Article

Speaking out: An analysis of democratic and republican woman-invoked rhetoric of the 105th congress

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Abstract

This study demonstrates that Republican female House members invoke women in their public statements at the same frequency as their Democratic counterparts. Despite this congruency, the specific issues that female partisan legislators emphasize when they invoke women in their statements are quite different. Republican women dis- cuss how tax, business, and pension laws affect working women while Democratic female representatives concern themselves with laudatory tributes and funding for welfare state programs. In addition to con- trolling for party, the explanatory variable of race is also introduced to explain variation in emphasis, particularly regarding the issue of abortion. Congressional Record entries contributed by the female members of the 105th Congress in 1997 serve as the data for this analy- sis. (Article copies available for a fee from The Haworth Document Delivery Service: 1-800-HAWORTH. E-mail address: Website: © 2001 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved.)

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... No other studies have used women's invocations of their own gender to measure this element of descriptive representation, and only a limited number of studies (Piscopo 2011;Shogan 2001;Swers 2002) have analyzed parliamentary speeches for evidence of descriptive representation. Shogan (2001) and Piscopo (2011) argue that Pitkin's original conception of descriptive representation includes talking functions and both characterize all speeches given by women about women or women's interests as a type of descriptive representation: "When a legislator provides relevant information about a represented population, he or she engages in one type of descriptive representation" (Shogan 2001, 130). ...
... No other studies have used women's invocations of their own gender to measure this element of descriptive representation, and only a limited number of studies (Piscopo 2011;Shogan 2001;Swers 2002) have analyzed parliamentary speeches for evidence of descriptive representation. Shogan (2001) and Piscopo (2011) argue that Pitkin's original conception of descriptive representation includes talking functions and both characterize all speeches given by women about women or women's interests as a type of descriptive representation: "When a legislator provides relevant information about a represented population, he or she engages in one type of descriptive representation" (Shogan 2001, 130). 3 We break from Shogan and Piscopo in our characterization of which speeches constitute descriptive representation. ...
... The Costa Rican case examines a legislative body where women begin nearing parity, but ideally work would also analyze how becoming a numerical majority would change women's need to draw on their experiences as women. 8. Shogan (2001) and Piscopo (2011) did not examine male legislators' speeches. 9. Women's representation surpassed 30%, routinely characterized as critical mass. ...
Article
Using a content analysis of all floor speeches from 2001 to 2007, this article systematically analyzes how female and male legislators in the Costa Rican Legislative Assembly descriptively represent their constituents. Female legislators can descriptively represent women by “speaking as” women by using words or phrases that invoke their own gender. This form of descriptive representation is referred to as descriptive presentation. The analysis finds significant differences in how men and women and representatives of parties of the left and right undertake descriptive presentation. Female legislators also “speak as” women even when they are not discussing women’s issues.
... The issue-focused research largely concentrates on social welfare and women's rights issues that are more associated with the Democratic Party. Work on messaging through floor speeches indicates that Republican women speak in a distinctive voice that brings women's perspectives to debates on issues outside of social welfare and women's rights ranging from the importance of small businesses to national security (Atkinson, Mousavi, and Windett 2023;Pearson and Dancey 2011;Shogan 2002). However, studies of sponsorship and cosponsorship generally do not address whether Republican women bring a gendered perspective to party-owned issues by, for example, utilizing the tax code to pursue social welfare policies. ...
... Indeed, recent research demonstrates that democratic countries with more women in their legislatures have lower "pink taxes," or smaller disparities in the import tax rates for similar goods marketed to men and women (Betz, Fortunato, and O'Brien 2021). In an analysis of floor speeches in the 105th Congress (1996-97), Shogan (2002) finds Republican women are more likely to talk about the impact of taxes and the economy on working women. Similarly, Pearson and Dancey (2011) show that Republican women are more likely to invoke gendered rhetoric on a range of issues. ...
Article
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We take a deep dive into the sponsorship and cosponsorship activity of Republicans in the US House of Representatives from 1993–2014 to examine how ideology and gender influence the policy priorities of Republican legislators on issues associated with women, as well as on the party-owned issue of tax policy. We expect that Republican women are cross-pressured since assumptions about their policy expertise as women conflict with the policy reputation of the Republican Party. As a result, Republican women’s policy choices are impacted by their ideology in a way that is different from their male counterparts. Moreover, our analysis of which members’ bills move through the legislative process demonstrates that beyond their own policy preferences, women are strategic party actors. Thus, women are only more likely to see action on their women-focused and anti-abortion proposals, the two areas that define the partisan divide over women’s place in society.
... Once women get in office, they are also more likely to focus on these issues (Osborn and Mendez 2010;Shogan 2002;Walsh 2002;Gerrity, Osborn, and Mendez 2007). When it comes to Congress specifically, women from both sides of the aisle tend to sponsor and cosponsor legislation dealing with "women's issues" more often than male representatives (Swers 2002). ...
... Future work should examine whether the increase in the number of women in Congress led to a shift in bill introductions on these topics. Previous research suggests that we should expect such a shift to happen: women tend to not only discuss these issues more often than men but they work on them in office too (Osborn and Mendez 2010;Shogan 2002;Walsh 2002;Gerrity, Osborn, and Mendez 2007). As the results show here, an increase in women running meant that overall there was a significant increase in the policy issues addressed on Twitter, especially on those issues that disproportionately affect women as a group. ...
Chapter
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Populism and its spread across the world have received mostly negative assessment. Research has explored the circulation of far-right xenophobic messages and populist views through traditional media outlets and social media (e.g., Ernst et al. 2017; Brandão 2021). Previous studies have also produced important insights into the negative effects of populist messages on people’s attitudes and behavior (e.g., Sheets et al. 2015; Reinemann et al. 2019). Naturally, this development poses the question whether a liberal democracy can coexist with populism and have any positive effect on citizens’ democratic engagement. This chapter seeks to explore uniting and mobilizing effects of populism during the most recent presidential race in Ukraine. To this end, this research addresses the following questions: Can digital populism have positive consequences for democratic development? How do people respond to populist messages on social media?
... Once women get in office, they are also more likely to focus on these issues (Osborn and Mendez 2010;Shogan 2002;Walsh 2002;Gerrity, Osborn, and Mendez 2007). When it comes to Congress specifically, women from both sides of the aisle tend to sponsor and cosponsor legislation dealing with "women's issues" more often than male representatives (Swers 2002). ...
... Future work should examine whether the increase in the number of women in Congress led to a shift in bill introductions on these topics. Previous research suggests that we should expect such a shift to happen: women tend to not only discuss these issues more often than men but they work on them in office too (Osborn and Mendez 2010;Shogan 2002;Walsh 2002;Gerrity, Osborn, and Mendez 2007). As the results show here, an increase in women running meant that overall there was a significant increase in the policy issues addressed on Twitter, especially on those issues that disproportionately affect women as a group. ...
Book
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Today, political leaders and candidates for office must campaign in a multimedia world through traditional forums—newspapers, radio, and television—as well as new digital media, particularly social media. Electoral Campaigns, Media, and the New World of Digital Politics chronicles how Twitter, Facebook, Reddit, email, and memes are used successfully and unsuccessfully to influence elections. Each of these platforms have different affordances and reach various audiences in different ways. Campaigns often have to wage different campaigns on each of these mediums. In some instances, they are crucial in altering coverage in the mainstream media. In others, digital media remains underutilized and undeveloped. As has always been the case in politics, outcomes that depend on economic and social conditions often dictate people’s readiness for certain messages. However, the method and content of those messages has changed with great consequences for the health and future of democracy. This book answers several questions: How do candidates/parties reach audiences that are preoccupied, inattentive, amorphous, and bombarded with so many other messages? How do they cope with the speed of media reporting in a continuous news cycle that demands instantaneous responses? How has media fragmentation altered the campaign styles and content of campaign communication, and general campaign discourse? Finally and most critically, what does this mean for how democracies function?
... Within the context of the UK and US legislatures, we also see gender differences among right-wing representatives. On both sides of the aisle, women in the US Congress are more likely than their male colleagues to participate in floor speeches (Pearson and Dancey 2011a) and to reference women in those speeches (Osborn and Mendez 2010;Pearson and Dancey 2011b;Shogan 2001). In the UK Parliament, Conservative women are more likely than Conservative men to reference "women" or "gender" in written and oral questions (Bird 2005). ...
... In the UK Parliament, Conservative women are more likely than Conservative men to reference "women" or "gender" in written and oral questions (Bird 2005). In both cases, right-wing women speak about women in ways that align with their party's policies and ideology, by emphasizing motherhood (Bird 2005) or discussing issues like taxes and the economy (Shogan 2001). ...
Article
Women’s political underrepresentation in right-wing parties remains a global phenomenon. Despite their rejection of “identity politics,” the United Kingdom’s Conservative Party and the United States’ Republican Party have launched formal initiatives to recruit women legislative candidates. In this article, we ask: How do right-wing women advocate for increasing women’s representation within parties that explicitly reject group identity politics? More specifically, we examine 1) how party elites frame the UK’s Women2Win and the US’s Project GROW campaigns, and 2) the role that women play in each of these initiatives. Through interviews with party elites and content analyses of news articles and campaign materials, we show that right-wing women in both countries function as strategic party actors, advocating for women’s representation tactically within the specific ideological and electoral context of their party.
... Numerous scholars illustrate differences in the agendas and priorities of women from different political parties (e.g. Bratton 2002;Grey 2006;Shogan 2002;Swers 2002Swers , 2007. In particular, female ...
... Democrats are generally more active on feminist policy topics such as reproductive rights, gender discrimination, and parental leave policies than are Republican women (Bratton and Hayne 1999, Shogan 2002, Swers 2002. Therefore, the more Democrats within the female delegation, the more likely the female delegation is to focus on feminist issues. ...
... Furthermore, women in Congress tend to think carefully about "women's issues" and often make an effort to represent women beyond their district borders (Dittmar, Sanbonmatsu, and Carroll 2018). Women Members speak more on women's issues than men (Hall 1998;Karpowitz and Mendelberg 2014;Osborn and Mendez 2010;Pearson and Dancey 2011b;Swers and Kim 2013), and their statements during legislative action are often intended to advance policy ideas that benefit women or compel their colleagues to consider women's perspectives (Shogan 2001;Swers 2002;Walsh 2002). ...
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Women in Congress are highly effective legislators. Yet, if women are more likely than men to be interrupted during committee work, they may face a gender-related impediment. We examine speech patterns during more than 24,000 congressional committee hearings from 1994 to 2018 to determine whether women Members are more likely to be interrupted than men. We find that they are. This is especially true in Senate committees—where women are about 10% more likely to be interrupted. Furthermore, in hearings that discuss women’s issues, women are more than twice as likely to be interrupted than while discussing other issues. We see a similar pattern for rapid-fire “interruption clusters,” an aggressive form of interruption. We further consider a range of moderating factors, which yields little evidence that women change their communication strategy as they gain experience in Congress. We also find suggestive evidence that interruptions are driven by mixed-gender interactions.
... In addition, scholars have found that women are often more successful in advocating for women's policy interests. Women more likely speak up, sponsor and support issues in areas important to women, like pay equity, women's health, and child care (Burrell 1994;Carroll 1994Carroll , 2002Dodson1998, 2006Norton 1999;Osborn and Mendez 2010;Shogan 2002). These efforts provide connections between representative and constituents and signal a level of trust on these particular issues to the rest of the constituency. ...
Thesis
This dissertation focuses on three separate issues related to representation, institutional rules, and policy outcomes in the states. Two of the three papers focus on a state-by-state comparison and measure how states differ in policy outcomes and descriptive representation. The final paper digs deeper to consider the individual-level behavior of representatives and the characteristics that drive those behaviors. First, in the study of interstate policy choices, political science scholars highlight the importance of variables such as divided government, regionalism, and even neighboring effects. I argue that the literature ignores campaign contribution laws that vary from state to state. I examine previous theories along with these campaign contribution laws and find that states with lax campaign contribution laws are less likely to act on the regulation of payday lenders. More specifically, states with lax rules act more leniently and are less likely to enact regulation of payday lenders. In addition, previous theories also prove influential in the policy choice of regulation within and across the states. Second, while one can easily imagine that larger minority populations produce more descriptive representation, what other state characteristics drive a state toward higher numbers of Black and Latino legislatures? This article responds to a debate in the literature over the role of professionalism in the percentage of minority legislators within a state. I hypothesize that states with higher levels of professionalism attract greater numbers of qualified Black and Latino legislators and help these candidates win more spots within state legislatures. The results of the analysis support this theory. Along with higher percentages of minorities within a state, higher levels of professionalism also influence the percentage of Black and Latino legislators within a state. Finally, the third paper focuses on representation, payday lending legislation, and the influence of religion in legislative deliberations. The paper focuses the dependent variable on roll-call votes and speaking time in favor of regulation. The main hypotheses revolve around a representative’s religion. While I hypothesize that a representative’s professed religion influences a representative’s willingness to speak in favor of regulation and vote for regulation, the results do not support the hypothesis. I speculate on the reasons why the analysis shows no results for religion. Instead, variables such as campaign contributions, committee membership, the electoral safety of a district, and party all influence a representative’s time spent speaking in favor of regulation.
... However, studies find that women in elected office spend more time on constituency service, and are more collaborative (Holman and Mahoney 2018;Kathlene 1989). In addition, women in Congress are more likely to mention "women," and "women's issues" in their floor speeches (Osborn and Mendez 2010;Pearson and Dancey 2011;Shogan 2001). These results invite future scholarship to integrate the role of communion and agency in the emergence process with the role of communion and agency in legislative behavior and policy formation. ...
Article
More women ran for office in 2018 than any previous election year. This represents progress toward parity, but it remains unclear whether this surge in women’s political ambition signals an easing of the candidate emergence path, which has typically favored men. We leverage over ten thousand intake forms of prospective candidates provided by Run for Something, a candidate recruitment nonprofit founded in 2017, to examine patterns in candidate emergence based on articulated interest through the lens of “communion” and “agency,” two basic behavioral orientations with gendered significance. We find that differences in articulated interest along the dimensions of communion and agency are greater between candidates and noncandidates than they are between men and women, supporting previous findings of similarities in men and women who emerge as candidates. Our results suggest the candidate emergence path is still easier for women (and men) whose motives are congruent with agency, and therefore the “masculine ethos” of politics.
... Scholars studying the behavior of women in Congress have long noted that parental status shapes policy preferences, self-presentation, and the ways in which women discuss their policy concerns (Carroll, 2002;Reingold, 2000;Shogan, 2001;Swers, 2002;Walsh, 2002). i However, scholars have rarely considered the potentially distinctive ways in which gender, parental roles, and familial composition may shape the legislative behavior of men in office. ...
Article
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Scholars have long suggested that familial life can affect political behavior and, more recently, have found that fathering daughters leads men to adopt more liberal positions on gender equality policies. However, few have focused on the impact of fathering a daughter on congressional behavior, particularly in an era of heightened partisan polarization. Using an original data set of familial information, we examine whether fathering a daughter influences male legislators’ (a) roll call and cosponsorship support for women’s issues in the 110th to 114th Congresses and (b) cosponsorship of bills introduced by female legislators in the 110th Congress. We find that once party affiliation is taken into account, having a daughter neither predicts support for women’s issues nor cosponsorship of bills sponsored by women. Our findings suggest there are limits to the direct effects of parenting daughters on men’s political behavior, and that scholars should remain attentive to institutional and partisan contexts.
... Analyses of floor debate indicate that women are more likely to speak about women's concerns and issues and they are more likely to invoke their authority as women and mothers (Shogan 2001;Cramer Walsh 2002;Levy, Tien, and Aved 2002). Additionally, in a study of the evolution of discourse on the frequently debated topic of abortion, Levy, Tien, and Aved (2001) find that female legislators have influenced the substance and style of their male colleagues' floor speeches. ...
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Since 1992, the U.S. Congress has experienced dramatic change in the demographic makeup of its membership. While Congress is dominantly a male, white institution, the creation of majority-minority districts in the early 1990s resulted in the election of African-Americans and Hispanics to Congress. 1992 also saw the rise of an increased participation of women in Congress, particularly Democratic women, and this number has increased steadily over the years. The expansion of minority and female representation still continues at a slow pace. The electoral advantage of the incumbents presents a stumbling block on the advancement of new groups into the institution. Moreover, to date, few minority legislators have been elected from districts that do not contain a high percentage of minority constituents. Furthermore, women in the profession of politics often express a lack of interest in running for office and they are often subjected to the effect of "career ceilings". While women and minorities remain underrepresented in Congress, some individual legislators have achieved seniority and enough political clout necessary to move into leadership positions. Among them is Nancy Pelosi who became the Speaker of the House in the Eleventh Congress and James Clyburn, an African-American who served as Majority Whip. This article examines theoretical expectations on the importance of descriptive representation. It evaluates empirical evidence on the impact of race, gender, and ethnicity on the behavior of legislators. The article concludes with a discussion on the important avenues for future research as the level of diversity in Congress increases and more women and minorities enter the ranks of committee and party leadership.
... While "[w]omen are substantively represented through a variety of representative acts" (Celis, 2008, p.115) and scholars have focused on such acts as bill sponsorship (Gerrity, Osborn, & Mandez, 2007), voting behavior (Swers, 2002), and the frequency of participation in legislative deliberations (Gerrity, Osborn, & Mandez, 2007;Jacob, 2014;Osborn & Mandez, 2010;Pearson & Dancey, 2011a;Shogan, 2001), this paper focuses on substantive claims that are made during legislative deliberations (Celis, 2008;Pearson & Dancey, 2011b). By doing so, this paper admittedly ignores other diverse ways in which substantive representation can occur (Francheschet & Piscopo,2008, pp.399-400). ...
... Analyses of floor debate indicate that women are more likely to speak about women's concerns and issues and they are more likely to invoke their authority as women and mothers (Shogan 2001;Cramer Walsh 2002;Levy, Tien, and Aved 2002). Additionally, in a study of the evolution of discourse on the frequently debated topic of abortion, Levy, Tien, and Aved (2001) find that female legislators have influenced the substance and style of their male colleagues' floor speeches. ...
... Forrest Maltzman and Lee Sigelman's (1996) study of floor speeches in the House of Representatives showed that legislators' party, ideology, and leadership status influenced their use of one and five minutes speeches to communicate with constituents. Similarly, several studies have revealed differences in the way men and women present themselves to constituents via speeches, bill sponsorship, and campaign materials (Shogan 2001, Swers 2002, Kahn 1993). One reason may be that men and women have different propensities to highlight their achievements. ...
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Many scholars have studied elected officials’ presentation of self, typically through examination of behavior in their districts, speeches, and web sites. In this paper, the authors examine a little-studied but telling element of U.S. senators’ presentation of self - the images they display to constituents and others visiting their offices in Washington, D.C. We analyze both the total amount of items displayed as well as the number that focus on the senators themselves, and find that having run for president, being a Republican, and representing a state closer to Washington, D.C., all predict a senator having more self-centered front office décor, while having served more years in the chamber and hailing from a state closer to the nation’s capital are associated with greater sheer number of items displayed in a senator’s front office. Our findings shed light upon how senators view themselves and hope to shape the perceptions of their personality and legislative records in the eyes of the people to whom they owe their public office.
... Segal and Brzuzy found statistically significant differences in voting among men and women of the same party on four domestic issues: family leave, gun control, the 1993 savings and loan bailout, and gays in the military (Segal & Brzuzy, 1995). Without these groups in elected office, the issues important to women and persons of color and the stories of their experiences are missing from public debate (Shogan, 2001). The tipping point for the percentage of members of a legislative body who need to be female in order for the priorities of women to be reflected in the legislature is estimated at a minimum of 20%. ...
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In this article we measure the impact of gender on women's legislative behavior by utilizing a unique research design. We compare whether women and men of the same political party represent the same congressional district differently with respect to women's issues. Using bill sponsorship and floor remarks during the 104th to 107th sessions of the U.S. House of Representatives as measures of legislative behavior, we find that female legislators who replace men in the same district introduce more women's issues bills in Congress. Although our conclusion that women legislators represent women's issues more frequently in the House supports existing research, our results do so in a new and more effective way by controlling for the competing explanations of party identification and district opinion as factors determining a legislator's behavior.
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U.S. governing institutions, especially Congress, have received limited investigation as gendered institutions. Political representation suffers as a result. Improved theorizing about gender and governing institutions requires discursive shifts. A framework to improve empirical research is advanced. It juxtaposes variants of gender proto-ideologies, masculinism and feminalism, and organizes these pairs according to strands of shared views. These gender strands also compound with the spectrum of governing ideologies, such as social liberalism or neoconservatism. This approach enables nuanced interpretation and explanation, pointing toward potential alliances and sites of transformation for better political representation.
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Based on a mail survey of lower house legislators in twelve states, this paper examines whether the increasing proportions of women in state legislatures have changed the behavior and priorities of women legislators or had an effect on men legislators. Compared to twenty years ago, we find that gender differences in legislative activites have nearly disappeared, but men and women now have different legislative priorities. Thus, as women have become more fully integrated into the political process, they have adapted to ongoing political styles, but have brought distinctive policy concerns to legislative agendas.
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During 1992, the widely acclaimed "Year of the Woman," 48 women were elected to the U.S. House of Representatives. Since research at the state level finds women legislators more likely to advocate women's interests than their male colleagues, this influx of women offers an opportunity to investigate whether congressional women provide similar policy responsiveness to American women. Using Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression on roll-call data for the 103rd Congress, I find that women members of Congress are more likely than their male counterparts to vote for women's interests on the floor of the House of Representatives.
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The 1992 conventions of the Democratic and Republican Parties saw the culmination of trends that have been developing for 20 years. The two major political parties have now completely polarized around feminism and the reaction to it. Each party's position has become institutionalized to the point where it is not seriously questioned within the national party and where the differences are clearly evident to the voting public. On feminist issues and concerns the parties are not following the traditional pattern of presenting different versions of the same thing, or following each other's lead into new territory. They are presenting two different and conflicting visions of how Americans should engage in everyday life. Although the party platforms and the speeches at the conventions devoted many words to many issues, each party's vision can be summed up in a slogan. The Republicans articulated theirs clearly in the phrase “family values.” While their platform does not define this slogan, both the document and the speeches indicate that it stands for programs and policies that strengthen the traditional two-parent, patriarchal family in which the husband is the bread-winner, the wife is the caretaker, and children are completely subject to parental authority. The Democrats attempted their usual strategy of pre-emption and co-optation by borrowing the Republican's phrase to use in a different context, but their very use of it belied its content. In reality the Democrats have incorporated the feminist demand that “the personal is political” and have put on the public agenda issues that were once deemed to be purely personal.
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Using roll call votes on the Equal Rights Amendment as a data base, this study found that women legislators responded to voting cues provided by their political parties. In this respect, they emulated the behavior of their male colleagues by paying allegiance to the party line. (Author/RM)
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Do women in public office make a difference? If so, what kind and under what circumstances? This study offers preliminary answers to these questions by examining the relationship between the percentage of women in state legislatures and their policy priorities. It also examines the impact women legislators have on overall legislative policy. Findings reveal that women in states with the highest percentages of female representatives introduce and pass more priority bills dealing with issues of women, children, and families than men in their states and more than their female counterparts in low representation legislatures. Moreover, women can successfully diffuse their priorities throughout the legislative process in one of two ways: through high percentages of women in office or through the presence of a formal women's legislative caucus. These findings suggest that women do indeed make a difference and that their capacity to do so is related to the level of support from colleagues.
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Women and minorities are now an integral part of state legislatures throughout the country. The results from surveying a nationwide sample of 230 state legislators show that women and black legislators differ from their male and white colleagues in their perceptions of the legislative experience. Women and blacks believe they must pay close attention to women's and minority concerns while at the same time demonstrating policy breadth. Black women legislators are especially keen to the roles of both women and minorities. White male legislators see little difference between their own experiences and those of their female and minority colleagues.
Women's PACs and Donor Networks CAWP Fact Sheet available at http://www.rci.rutgers.edu/~cawp/Facts.html. Center for American Women and Politics (CAWP). 1999 Gender Gap Evident in Numerous 1998 Races
  • American Center
  • Women
  • Politics
Center for American Women and Politics (CAWP). 1997. " Women's PACs and Donor Networks. " CAWP Fact Sheet available at http://www.rci.rutgers.edu/~cawp/Facts.html. Center for American Women and Politics (CAWP). 1999. " Gender Gap Evident in Numerous 1998 Races. " CAWP Fact Sheet available at http://www.rci.rutgers.edu/~cawp/Facts.html.
Wyoming Wolves and Dead-Beat Dads: The Impact of Women Members of Congress on Welfare Reform
  • Kathleen Casey
  • Susan J Carroll
Casey, Kathleen, and Susan J. Carroll. 1998. "Wyoming Wolves and Dead-Beat Dads: The Impact of Women Members of Congress on Welfare Reform." Presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association.
Black Faces, Black Interests
  • Carol Swain
Swain, Carol. 1993. Black Faces, Black Interests. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Center for American Women and Politics (CAWP). 1999
Center for American Women and Politics (CAWP). 1996. "The Gender Gap." CAWP Fact Sheet available at http://www.rci.rutgers.edu/~cawp/Facts.html. Center for American Women and Politics (CAWP). 1997. "Women's PACs and Donor Networks." CAWP Fact Sheet available at http://www.rci.rutgers.edu/~cawp/Facts.html. Center for American Women and Politics (CAWP). 1999. "Gender Gap Evident in Numerous 1998 Races." CAWP Fact Sheet available at http://www.rci.rutgers.edu/~cawp/Facts.html. Congressional Record. 1997. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office.
Differences in Partisan Style and Ideology Between Female and Male State Party Committee Members
  • David Mayhew
Mayhew, David. 1974. The Electoral Connection. New Haven: Yale University Press. Paddock, Joel, and Elizabeth Paddock. 1997. "Differences in Partisan Style and Ideology Between Female and Male State Party Committee Members." Women & Politics 18 (4): 41-56.