Inhibitory Deficit Theory: Recent Developments in a "New View

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Inhibitory Deficit Theory: Recent
Developments in a "New View"
Cindy Lustig, Lynn Hasher, and Rose Zacks
A major view in cognitive psychology presumes the existence of limits on mental
capacity, limits that vary with circumstances and task demands and that
largely determine the performance of individuals (see, e.g., Kahneman, 1973).
The Daneman and Carpenter (1980) measure of working memory (and its many
variants; see, e.g., Engle, Cantor, & Carulo, 1992; Friedman & Miyake, 2004)
is thought to give a snapshot of capacity by assessing an individual's ability
to actively maintain important information while also engaging in some form
of ongoing processing. From a capacity viewpoint, the bigger the mental desk
space, the better performance should be on a wide range of tasks, including
reading comprehension and reasoning. On the assumption that older adults
have reduced working memory capacity, age differences might be explained.
However, a study on reading comprehension and memory had findings
that were uninterpretable from this perspective (Hamm & Hasher, 1992). Older
adults showed comprehension of stories that equaled that of young adults but
did so by keeping more, not less, information in mind as they read. Tbese
capacity-challenging findings were critical to the development of an alternative
view of cognition and of age (and individual) differences in cognition (Hasher
& Zacks, 1988). Two simple hypotheses were advanced: (a) that activation in
response to familiar cues and thoughts is largely automatic, as is its spread
through a network, and (b) that activation requires down-regulation for goals
to be accomplished. Activation was presumed to be equivalent across people
and circumstances. Down-regulation was presumed to require inhibition and
also to differ among individuals and across groups and circumstances so as to
account for performance in a wide range of tasks.
Thanks go to Amanda K. Govenar and David Bissig for their help organizing the material for this
chapter. Support for this project came from National Institute on Aging Grant R 37 AGO4306.
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146 LUSTIG, HASHER, AND ZACKS
The Functions of Inhibition
The inhibitory framework suggests that an efficient (i.e., fast and accurate)
mental life requires the ability to limit activation to information most relevant
to one's goals. Inhibition is likely to be inefficient in older adults; in very
young children; and for people operating under conditions of fatigue, reduced
motivation, or emotional stress or at a nonoptimal point in their circadian
arousal cycle (Hasher, Zacks, & May, 1999). Three functions of inhibition were
proposed: (a) controlling access to attention's focus, (b) deleting irrelevant
information from attention and working memory, and (c) suppressing or re-
straining strong but inappropriate responses. In this section, we review and
provide some evidence on each of the proposed functions of inhibition.
Access
Early in the processing stream, inhibition functions to prevent irrelevant infor-
mation from gaining access to the focus of attention. Deficits in access control
enable distraction to influence the processing of target stimuli, sometimes by
disrupting and at other times by facilitating performance, depending on the
relation between the distractors and the targets. For example, older adults are
differentially slowed in reading aloud when distraction is inserted in unpredict-
able locations in text (e.g., Carlson, Hasher, Connelly, & Zacks, 1995). The
reduced ability to ignore distraction may also partially account for widely
reported age differences in speed of processing. Several of the tests commonly
used to assess speed (e.g., letter comparison) present a cluttered display with
many items on each page. If older adults have difficulties preventing irrelevant
information from gaining access to the focus of attention, this cluttered, dis-
tracting display might slow them down. Consistent with this hypothesis, reduc-
ing the clutter (by presenting the items one at a time) speeded older adults'
performance by over 15% on computerized versions of several such tests (Lustig,
Hasher, & Tonev, 2006; see Figure 8.1) but had no impact on the performance
of younger adults.
Deficits in control over access can also improve performa,nce. For example,
May (1999) presented young and old adults with a problem-solving task in
which target words were presented either alone or in the presence of distraction.
When the distraction led toward a solution, older adults showed greater benefits
than younger adults. More recent evidence suggests that older adults' greater
tacit knowledge of distraction can actually improve their performance on subse-
quent tasks. For example, older adults showed priming for irrelevant words
that were superimposed on pictures in the context of a picture identification
task, whereas younger adults showed no priming for those same words (Rowe,
Valderrama, Hasher, & Lenartowicz, 2006; see also Kim, Hasher, & Zacks,
in press).
A frequent concern about inhibitory explanations is the degree to which
i the results reflect a deficit in inhibition of distraction as opposed to a failure!
to increase activation of relevant information. A number of findings suggest:
that activation processes are largely preserved, at least with age. For example,
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INHIBITORY DEFICIT THEORY 147
1,60 0 Low-D
00 .High-D
g 1 ,200
Q)
E
.-
.-800
Q)
(/)
t:
8. 400
(/)
Q)
~
0-
Young Adults Older Adults
Figure 8.1. Effects of distraction on digit symbol performance. Data are from a
computerized version of the digit symbol substitution test, part of the Wechsler battery
(Wechsler, 1981) and a common measure of fluid intelligence. Young adults showed
little or no effect of the distraction manipulation, whereas older adults were much faster
in the reduced distraction (Low-D) condition. Error bars indicate standard error of the
mean. Adapted from "Distraction as a Determinant of Processing Speed," by C. Lustig,
L. Hasher, and S. T. Tonev, 2006, Psychonomic Bulletin & Review, 13, p. 621. Copyright
2006 by the Psychonomic Society.
older and younger adults do not differ on a variety of tasks entailing activation
but little or no inhibition (e.g., categorization decisions, most repetition and
semantic priming tasks; see Hasher et al., 1999).
Recent neuroimaging results using functional magnetic resonance imaging
also support the idea Qf preserved activation and specific deficits in inhibition
for older adults. Gazzaley, Cooney, Rissman, and D'Esposito (2005) asked parti-
cipants to view alternating photographs of scenes and faces under conditions
in which they were instructed to either (a) remember one category (e.g., scenes)
and ignore the other (e.g., faces) and vice versa or (b) passively view faces and
scenes. Under instruction to remember scenes, both younger and older adults
showed at least equivalent activation, relative to the passive-viewing baseline,
in the area selective for scene processing (the left parahippocampal/lingual
gyrus). In contrast, although young adults showed substantially less activation
during the ignore condition than during the passive-viewing condition, older
adults showed equivalent activation across the ignore and passive conditions.
The groups were equally able to increase activation to the scene information
when it was relevant, but older adults showed a specific deficit in preventing
the irrelevant scene information from gaining access to the stage of processing
when it was irrelevant. Furthermore, only the degree of reduced activation
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148 LUSTIG, HASHER, AND ZACKS
under the ignore instruction predicted memory for scenes; heightened activa-
tion under the attend instruction did not do so, providing further evidence of
the importance of age and individual differences in down-regulation.
Deletion
Inhibition also functions to delete irrelevant information from the focus of
attention. Irrelevant information may be information that eluded the access
function but was subsequently recognized as irrelevant, or information that
relevant in a previous situation but that is not relevant in the current one.
Both explicit and implicit directed forgetting procedures require participants
to forget some information, sometimes in the service of better memory for
relevant, to-be-remembered information. Older adults often produce more of
the irrelevant information, especially relative to their production of relevant,
to-be-remembered information (e.g., May, Zacks, Hasher, & Multhaup, 1999;
Zacks, Radvansky, & Hasher, 1996), suggesting a reduced ability to down-
regulate no-longer-relevant information.
The deletion function also appears to play an important role in estimates
of working memory capacity. Such tasks typically present lists in an increasing
order oflengti1 from shortest to longest (e.g., Daneman & Carpenter, 1980) or
in a random order (e.g., Engle et al., 1992), setting the stage for recall of the
longest lists to be vulnerable to disruption from any nonsuppressed material
from earlier lists. When the longest sets are given first to younger and older
adults, age differences in span are reduced and can even be eliminated (see
Lustig, May, & Hasher, 2001; May, Hasher, & Kane, 1999; Rowe, Hasher, &
Turcotte, 2006). In addition, scores derived from the reversed sequence proce-
dure do not predict perfonnance on a standard outcome measure (prose recall
in Lustig et aI., 2001). The typical age differences seen on working memory
span tasks thus seem to be the product of a reduced ability to delete or s~ppress
no-longer-relevant material rather than of age differences in mental work space
(see also Bunting, 2006; Friedman & Miyake, 2004; Hedden & Park, 2003).
That is, age differences in span may not reflect age differences in the size of
the mental workspace per se as much as they reflect age differences in the
ability to keep it free of irrelevant information and therefore use it effectively.
Indeed, a recent study suggested that all of the age-related variance in standard
working memory scores was accounted for by measures of the ability to regulate
distraction (Hambrick, Helder, Hasher, Zacks, & Swensen, 2005).
Restraint
Perhaps the most-studied function of inhibition is to suppress or restrain strong
responses that are inappropriate for the current situation. Go/no-go and stop-
signal tasks are often used to study this function across different populations
(children, young adults, old adults, people with brain damage or mental dis-
orders) and are also popular in neuroimaging research. These tasks typically
-require participants to respond rapidly to all stimuli except a specific (no-go)
stimulus, to which they are to withhold responding, or to respond rapidly to
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INHIBITORY DEFICIT THEORY 149
stimuli unless a signal (e.g., a tone) is presented that indicates no response
should be made (Logan, 1994). These tasks seem to be strongly dependent on
the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex regions that show pronounced changes with
age (e.g., Raz, 2005). Parallel to the development of these structures, perfor-
mance on stop-signal and go/no-go tasks improves from childhood through early
adulthood and then declines (e.g., Bedard et al., 2002; Kramer, Humphrey,
Larish, Logan, & Strayer, 1994). Age differences in the inhibitory component
of these tasks appear to have a different developmental trajectory than do
changes in overall response speed (Bedard et al., 2002).
Likewise, age differences in the ability to inhibit a strong but incorrect
response are separable from the ability to activate and produce the appropriate
response. May and Hasher (1998) asked participants to perform a category
verification task (e.g., furniture-chair, with the correct response of yes;
furniture-hamburger, with the correct response of no) as quickly as possible
but to withhold responding on trials in which a tone was sounded after the
category-item pair was presented. Although older adults were generally slower,
their accuracy in making the category judgments was the same as that of the
young adults. In contrast, older adults' ability to withhold a response on stop
trials was significantly impaired. Furthermore, for older adults, deficits in
restraint on the stop-signal task were correlated with deficits in restraint on two
standard neuropsychological tasks (Stroop [Stroop, 1935] and Trails [Reitan &
Wolfson, 1995]).
Age differences in restraint are evident on both low-level and high-level
tasks. For example, the antisaccade task requires participants to look away
from a cue that automatically attracts attention. Butler, Zacks, and Henderson
(1999) found that 'older adults were more likely than younger adults to make
errors by looking toward the attention-attracting stimulus rather than away
from it. Restraint may also playa role in language processing if the context
leads toward a strong but incorrect inference (see Yoon, May, & Hasher, 2000).
Inhibitory Failures: Not Just for Older Adults
Inhibitory deficit theory provides a theoretical framework for understanding
which aspects of cognitive functioning change with age and which remain
relatively stable. The theory is a general one, intended to cover a broad array
of phenomena and people. Breakdowns due to aging or other disorders were
proposed as extreme cases that would provide insights into inhibition's role in
normal cognitive function, just as the performance of patients with amnesia
provides important insights into memory.
Individual and group differences in inhibitory function may underlie many
individual and group differences in cognition. Patient populations with inhibi-
tory deficits provide even more extreme cases than those with normal aging
(see chaps. 11, 12, and 13, this volume). Normal variation in academic achieve-
ment and intelligence scores is influenced by inhibitory abilities. This variation
includes differences between individuals and between different developmental
stages, as well as between thQse with specific reading and language difficulties
(e.g., Chiappe, Hasher, & Siegel, 2000; Dempster & Corkill, 1999; Gemsbacher,
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150 LUSTIG, HASHER, AND ZACKS
1997; Rail, 2002). To the degree that inhibitory abilities playa role in working
memory span measures (see the preceding discussion), much of the work on
high-span versus low-span college students can also be understood from the
perspective of group differences in inhibitory function.
Circadian Influences
Inhibitory function may differ not only among individuals, but also within the
same individual over different mental or physiological states. In particular, the
circadian cycle is a significant source of intraindividual variation in inhibitory
function. A wide variety of biological functions show regular circadian cycles,
including those that ate likely to affect the brain. These include the actions of
cholinergic and catecholamine neurotransmitters that are likely to be especially
related to attention and inhibitory function (Arnsten, 1988; Aston-Jones, Chen,
Zhu, & Oshinsky, 2001). The functions of these systems also vary with age
(Sarter & Bruno, 2004; Volkow et al., 1998). Further, there are age differences
in the circadian function of these neurotransmitters, with older individuals
frequently showing shorter, flatter, and often more irregular cycles (Edgar,
1994; Monk & Kupfer, 2000).
Circadian fluctuations in biological processes correlate well with responses
on the Home and Ostberg (1976) Momingness-Eveningness Questionnaire.
This questionnaire classifies individuals on a continuum from definitely evening
to definitely morning types. Membership in these categories appears to have
a genetic basis and is associated with fluctuations in many physiological pro-
cesses (e.g., Hur, Bouchard, & Lykken, 1998). In keeping with age differences
in the circadian fluctuations of many physiological measures, distributions of
scores change across adulthood: Most yoUng adults identify as evening or neu-
tral types, whereas the vast majority of older adults identify as morning types
(e.g., Yoon et al., 2000).
Age-circadian interactions have been reported for all three functions of
inhibition we described earlier in this chapter (Hasher et al., 1999). With
respect to' the access function, there is evidence that both the costs and benefits
of distraction are greater at off-peak than at peak times of day (May, 1999;
Rowe, Hasher, & Turcotte, 2006).
The deletion function also varies across the day, with greater effectiveness
at peak than at off-peak times. For example, both young and older adults
showed large effects of testing time in a sentence-based version of a directed
forgetting task (May & Hasher, 1998). Participants first generated the likely
ending to a sentence (e.g., "Before you go to bed, remember to turn out the
-"; with the correct response of lights) and were then told to remember a
new, experimenter-provided ending instead (e.g., stove). During a subsequent
implicit test, participants completed sentences that had a medium-range proba-
bility of being completed by either the self-generated, no-longer-relevant ending
(e.g., "The baby was fascinated by the bright -; correct response lights) or
the experimenter-generated, to-be-remembered ending (e.g.., "She remodeled
her kitchen and replaced the old -"; correct response stove).I;
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INHffiITORY DEFICIT THEORY 151
Perfonnance on the critical test varied with testing time and age. For
participants tested in the afternoon (young adults' optimal time, older adults'
nonoptimal time), young adults produced even fewer of the no-longer-relevant
items than would be predicted by normative completion probabilities, whereas
older adults produced a relatively large proportion of such items. For partici-
pants tested in the morning (young adults' nonoptimal time, older adults'
optimal time), there were no age differences in the production of to-be-deleted
items. Both groups produced more no-longer-relevant items at their nonoptimal
time of day, indicating that this inhibitory function varies across the day.
The restraint function also shows strong circadian influences. Strong motor
responses are less controllable at nonoptimal times, with more slips of action
than at other times (e.g., Manly, Lewis, Robertson, Watson, & Datta, 2002).
In the stop-signal task (May & Rasher, 1998), the usual age differences in
stopping probability and efficiency were found for participants tested in the
afternoon. Rowever, there were no age differences for participants tested in
the morning. These findings reflected a crossover interaction: Young adults
showed their worst perfonnance in the morning and best performance at the
later testing time. In contrast, older adults showed their best perfonnance in
the morning and their worst performance in the late afternoon. Again, these
patterns were limited to the aspects of the task that depended on inhibitory
restraint. For the go trials, which did not make inhibitory demands, older
adults were slower overall, but neither response time nor accuracy varied with
time of day or interacted with age. Roughly comparable findings have been
reported for old rats at the end of their activity cycle (Winocur & Rasher, 2004).
Time of day may also have a strong influence on social judgments and
decision making. At nonoptimal times of day, people are more likely to be
distracted by the peripheral aspects of a persuasive text, such as the status of
the source or heuristics such as "the majority is always right," -as opposed to
processing the central meaning (Martin & Marrington, 2005). The tendency
to judge people on the basis of stereotypes is also stronger at nonoptimal times
(Bodenhausen, 1990). These effects might respectively be seen as reflecting
failures in the access and restraint functions of inhibition.
Time of day effects seem to be strongest for inhibitory functions. Tasks
that simply require activation do not show much variation with circadian
phase. For example, completing sentences with high-probability endings did
not change over the course of the day for either young or older adults, nor did
response time in go trials of the go/no-go task (May & Rasher, 1998). Many
other relatively simple speeded tasks also do not show circadian variation per
se, although they do vary with related factors such as sleepiness (e.g., Graw,
Krauchi, Knoblauch, Wirz-Justice, & Cajochen, 2004; Song & Stough, 2000).
Even challenging tasks that require only activation, not inhibition (e.g., a
difficult vocabulary test), do not vary over the day (e.g., May & Rasher, 1998).
There is some suggestion that expertise in a domain (e.g., reading) may spare
performance even when inhibition is required (Li, Rasher, Jonas, Rahhal, &
May, 1998). These patterns fit well with a theoretical framework suggesting
that i~bition, not activation, is a major source of variation in cognitive perfor-
mance (Rasher et al., 1999).
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152 LUSTIG, BASHER, AND ZACKS
Questions and New Directions
.Inhibitory deficit theory provides a powerful framework for understanding
variation in performance in healthy young adults, as well as more extreme
examples due to developmental changes or disease. However, the development
of this theory has not been without challenges. The following sections describe
how the theory has evolved in response to critiques and new data while remain-
ing true to its central tenets: Inhibitory processes are the major source of
performance differences, whereas automatic activation processes are largely
constant across individuals, groups, and situations. Inhibition serves goals by
reducing the activation of one or more competitors for thought or action,
enabling the selection of those consistent with objectives.
Defining Inhibition
Questions have been asked about what type of theory inhibition theory is (e.g.,
Burke, 1997). Zacks and Hasher (1997) borrowed the term pragmatic from
Baddeley (1992) to describe their approach to theory building. This approach
emphasizes general principles, nonreductionist reasoning, and verbal theory
statements. The alternative, a formal computational modeling approach, has
significant strengths, especially its precision in assumptions and predictions
(see chaps. 5 and 9, this volume). The strength o(the more informal, verbally
based approach stems from its applicability across a wide variety of tasks that
are sometimes seen as issues in themselves.
The term inhibition (like many other terms) is used differently across
literatures and investigators, and this variation can result in misunderstand-
.ings and misattributions. Many researchers do not include the access and
deletion functions of inhibition, reserving the term inhibition for the restraint-
related functions involved in tasks such as the stop-signal procedure (e.g.,
Friedman & Miyake, 2004). Others collapse across the three processes we
suggest, although the interdependence (or not) of these processes remains
to be empirically determined. Ideas about potentially separable processes of
inhibition are a relatively new research focus and are likely to undergo further
development as more evidence (including that from neuroimaging and circadian
dissociations) becomes available. At its core, inhibitory deficit theory is largely
concerned with inhibition as an active, goal-directed process that acts in con-
junction with automatic activation processes to control the contents of con-
sciousness (Hasher & Zacks, 1988; Hasher et al., 1999; Z~cks & Hasher, 1997).
Measuring Inhibition: Are Its Functions Related?
Concerns have also been raised over the attempt to find agreed-on, stable
measures of inhibitory function (e.g., McDowd, 1997). For a time, negative-
priming tasks were seen as promising candidates to measure inhibition, but
they were quickly found to be quite complex, vulnerable to several influences
(e.g., May, Kane, & Hasher, 1995; see also chap. 4, this volume), and not
consistently reliable as an index of inhibition. A lack of stable, canonical mea-
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INHIBITORY DEFICIT THEORY 153
sures ha$ been especially troublesome for large-scale, individual-differences
studies that attempted to statistically derive factors on the basis of shared
variance among multiple tests that putatively converge onto a hypothesized
construct (e.g., Salthouse, Atkinson, & Berish, 2003).
At least three factors may contribute to the difficulty of finding inhibitory
measures with good psychometric properties (for a similar list, see Friedman
& Miyake, 2004). First, inhibitory deficits by their nature lead to performance
that changes across trials. Furthermore, the degree of change varies according
to the severity of an individual's inhibitory deficit. Such cross-trial variation
may be an especially important factor for the deletion function. Failures to
delete irrelevant information from prior trials lead to greater and greater
buildup of proactive interference across trials, with a steeper slope of decline
for individuals who are poor at deletion. Furthermore, failures in deletion can
also lead to cross-task contamination (Lustig & Hasher, 2002), especially if
the tasks use similar materials. The opposite problem may also come into play,
especially for the other functions of inhibition: As participants become practiced
at the task, they may become more skilled in exercising inhibition, or they
may find alternative, idiosyncratic strategies to solve the task without using
inhibition (Davidson, Zacks, & Williams, 2003).
Second, tasks are not process pure (Jacoby, 1991), and individuals may
differ in which functions they emphasize or at which stages of processing. For
example, in the Stroop task, the word information is irrelevant and is to -be
inhibited, whereas the ink color information is relevant. Participants may both
try to prevent the word information from gaining access to consciousness and,
to the degree that access control fails, may have to restrain themselves from
responding on the basis of word information as opposed to ink co~or.
Third, until recently, many studies did not recognize the different functions
of inhibition, reducing the chances of finding shared variance. One task that
loads highly' on deletion and one that emphasizes restraint might well be
expected to share less variance than two tasks that both make high demands
on the restraint function. In earlier studies, all of these tasks would be consid-
ered to measure a single construct, inhibition, although many authors have
proposed multiple mechanisms (e.g., Dempster, 1993; Nigg, 2000; see also
chap. 13, this volume).
More recently, there have been attempts to assess the different components
of inhibition (e.g., Friedman & Miyake, 2004) using multiple measures of each
component process to create latent variables, followed by structural equ~tion
modeling. The Friedman and Miyake components do not entirely agree with
the Hasher and Zacks functions discussed in this chapter. For example, resis-
tance to proactive interference was used as a measure of inhibition, but from
the present framework, it is an outcome (of reduced control over access and
deletion). The latent variable approach is extremely valuable for assessing the
existence of separate inhibitory functions, their interrelations across adulthood,
and their impact on various outcomes.
The idea of related, but separable, inhibitory functions is an important
theoretical and methodological development. However, it is also relatively re-
cent, and many questions remain. How many functions of inhibition are there?
Are they related, and if so, how? Do the functions of inhibition map directly
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154 LUSTIG, HASHER, AND ZACKS
onto specific mechanisms? What are the biological bases of the shared and
distinct aspects of inhibitory function?
Preliminary answers to these questions may be emerging. For example,
there is evidence that populations with deficits in one inhibitory function also
tend to have deficits in others, although the degree to which different functions
are impaired may vary (e.g., Barkley, 1997; Chiappe et al" 2000; Faust &
Balota, 1997; Spieler, Balota, & Faust, 1996; Stuss et al" 1999). Studies of
healthy college students indicate related but separable constructs (e.g., Fried-
man & Miyake, 2004), as do studies of circadian variations in both young and
old adults (Hasher et al., 1999; West, Murphy, Armilio, Craik, & Stuss, 2002).
Data from recent neuroimaging studies also support the idea of a small number
of inhibitory functions that are related but distinct.
A growing body of evidence suggests that different inhibitory functions
tap a common network that includes anterior cingulate cortex, dorsolateral
prefrontal cortex, inferior frontal gyrus, posterior parietal cortex, and anterior
insula (Nee, Wager, & Jonides, 2005; Nelson, Reuter-Lorenz, Sylvester,
Jonides, & Smith, 2003; Sylvester et al.' 2003; Wager et al., 2005).1 These
regions are found in common both in single studies that test the same partici-
pants on multiple tasks (Sylvester et al., 2003; Wager et al" 2005) and in meta-
analyses that compare across experiments (Nee et al., 2005).
Different functions of inhibition also show distinct regions of activation. For
example, Sylvester et al' (2003) compared task-switching activations (possibly
requiring the deletion of one task set to focus on another) with activations
associated with response inhibition or restraint (responding in the opposite
direction of a given cue). In addition to the common network, the deletion task
also activated the left prefrontal and left parietal cortex; the restraint-related
task showed preferential activation for more medial, subcortical regions and
the frontal polar cortex (for similar results using different tasks, see Nelson
et al., 2003).
In summary, a common network of regions is shared across tasks that
differentially emphasize the different functions of inhibition. There is at least
heuristic similarity across experiments in the distinct regions activated for
different functions of inhibition, with some variation that may be due to
specific task demands, materials, and baseline conditions. A meta-analysis
that included restraint-related tasks such as go/no-go, Stroop, and response-
compatibility tasks reached similar conclusions, with medial regions largely
in common and some variation in lateral regions across different types of
task (Nee et al" 2005). Attempts to understand the shared and independent
aspects of different inhibitory functions hold a great deal of promise for
future research.
IThese authors used the theoretically neutral tenD interference resolution in describing their
data. Our use oftenns related to different inhibitory functions (access, deletion, suppression) is a
reinterpretation of the data in light of the current discussion of inhibitory deficit theory. However,
it is interesting that these studies often subtract out activation from conditions that presumably
require intentional, goal-oriented processing but do not make strong demands on inhibition (e.g.,
positive trials in Nelson et al., 2003).
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INHIBITORY DEFICIT THEORY 155
Activation, Goals, and Compensation
Critiques rifthe inhibitory view often question the degree to which performance
differences can be ascribed to inhibition as opposed to a failure to activate
relevant information. Rasher et al. (1999) pointed out that failures to activate
information are milikely to be the sole cause of age differences in performance:
Across several different tasks (directed forgetting, repetition priming, garden
path sentences, garden path paragraphs), older adults showed, if anything,
greater activation of information than did young adults (Ramm & Hasher,
1992; May, Zacks, et al., 1999; Zacks et al., 1996). The neuroimaging data of
Gazzaley et al. (2005) are also consistent with this view. When told to remember
scenes, older adults showed activity at least as strong as that of young adults
in brain regions involved with scene processing. However, although young
adults reduced activation in these regions when told to ignore scenes, suggest-
ing that they were suppressing the processing of scene information, older adults
did not. Further, as expected from inhibition theory, individual differences in
suppression, not activation, predicted memory performance.
By now, greater or more distributed activation by older than by younger
adults is a common neuroimaging finding in both frontal and posterior regions
(for a recent review, see Reuter-Lorenz & Lustig, 2005). Additional activations
are often interpreted as reflecting compensation, but there are several examples
of greater activation being associated with poorer performance, either between
young and old adults or within a sample of older adllits (e.g., Madden et al.,
1999). Whether greater activation reflects compensation or inappropriate pro-
cessing likely differs by task and region (for a review of these interactions, see
Rajah & D'Esposito, 2005).
New data on task-related deactivations and "default-mode" processing also
suggest a specific inhibitory deficit in older adults. A network of regions, includ-
ing the posterior cingulate and medial frontal cortex, are more active during
unconstrained, no-task conditions than during cognitive tasks (Shulman et al.,
1997). These regions show below-baseline activation (deactivation) during ac-
tive, cognitively demanding tasks and are inversely correlated with positive
activations in prefrontal regions involved in task performance (Fox et al., 2005).
The deactivation of these regions during active tasks is thought to reflect a
switch from unconstrained, largely self-directed thinking (e.g., thinking about
one's day, monitoring one's comfort and internal state) to a focus on the task
(Raichle et al., 2001). Young adults deactivate these regions more as tasks
become more difficult, and greater deactivation has been associated with better
performance (Daselaar, Prince, & Cabeza, 2004; McKiernan, Kaufman, Kucera-
Thompson, & Binder, 2003).
Older adults show impaired deactivation of these regions, even in situa-
tions in which they show frontal activations as great as or greater than those
of young adults (Lustig et al., 2003; Persson, Lustig, & Reuter-Lorenz, 2005).
Age differences in deactivation are apparent even by middle age and increase
across the life span (Grady, Springer, Hongwanishul, McIntosh, & Winocur,
2006). For example, Lustig et al. (2003) found that older adults activated the
left frontal cortex to an eyen greater degree than did young adults during a
semantic decision task. However, in regions that show deactivation in young
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156 LUSTIG, RASHER, AND ZACKS
adults, older adults showed little or no modulation. Time courses of activation
(see Figure 8.2) showed that young adults quickly suppressed activation in
these regions, whereas in older adults, activation was roughly constant during
both task and baseline (fixation) conditions. Persson et al. (2005) found that
failures to deactivate correlated with interference effects on a verb-generation
task. Although other interpretations are possible (baseline differences, compen-
sation), these data are consistent with the idea that older adults have difficulty
inhibiting default-mode processing-despite an apparently spared ability to
activate regions associated with task performance.
Questions have been raised about the degree to which performance on
different tasks reflects inhibition as opposed to other processes, such as goal
maintenance (e.g., Braver et al.' 2001; see chaps. 1 and 7, this volume). Older
adults can fail to deactivate task-irrelevant regions, even when regions related
to the task are robustly activated (Lustig et al., 2003, Persson et al.' 2005).
This pattem seems inconsistent with the idea that older adults are not able
to successfully activate and maintain goal-directed behavior. Likewise, older
adults may maintain task-irrelevant information even when they show task-
relevant performance (requiring goal maintenance) similar to that of young
adults (e.g., Hamm & Hasher, 1992). Furthermore, individual differences anal-
y,ses from the Gazzaley et al. face-scene suppression task indicate that suppres-
sion, not activation, is related to measures of working memory capacity for
both young and old adults (Gazzaley, Cooney, Rissman, et al., 2005; Gazzaley,
Cooney, McEvoy, Knight, & D'Esposito, 2005).
It has been suggested that working memory capacity is intrinsically linked
to goal maintenance and that goal maintenance in rom is the determining
factor in inhibitory performance (see chap. 7, this volume). However, Hester,
Murphy, and Garavan (2004) identified several brain regions that were sensi-
tive to both working memory load and inhibition demands, but they also identi-
fied regions uniquely associated with inhibition. Data from the think/no-think
procedure (see chap. 5, this volume) also seem incongruent with the idea that
inhibition is isomorphic with goal maintenance. In this procedure, participants
first leam arbitrary paired-associate pairs (e.g., ordeal-roach). During each
test trial, they are presented with a cue word and asked either to retrieve its
paired associate from memory or to avoid thinking of the associate during the
trial. Presumably, both of these conditions require effortful processing and
attention to the goal. Indeed, on an a priori basis, one might predict that the
retrieval (think) condition should be the one more dependent on effortful, goal-
directed processing. However, Anderson et al. (2004) identified several prefron-
tal and hippocampal regions that were more active during the no-think condi-
tion, which required inhibition of the associate. Furthermore, activation in
these regions was correlated with subsequent forgetting, as revealed on a later
memory test. These pattems support the idea of active, effortful inhibition
over and above the goal maintenance required in the think condition.
This is not to say that goals are unimportant. Indeed, inhibitory deficit
theory proposed that inhibition operates in the service of goals, that these
goals might differ between individuals and groups, and that these differe~ces
might have consequences for behavior (Hasher et 81., 1999; Hasher & Zacks,
1988). Hasher and Zacks (1988) proposed that older adults may emphasize
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INHIBITORY DEFICIT THEORY 157
TASK FIX
008 ,.. " ./ -..,...,.
,
I --"'" OLD "'-
\
-l
\~ 1,004
/(9 \
W J YNG \
0::
2 1 000 / \.
, I \
I ,
""" " 996
10,. 20 30 40 50
TIME (SEC)
TASK FIX
02
~ 1 ,000
/OLD
z
(9
U) 998
0::
2
996
YNG 994
10 20 30 40 50
TIME(S~C)
Figure 8.2. Time course of brain activation during a block design study in which
people alternated between an active task (semantic decision) and staring at a fixation.
Older adults showed successful frontal activation that was, if anything, greater than
that of young adults (top panel). Young adults showed the typical pattern of deactivation
(suppression during the task as compared with the baseline [fixation] condition) in a
posterior cingulate region (botto~ panel). Deactivation magnitude was reduced in older
adults. MR = magnetic resonance; OLD = older adults; YNG = young adults; SEC =
seconds. Adapted from "Functional Deactivations: Change With Age and Dementia of
the Alzheimer Type," by C. Lustig, A. Z. Snyder, M. Bhakta, K. C. O'Brien, M. McAvoy,
M. E. Raichle, et al., 2003, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, USA, 100,
p. 14506. Copyright 2003 by the National Academy of Sciences, USA.
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158 LUSTIG, BASHER, AND ZACKS
personal values and relationships over objective task performance. As a result,
they may integrate this information into their processing or perform better on
tasks that make use of such processing. Recent work on socioemotional selectiv-
ity theories of aging is highly congruent with this idea (e.g., Carstensen &
Mikels, 2005).
Older adults often perform as well as or even better than young adults if
tasks are presented in ways that are consistent with their goals and personal
experience (e.g., Kim & Hasher, 2005; May, Rahhal, Berry, & Leighton, 2005).
Inhibitory deficits may also lead to changes in goals and strategies. For exam-
ple, if retrieval of specific, task-relevant information is impaired because the cue
for that information is also associated with irrelevant, interfering information,
individuals may increasingly rely on immediate cues in the environment to
control their response. Such a strategy shift should lead to more gist-based
processing and intrusions of related but incorrect information-performance
patterns that are typical of older adults and others thought to have poor inhibi-
tory function (Hasher & Zacks, 1988).
Conclusion
Hasher and Zacks (1988) made a simple, if controversial, proposal: Inhibition
of information irrelevant to one's goals is a major contributor to performance
and to differences among individuals and groups. As our overview in this
chapter suggests, there is strong evidence for this view from a variety ofbehav-
ioral tasks as well as from emerging evidence in the neuroimaging literature.
New applications of statistical methods and neuroimaging techniques may hel p
resolve some of the difficulties caused by different uses of the term inhibition
across investigators and the fact that tasks are not process pure. Of course,
such issues are not exclusive to the idea of inhibition but rather apply to nearly
all putative mechanisms, particularly those that are general or high level in
nature. Challenges for the future include a more precise definition of inhibitory
functions and their relations and further integration with neuroimaging find-
ings and research on goals. Our reading of the current evidence, including
evidence offered in this book by us and other authors, is that inhibition-from
the Hasher and Zacks perspective as it has developed over the years-is alive
and well and extremely useful.
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