon credit markets (McHale et
al, 2007).
It is within this context that this STRATUM proof of concept project arrives. The regions selected for sample
sites within the city of Melbourne are two contrasting inner- and outer-Melbourne areas, namely City of
Melbourne and City of Hume. The former represents the central business district and long-established inner
suburbs, while the latter exhibits a more recently developed suburban and commercial landscape, roughly
20km from the central city district. Between these two councils, there are a variety of different tree-planting
regimes, tree species present, tree age and landscape management techniques. Exploring this contrast, we will
then be able to attempt to quantify the urban forest and the respective benefits it provides in the different built
landscapes of both council areas. This information can then be potentially used to inform future management
decisions.
References
Brack, C.L. (2002) Pollution mitigation and carbon sequestration by an urban forest. Environmental Pollution
116(1):195 - 200.
McHale, M.R., McPherson, E.G., & Burke, I.C, 2007, The potential of urban tree plantings to be cost effective
in carbon credit markets, Urban Forestry & Urban Greening, 6: 49-60
Emma Fergusson
Are Transition Towns insurgent planning?
Page 39
Are Transition Towns insurgent planning?
Emma Fergusson
National Institute of Creative Arts and Industries, University of Auckland
email: wordfarm@clear.net.nz
Introduction
Questions about how we might make cities more sustainable, or indeed whether the notion of a sustainable
city is an oxymoron (K’Akumu 2007), have become dominant concerns of the planning discipline in recent
years. Increasingly, it is becoming apparent that sustainability imperatives demand not only leadership from
government, but also the active involvement of civil society. One interpretation of the contested image of the
sustainable city is a settlement where energy generation, resource cycling, and the production of food and
other necessities are re-localised and de-coupled from the fossil fuel economy (Hopkins 2008a; Trainer 2007).
This vision of local resilience and self-reliance emerging from community engagement with sustainability
issues lies at the heart of the Transition Towns concept.
Transition Towns originated with the work of permaculture teacher Rob Hopkins, and was conceived as a
practical flaxroots response to the impending challenges of climate change and peak oil (Hopkins 2008a). The
model has gained considerable purchase in the popular imagination, with both Transition Town Initiatives and
research into the concept proliferating in recent years, particularly in the United Kingdom.
1
The objective of this paper is to explore the extent to which Transition Towns can be viewed as instances of
insurgent planning. A conflict can be discerned between the insurgent or radical impulse inherent in the
Transition Towns movement’s approach to building sustainable communities and the process of
‘formalisation’ of individual Transition Towns. After outlining this tension, the paper briefly reflects on the
impact of this on Transition Towns in Aotearoa/New Zealand, using the issue of how groups are structured as
an illustrative example.
Transition Towns: bottom up, or top down?
Broadly, insurgent planning can be understood as community action that wrests some of the traditional
functions of local government planning from local government institutions. It is an oppositional form of
planning practice, one which recognises and responds to systems of governance that fail to address local
concerns, and which is both utopian in spirit and transformative in practice (Sandercock 1999). Miraftab
defines insurgent planning as ‘counter-hegemonic, transgressive and imaginative’, as it challenges the
established structures of power, transgresses ‘time and place’ through a re-claiming of historical
consciousness, and imagines ‘the concept of a different world as being … both possible and necessary’ (2009,
p.33). These characteristics, it is proposed, can all be identified in the Transition Towns movement.
The Transition Towns model is intended to encourage communities to push forward a sustainability agenda in
their local area; in particular, the model focuses on building community resilience, which Hopkins
characterises as the ability of a settlement to survive external shocks such as fuel and food shortages, and to
adapt to changed circumstances (Hopkins 2008a, pp.54-55). A critical principle that distinguishes Transition
Towns from other community-focussed sustainability initiatives such as Local Agenda 21 is that the
Transition model is initiated and driven by the community itself, rather than by central or local government
agencies. In light of this, the Transition Towns movement can be read as an instance of insurgent planning.
The manner in which the Transition model is spreading further illustrates its insurgent nature. The framework
1
While it only captures ‘registered’ Transition Initiatives and researchers that have chosen to participate in the research
audit, a useful indication of how the movement is growing can be found on the Transition Network website:
www.transitiontowns.org.
Universitas 21 International Graduate Research Conference: Sustainable Cities for the Future
Melbourne & Brisbane. Nov 29 – Dec 5, 2009
Page 40
proposed by Hopkins in The Transition Handbook (2008a) and on various websites
1
is readily available to any
community with a public library and/or internet access.
2
This allows for an organic and unstructured spread of
the Transition Towns model, whereby diverse expressions of the Transition impulse can evolve to meet
specific local concerns. This democratised, decentred quality exemplifies the spirit of insurgent planning.
While Transition Towns does, therefore, represent a model for addressing sustainability challenges through
insurgent planning, the development of a system of formalisation potentially undermines this aspect of the
project. The Transition Network
3
has published a set of 14 criteria (relating to structure, approach and
commitment to joint projects), which Transition Towns must conform to in order to become formalised
initiatives, registered with the Network (Brangwyn and Hopkins, 2008 pp.13-17; Hopkins 2008a, pp.220-
221).
4
Although Hopkins states that the Transition model is not intended to be ‘prescriptive’ (2008a, p.148),
the criteria for formalisation do in effect constitute a prescription. Rather than allowing communities to
employ parts of the Transition Town strategy as they see fit, the Transition Network has taken a directive
approach, determining how the concept should be applied. This problematises the notion of the Transition
Town movement as a flaxroots initiative: it is, in a sense, governed by the Transition Network.
A tension can be identified, therefore, between two competing impulses: the insurgent, flaxroots planning that
Transition Towns offers, and the de facto governance structure that the Transition Network has created. This
tension is evident in the experiences of some Transition Towns in Aotearoa/New Zealand.
Structuring the Transition: experiences in Aotearoa/New Zealand
One aspect of the Transition Network’s criteria that undermines the insurgent potential of Transition Towns is
that they call for a formal structure.
5
Case studies carried out in Aotearoa/New Zealand as part of a wider
study of Transition initiatives indicate that there is considerable uncertainty about this issue. The Transition
Towns investigated are torn between the need to have a formal structure in order both to become registered
with the Transition Network and to access funds from local government and the way in which this threatens
the organic quality of the movement.
Some respondents from the Aotearoa/New Zealand case studies suggest that a critical element of the
Transition model is that it is fluid and dynamic, and does not require a management structure or an ‘artificial
legal entity.’ They speak about it as a ‘decentralised and dispersed model,’ and argue that its great strength is
that people can get involved with issues of interest without having ongoing demands placed on them.
Moreover, the process of adopting a formal structure is perceived as both a drain on time and resources, and a
potential source of conflict. One respondent from an Initiative that is investigating becoming a charitable trust
expressed wariness about the move:
‘we also don’t want to get too structured, because then that’s going to stop people just
getting on with the stuff that we [do]… we could end up like so many groups – imploding
from our own in-fighting.’
Despite these concerns, a number of Transition Towns in Aotearoa/New Zealand have either become
registered or are working towards registration. The key perceived advantages of formalisation are being part
1
Hopkins’s blog (www.transitionculture.org) and the Transition Network site (www.transitiontowns.org) are two U.K.-
based examples.
2
Clearly many communities are not thus favoured; the dominance of middle-class Europeans in the Transition Towns
movement and the constraint this places on its potential to effect substantial change is an important area of inquiry (see
Andrews 2008, and Hopkins’s response, 2008b), but falls outside the purview of this discussion.
3
The Transition Network is a U.K.-based charity, founded by Hopkins and Brangwyn, which promotes the Transition
concept.
4
Brangwyn and Hopkins state that formalised or official Transition Towns have access to additional resources through
the Transition Network wiki (including use of Transition Network ‘branding’), as well as ‘transition training’ workshops
(2008, p.13).
5
While Brangwyn and Hopkins do not specify a particular structure, the criteria include: that a group should have a
written constitution or similar, 4-5 people who are prepared to take on ‘leadership roles’ (including two who will attend
training workshops and one who has a permaculture design qualification), and a regularly updated presence on the
internet (2008, pp.14-15). These requirements indicate that the group must have governing documents, and a
‘committee’ to put these into effect.
Emma Fergusson
Are Transition Towns insurgent planning?
Page 41
of the Transition Network, improved public profile, and the increased likelihood of getting funding from local
government and other agencies. At present, Transition Towns in New Zealand appear to have an ambivalent
relationship to the competing notions of insurgency and formalisation.
Conclusion
Transition Towns does in a number of ways exemplify an instance of insurgent planning directed towards
sustainability goals. It is community-initiated and is spreading organically, and offers an appealing vision of
communities that are both empowered (through engagement) and powered-down (in terms of fossil fuel use).
What confounds this understanding of Transition Towns as insurgent, however, is the re-centralisation of the
project: the Transition Network’s accreditation process functions to take power back from communities, as it
dictates how they should operate. While the founders of the concept are, of course, entitled to assert
ownership in this way, this aspect of the Transition model may constrain the model’s considerable capacity to
contribute to sustainability goals.
Further research investigating this tension, comparing the experience of Transition Towns (both official and
ad hoc) across a number of countries, is required to determine how significant a challenge this poses.
References
Andrews, S. 2008, ‘Transitional Therapy.’ The Land, Summer 2008. Retrieved from http://transitionculture.org/wp-
content/uploads/59-60.pdf, 20 September 2009.
Brangwyn, B. and Hopkins, R. 2008, ‘Transition Initiatives Primer.’ Retrieved from
http://transitiontowns.org/TransitionNetwork/TransitionCommunities, 27 September 2009.
Hopkins, R. 2006, Energy Descent Pathways: evaluating potential responses to Peak Oil, M.Sc. thesis, University of
Plymouth. Retrieved from www.transitionculture.org 20 September 2009.
Hopkins, R. 2008a, The Transition Handbook: From oil dependency to local resilience, Green Books, Totnes, Devon.
Hopkins, R. 2008b, ‘Responding to Various Critiques of Transition’ (5 September, 2008). Retrieved from
http://transitionculture.org/2008/09/05/wading-through-various-critiques-of-transition 4 September 2009.
K’Akumu, O.A. 2007, ‘Sustain no city: An ecological conceptualisation of urban development,’ City, vol. 11, no. 2, pp.
221-228.
Miraftab, F. 2009, ‘Insurgent Planning: Situating Radical Planning in the Global South,’ Planning Theory, vol. 8, no. 1,
pp. 32-50.
Sandercock, L. 1999, ‘Introduction: From Insurgent Planning Practices to Radical Planning Discourses,’ Plurimondi,
vol.1, no.2, pp. 37-46.
Universitas 21 International Graduate Research Conference: Sustainable Cities for the Future
Melbourne & Brisbane. Nov 29 – Dec 5, 2009
Page 42
McS Lena Flyborg
Nanofiltration and ozonation for potable water reuse: a pilot study of pharmaceutical removal
Page 43
Nanofiltration and ozonation for potable water reuse: a pilot study of
pharmaceutical removal
McS Lena Flyborg
Water Resource Engineering, Lund University
email: lena.flyborg@tvrl.lth.se
Abstract
The objective of this study was to evaluate if wastewater could be utilized as a potable water resource using
nanofiltration (NF) with regards to pharmaceutical residuals. In order to remove persistent substances from the
environment and the water cycle the retentate/waste stream must be further treated. A volume reduction factor
(VRF) of 60 would provide a reasonable volume of retentate and a large quantity of advanced treated
wastewater for reuse purposes. To evaluate the possibility of removing pharmaceuticals and simultaneously
reduce the retentate volume a test was performed with nanofiltration in combination with ozone at VRF of 60.
At VRFs of 5-20 the reduction of pharmaceuticals with a molecular weight (MW) above 300 g/mol was good,
between 65% and 100 %. The combined process of nanofiltration and post-ozonation at a volume reduction
factor 60 had a removal level of 99% expressed as total sum of pharmaceuticals. However, the retention of
pharmaceuticals by the nanofilter was lower than desired and the major reduction occurred in the ozonation.
To achieve higher retention for further treatment of the retentate a tighter nanofilter or reverse osmosis (RO) is
required.
Introduction
Many substances used in domestic households are persistent and pass through the wastewater treatment plants
reaching the receiving waters. The health risks and environmental effects of these substances are still largely
unknown, especially in long term aspects (Carlsson et al., 2006). In the potable water of Stockholm 10
pharmaceuticals have been detected (Stockholms Läns Landsting, 2008). This indicates that conventional
wastewater treatment plants, the retention time in the receiving waters/reservoirs and the water treatment
plants are not sufficient to eliminate trace substances.
Reverse osmosis in combination with UV has shown to be efficient in removing trace substances but it is an
expensive process. One option to reduce costs and still maintain high removal levels would be to use
nanofiltration in combination with ozone. The recovery ratio for RO/NF is normally 50%-90 % which
corresponds to volume reduction factors of between 2 and 10. The waste stream/retentate produced (10%-50%
of incoming flow to a wastewater treatment plant) should be treated but due to the large volume is unrealistic.
The objective of this study was to investigate nanofiltration as a possible treatment process for indirect potable
reuse in concern of pharmaceuticals. To simultaneously reduce the retentate volume for further treatment a
study was performed at volume reduction factor 60 followed by ozonation of the permeate. VRF 60
corresponds to 1.7 % of the incoming flow to a wastewater treatment plant which is a reasonable volume to
handle in a post treatment step as well as it would provide a large volume of water for reuse purposes.
Materials and methods
In total 94 pharmaceuticals were analysed. The selection of pharmaceuticals was based on sales volumes,
reports of suspected adverse environmental effects and different chemical structures (Wahlberg, 2009).
The chemical analysis was performed by a contracting laboratory. Unfortunately the analysis performe can
only detect the parent substances. If the substance is in a conjugated form it may, or may not, be transformed
back and forth to a “detectable” form (Karlsson, 2009). This limitation of the analysis is a problem in the
evaluation so that substances showing this phenomenon have been excluded.
Universitas 21 International Graduate Research Conference: Sustainable Cities for the Future
Melbourne & Brisbane. Nov 29 – Dec 5, 2009
Page 44
Calculations are based on limit of quantification (LOQ), defined as three times LOD (limit of detection).
The Pilot Plant Test
The membrane pilot plant unit consisted of two NF membranes, Hydranautic, ESNA1-LF-4040, spiral wound
thin film with aromatic composite polyamide. It was designed to work in a semi-continuously mode and the
membranes were arranged as a two staged array system. Every 20 minutes the process was stopped for 20
seconds to let the membranes relax and allow for backflow diffusion. Incoming water was continuously
pumped to a tank from where it flowed by gravity to the work tank. The retentate was recycled back to the
work tank passing through a heat exchanger for temperature adjustment and the permeate was continuously
removed, figure 1.
Figure 1. The membrane unit.
The feed to the pilot plant was the effluent from Henriksdals wastewater treatment plant. The plant has an
activated sludge process with biological nutrient removal, a final process step of chemical precipitation and
rapid sand filtration. The tests were performed under normal fluctuations of temperature, pH, conductivity and
loads of the wastewater treatment plant effluent. No pH adjustment was made.
Results
Operational parameters and total removal are shown in table 1 below.
Table 1. Operational parameters and reduction expresses as of total sum of pharmaceuticals.
Duration Conductivity pH Temp Ozone
Removal expressed as total
Feed Permeate Feed Permeate Work Tank Dosage
sum of pharmaceupticals
(h)
(
µ
S/cm) (
µ
S/cm)
(˚C) g O
3
/m
3
(%)
VRF 5 1 549 373 6.3
6.4 20.4
-
39
VRF 10 2 549 373 6.3 6.1
20.4
-
14
VRF 20 4 549 394 6.3 6.1
20.4
-
19
VRF 60 + O
3
95 580-735 499-529 6.3-6.9 6.5-6.6 22.5-24.6 5
99
In the first test at volume reduction factors 5, 10 and 20, twenty four pharmaceuticals were present in the feed
at concentrations above the limit of quantification. Eight substances were excluded due to analysis problems
described under “Materials and Methods”. Reduction by the membrane at the volume reduction factors verses
molecular weight (MW) is shown in figure 2.
McS Lena Flyborg
Nanofiltration and ozonation for potable water reuse: a pilot study of pharmaceutical removal
Page 45
Figure 2. Reduction of pharmaceuticals at volume reduction factors 5, 10 and 20 verses molecular weight.
In the second test, at volume reduction factor 60, the permeate was ozonated. Twenty three substances were
present at concentrations above the limit of quantification in the feed and eight were excluded (see Materials
and Methods). The reduction of pharmaceuticals verses molecular weight is shown in figure 3. After
ozonation only Oxazepam, with a total reduction of 94 %, was still present in concentrations above the limit of
quantification.
Figure 3. Reduction of pharmaceuticals over the membrane at volume reduction factor 60 verses molecular weight.
Universitas 21 International Graduate Research Conference: Sustainable Cities for the Future
Melbourne & Brisbane. Nov 29 – Dec 5, 2009
Page 46
Discussion and Conclusions
As a single process nanofiltration is not as effective as reverse osmosis but the removal level is good for
pharmaceuticals with a molecular weight above 300 g/mol, being between 65% and 100%.
Substances with a molecular weight below 300 g/mol permeate to a higher degree at all volume reduction
factors. With increasing volume reduction factor, the total retention declines. This was very clear at volume
reduction factor 60.
Substances with a molecular weight of over 300 g/mol were reduced to between 30% and 90% at volume
reduction factor 60 although the retention of pharmaceuticals by the nanofilter was lower than desired.
However, in combination with ozone, the reduction is comparable to reverse osmosis and UV with a reduction
of 99% expressed as the total sum of pharmaceuticals. Even low molecule weight substances, MW < 200
g/mol, are removed although the main removal occurred in the ozonation.
The metabolites and degradation by-products of pharmaceuticals is also of concern. Their toxicity may be
similar or even higher than the parent substance and may not be detected during analysis (Nikolaou, et al.,
2007). From a sustainable outlook persistent substances should be removed from the environment and the
water cycle. At volume reduction factor 60 the retentate volume is reasonable to handle in a post treatment
step and high in concentration of trace substances but to achieve higher retention of low molecular substances
a tighter nanofilter or reverse osmosis is required.
References
Carlsson. C., Johansson. A-K., Alvan. G., Bergman. K., Kühler. T., (2006). Are pharmaceuticals potent environmental
pollutants? Part I: Environmental risk assessments of selected active pharmaceutical ingredients. Science of the
Total Environment, 364, pp. 67-87
Karlsson P., (2009). In preparation, Detection and quantification of APIs in wastewater. Stockholm
Nikolaou A., Meric S., Fatta D., (2007). Occurrence patterns of pharmaceuticals in water and wastewater environments.
Anal Bioanal Chem, 387, pp 1225-1234
Stockholms Läns Landsting, (2008). Dricksvatten 2008, Utvalda substanser, Läkemedel ng/l (Potable water 2008,
selected substances, Pharmaceupticals ng/L)
Wahlberg, C. Björlenius B., Paxéus N., (2009). Fluxes of pharmaceuticals in the water cycle of Stockholm – a case
study, Xenobiotics in the Urban Water Cycle – XENOWAC 2009, March 11-13, 2009, Cyprus. Proceeding.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any citations for this publication.
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Trees are major urban infrastructure assets. While costs, and the damage and nuisance values attributed to trees are widely known, the benefits they provide are often subtle and under-appreciated. Cities are biodiversity hot spots due to the variety of habitats available in public and private open space. In the past decade tree populations in many Australian cities have declined, particularly with the loss of private open space. At a time of climate change, it is worrying that both private and public open spaces are threatened by urban renewal and development that puts at risk long term sustainability. In many of these situations there is insufficient open space -public or private -for the planting of large trees and so the opportunities for the role of vegetation in ameliorating the heat island effect, reducing wind speed, providing shade and reducing energy use are reduced. This outcome raises questions about the economic viability of such developments, as well as their long term environmental sustainability. Trees provide economic and ecological services benefits to society. They are assets which warrant the expenditure of resources such as labour, energy and water. Such expenditure is not wasted as trees and urban landscapes provide more economically and ecologically than they use. In any comprehensive and fair calculation urban trees and landscapes are worth more than they cost.
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Ensuring adequate provision of waste water treatment facilities in a rapidly growing urban area is a complex task. This article analyses the key legislation and planning frameworks which underpin the provision of new treatment facilities in Ireland and the extension of existing facilities as well as the mechanisms for mobilizing investment therein. Using the MOLAND model, the spatial distribution of three population projections for the Greater Dublin Region are examined and how this will impact on planned future capacity and defined catchment areas in two specific cases is discussed.