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The Qatna lion: Scientific confirmation of Baltic amber in late Bronze Age Syria

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Using pyrolysis-gas chromatography/mass spectrometry and Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy, the authors show that amber was imported into Late Bronze Age Syria and used for making the prestige artefacts found in a Royal tomb of c. 1340 BC. The objects included beads and a unique vessel in the form of a lion, likely fashioned in Syria from raw amber imported from the Baltic via the Aegean.
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Research
The Qatna lion: scientific confirmation
of Baltic amber in late Bronze Age Syria
Anna J. Mukherjee
1
, Elisa Roßberger
2
, Matthew A. James
1
,
Peter Pf
¨
alzner
2
, Catherine L. Higgitt
3
, Raymond White
3
,
David A. Peggie
3
,DanyAzar
4,5
& Richard P. Evershed
1
Using pyrolysis-gas chromatography/mass spectrometry and Fourier transform infrared spectro-
scopy, the authors show that amber was imported into Late Bronze Age Syria and used for making
the prestige artefacts found in a Royal tomb of c. 1340 BC. The objects included beads and a
unique vessel in the form of a lion, likely fashioned in Syria from raw amber imported from the
Baltic via the Aegean.
Keywords: Syria, Baltic, Qatna, Late Bronze Age, amber, lion
Introduction
The cultural importance of amber is evident from the many thousands of artefacts, especially
pieces of personal adornment in the form of beads and amulets, found at New and Old
World archaeological sites from late Palaeolithic times onwards (Grimaldi 1996: 145-8).
In Europe, Baltic amber was particularly highly prized appearing to have been transported
since the Neolithic, with trade routes emerging in the Bronze Age (Bouzek 1993). The
occurrence of amber in the Ancient Near East, however, is rare and often ambiguous, with the
earliest putative examples taking the form of singular beads dating to the first half
of the second millennium BC (Moorey 1994: 79-81). The best known Egyptian pieces are
the amber bead necklace and various other amber/resin jewellery items found in the tomb
of Tutankhamun (Hood 1993) although, in common with the majority of such finds, they
have not been chemically characterised, reflecting the challenging nature of the analysis of
precious fossil resin (Anderson & Winans 1991; Beck 1986; Beck et al. 1964; Langenheim
1969; Mills & White 1994). Carved amber figurines, for which a large piece of raw material
is needed, are extremely rare (cf. Beck 1979: 15).
1
Organic Geochemistry Unit, Bristol Biogeochemistry Research Centre, School of Chemistry, University of Bristol,
Cantocks Close, Bristol BS8 1TS, UK
2
Altorientalisches Seminar, Schloß Hohent
¨
ubingen, 72070 T
¨
ubingen, Germany
3
Scientific Department, National Gallery, Trafalgar Square, London WC2N 5DN, UK
4
Faculty of Science II, Natural Sciences Department, Lebanese University, Fanar, PO Box 26110217, Fanar-Matn,
Lebanon
5
Mus
´
eum National d’Histoire Naturelle, Laboratoire d’Entomologie, 45 Rue Buffon, 75005 Paris, France
Current address: Institut f
¨
ur Vorderasiatische Arch
¨
aologie, Ludwig-Maximilians-University Munich, Germany
Current address: Department of Scientific Research, The British Museum, Great Russell Street, London WC1B
3DG, UK
Author for correspondence
Received: 2 March 2007; Accepted: 23 April 2007; Revised: 9 July 2007
antiquity 82 (2008): 49–59
49
The Qatna lion
Figure 1. Map showing the location of Qatna and other sites mentioned in the text and the Baltic region.
One of the major questions relating to such finds is the origin of the amber used in their
fashioning, which raises wider questions concerning interregional trade and gift exchange in
antiquity. A Baltic amber source is often assumed, but Lebanese amber (Nissenbaum 1975),
which is mainly Lower Cretaceous in age (c . 125 to 135 My), occurs mostly in Lebanon
(275 outcrops) but also in Syria (Bloudan area), Israel (Kiryat Shmona) and Jordan (Wadi
Zerqa).
The Royal Tomb at Qatna
Tell Mishrife is located 18km north-east of Homs, and is the site of the ancient city of
Qatna (Figure 1), which flourished for several centuries from around 1800 BC (Al-Maqdissi
et al. 2002), but was destroyed around 1340 BC by an invading Hittite army (Pf
¨
alzner
2004). Although partially excavated in the 1920s (Du Mesnil du Buisson 1935), a German,
Syrian and Italian venture was initiated in 1999 to further excavate the tell (Al-Maqdissi
et al. 2002). During excavations in 2002 (joint Syrian-German mission directed by Michel
Al-Maqdissi and Peter Pf
¨
alzner; Al-Maqdissi et al. 2002; 2003; Pf
¨
alzner 2004; 2006) an
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Anna J. Mukherjee et al.
unlooted tomb was discovered (Figure 2a). Situated beneath the Royal Palace, the tomb had
remained sealed since the destruction of the city, making c .1340 BC a terminus ante quem
for the tomb and artefacts within. The contents of the burial chambers were remarkably well
preserved, comprising almost 2000 finds including jewellery, bronzes, ivories, pottery and
stone vessels, basalt statues, sarcophagi, human and animal bones. The range of finds and
the architectural context indicate the tomb to have been in continuous use for 300-400 years
as a royal burial chamber. Based on the tombs inventory, ceremonies can be reconstructed
involving kispum’; an ancient ritual where the dead were offered meals to maintain their
positive powers for the afterlife (Al-Maqdissi et al. 2003; Pf
¨
alzner 2006). Several objects
testify to the widespread exchange of raw materials, artistic ideas, techniques, and finished
products in the Late Bronze Near East and Eastern Mediterranean (cf. Feldman 2006).
Among the many finds were artefacts fashioned from a hard resin-like substance, including
an intricately carved hollow lion head vessel (Figure 2b and 2c), an associated circular ‘lid’
(Figure 2b and 2e) and around 90 beads in various shapes (Figure 2f) including 45 from a
triple-row gold-strung girdle (Figure 2d).
Analytical procedures
To investigate the nature of the material(s) used to fashion the objects and
determine their origin, reference resins were selected as the most likely candidates: i.e.
sandarac (polycommunic acid polymer), Congo copal (labdanoid polymer with enantio
configuration), retinite (moderate retene amber with low succinic acid content), Prussian
and Baltic ambers (from Pinites succinifera), Liquidambar orientalis (based on benzoic acid
esters/styrene), Myrrh (triterpenoid resin) and schraufite (Lebanese amber).
Infrared spectroscopy is widely used in the analysis of ambers, and is particularly useful
for the identification of Baltic amber (Anderson et al. 1992; Beck 1986; Beck et al. 1964;
Langenheim 1969; Mills et al. 1984), but the small size of the Qatna samples made standard
Fourier transform infrared (FTIR) measurements impossible. This problem was overcome
by the use of a microscopic technique (see Technical Appendix).
Pyrolysis-gas chromatography/mass spectrometry (py-GC/MS) employing thermally
assisted chemolysis with tetramethylammonium hydroxide (TMAH; Anderson & Winans
1991) was also carried out on sub-samples of the artefacts and reference resins (see Technical
Appendix). Peaks were identified based on their mass spectral characteristics, comparison
with the NIST mass spectral library, GC retention indices and with reference to published
data.
Compositional analysis
The FTIR spectra of the Qatna artefacts were most closely comparable to those obtained
for reference Baltic and Prussian amber (Figure 3). The spectra are dominated by the amber
polymer: a communic acid/communol co-polymer cross-linked by partial succinylation,
and absorption maxima are seen at c . 1710-1740cm
1
(ester and carboxylic acid carbonyl
stretch), c . 1160cm
1
(unesterified hydroxyl) and at c. 3040, 1640 and 885cm
1
(exocyclic
methylene). The characteristic shape of the Baltic amber (and certain North American
51
The Qatna lion
Figure 2. Photographs of the Qatna tomb and artefacts: (a) general view of the tomb, the location of the stone slab on which
the lion head vessel and lid were found is indicated by an arrow; (b) a close up of the stone slab showing the lion head
vessel and lid; (c) lion head vessel in situ shortly after discovery (MSH02G-i0759; size approx. 6.6cm long x 5.9cm wide
(Continued over)
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Anna J. Mukherjee et al.
Figure 3. FTIR spectra of Qatna artefacts and reference Baltic amber: (a) reference Baltic amber (BM60828; dashed line);
(b) lion head (solid black line); (c) bead (MSH04G q-i1448; solid grey line). The ‘Baltic shoulder’ is highlighted by the grey
bar.
ambers) absorption band (including the ‘Baltic shoulder’) was clearly visible in the region
1250-1110cm
1
(Anderson et al. 1992; Beck 1986; Beck et al. 1964; Langenheim 1969;
Mills et al. 1984).
Py-GC/MS revealed an identical range of mono- and diterpenoid pyrolysis products for
the lion head, lid and beads, confirming they are composed of the same material (Figure 4).
Monoterpenoids, fenchol, borneol and other oxygenated terpenoids thought to form from
pinene during the aging’ of amber (Mosini et al. 1980) elute first (i.e. components 7,
9, 10, 11, 13, 14 in Figure 4), together with the major pyrolysis product, succinic acid
(4). Eluting later are carbomethoxylated drimane fragments (components 30, 32), resulting
from pyrolytic cleavage of either the 9,11- or 11,12-bonds of communic acid type labdane
structures (Anderson & Winans 1991). The presence of these rule out a leguminosae source,
as such resins are composed of polymer based on the enantio-series which would give
isomeric fragments eluting at slightly longer retention times (as seen for Congo copal; data
not shown). The latter sections of the pyrograms reveal diterpenoid esters (i.e. 40, 41,
43-48); including structures based on pimaric, abietic and agathic acids. According to the
classification system of Anderson and co-workers (Anderson et al. 1992) the Qatna artefacts
are composed of a Class 1a resinite, which include Baltic amber (and related European
ambers), derived from resins based primarily on polymers of communic acid/communol.
Substantial incorporation of succinic acid, probably serving as a cross linking agent, is
characteristic (Mills et al. 1984). All Class 1 resinites also contain a small proportion of non
x 4.7cm high); (d) triple-row gold strung girdle with beads of amber, amethyst and gold; (e) lid for lion head vessel with rosette
motif (MSH02G-i0766; diameter approx. 4cm); (f) examples of bead types, front and profile views (MSH02G-i1448 and
MSH02G-i2329 analysed; diameters range from 0.8-2.8cm and lengths from 0.2-1.6cm). Not shown to scale. Photographs
taken by K. Wita. Copyright Qatna-Project of the Altorientalisches Seminar of T
¨
ubingen University.
53
The Qatna lion
Figure 4. For caption see facing page.
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Anna J. Mukherjee et al.
polymeric material (c. 20 per cent), including diterpenoid and labdanoid components of
the type described above occluded within their macromolecular structure (Anderson et al.
1992; Gough & Mills 1972).
With the exception of the Baltic and Prussian ambers, the MS and IR properties of
reference resins differed markedly from the Qatna artefacts. The reference resins lacked
characteristic markers of Baltic amber such as succinic acid, carbomethoxylated drimane
fragments of communic acid type labdane structures, and the ‘Baltic shoulder’ in the IR
spectra due to esters of succinic acid. Radiocarbon dating of a sub-sample of one of the
beads (MSH04G-i1448) yielded an age of 45 300
+
650 uncalibrated radiocarbon years
BP (OxA-V-2141-51), essentially infinite age (>40 000 years; Burleigh & Whalley 1983),
confirming that the bead was made from a fossil-sourced resin; Baltic amber is of Tertiary
(Eocene/Oligocene) age (c. 40 My; Burleigh & Whalley 1983).
While the pyrograms of the artefacts gave closely similar chemical fingerprints (cf.
Figure 3a and b), the reference Baltic amber showed some variations (Figure 3c); lower
abundances of the diterpenoids and higher proportions of pyrolysis products eluting in
the region of 18 to 25 min were observed. Some differences between the reference amber
and Qatna artefacts are not unexpected due to natural variation in the source material and
oxidation of the artefacts. For example, the resin from the Qatna artefacts contained 7-
oxodehydroabietic acid (48), a well established oxidation product of abietic acid-containing
diterpenoid resins, absent from the reference amber (van den Berg et al. 2000). The combined
findings of FTIR, py-GC/MS and radiocarbon analysis confirm the Baltic origin of the
amber used to fashion these artefacts; thus providing one of the few examples of chemically
authenticated archaeological amber from the Near East.
Discussion
The quantity of amber in the Royal Tomb of Qatna is unparalleled for known second
millennium BC sites in the Levant and the Ancient Near East. In Syria, to date, amber
beads have only been discovered in small numbers in private graves at Alalakh (Woolley
1955: 203, 208), Mari (Jean-Marie 1999: 119, 120, 122, 144, 151, 153, 158, 162) and
at the royal palace of Ugarit where 14 beads were found together with ‘Mycenaean objects
(Schaeffer 1939: 100; Caubet 1998: 106). Except for the latter, these have neither been
chemically analysed nor discussed in detail making their identification uncertain.
Figure 4. Partial total ion pyrograms of (a) lion head; (b) bead; (c) reference Baltic amber. Numbers indicate corresponding
peaks in each pyrogram. Identified compounds are indicated by structures: (1) α-pinene; (2) camphene; (3) trimethylbenzene;
(4) succinic acid dimethyl ester; (5) o-cymene; (6) methyl succinic acid dimethyl ester; (7) α-fenchyl methyl ether; (8) benzoic
acid methyl ester; (9) fenchol; (10) bornyl methyl ether; (11) camphor; (12) pentanedioic acid dimethyl ester; (13/14)
borneol/isoborneol; (15) 2-methyl-pentanedioic acid dimethyl ester; (25) trimethylnaphthalene; (28) trimethylnaphthalene;
(30) naphthalene-1(β)-carboxylic acid, 1,2,3,4,4α,7,8,8α-octahydro-1(α),4α(β),6-trimethyl, methyl ester; (31) cis-α-
copaene-8-ol; (32) coeluting peaks of naphthalene-1(β)-carboxylic acid, 1,2,3,4,4α,7,8,8α-octahydro-1(α),4α(β),5,6-
trimethyl, methyl ester and naphthalene-1(β)-carboxylic acid, 1,2,3,4,4α,7,8,8α-octahydro-1(α),4α(β),6-trimethyl-5-
methylene, methyl ester; (40)
8
isopimaric acid methyl ester; (41) methyl abietic acid; (43) sandaracopimaric acid/pimaric
acid methyl ester; (44) isopimaric acid methyl ester; (45) methyl dehydrodehydroabietic acid; (46) methyl dehydroabietic
acid; (47) dihydroagathic acid dimethyl ester; (48) 7-oxodehydroabietic acid methyl ester.
55
The Qatna lion
It is at the beginning of the Mycenaean period (early sixteenth century BC) that Baltic
amber, almost exclusively in the form of beads, reached the central Mediterranean, occurring
in large numbers in the famous Shaft Graves of Mycenae and in a few other high-status
burials on the Peloponnes (Harding & Hughes-Brock 1974: 147-8; Harding 1984: 69-87).
It remains a matter of debate as to how they came to be in the Aegean and whether amber
reached ancient Greece as a raw material or finished product (Harding & Hughes-Brock
1974: 154; Hughes-Brock 1993: 219, 221). While restricted to high status burials in the
Mycenaean core area during this period, amber beads were distributed more widely in the
fifteenth-thirteenth centuries BC, although the numbers present in any one single burial
reduced dramatically (Harding & Hughes-Brock 1974: 149-52). In the fourteenth and
thirteenth centuries BC some amber beads reached the Eastern Mediterranean, notably
Cyprus, Egypt, Syria and Palestine (Harding & Hughes-Brock 1974; Hughes-Brock 1993;
Hood 1993; Todd 1985; 1993). The 41 amber beads found in the Uluburun shipwreck off
the Turkish coast, dating to the late fourteenth century BC, can either be interpreted within
a context of trade, of gift exchange between royal elites, or as the personal belongings of
high-ranking Mycenaeans onboard the vessel (Pulak 2005). A reputed amber bead necklace
consisting of around 60 short biconvex to lentoid beads and various other putative amber
objects from the tomb of Tutankhamun (Hood 1993), roughly contemporary with the
latest phase of use of the Royal Tomb at Qatna, may hint at the high prestige value that was
attributed to the material in Egypt at this time.
The lentoid and ‘flattened globular shapes of most of the amber beads from Qatna
resemble Aegean and European examples very closely, possibly but not unequivocally
indicating a common place of manufacture, perhaps outside the Mediterranean in Central
or Northern Europe (Harding & Hughes-Brock 1974: 154; Harding 1984: 68-87).
Importantly, however, some of the Qatna beads may well have been locally modified into a
cylindric-disc shape (cf. Figure 2f); a form that also occurs in gold and lapis lazuli in Qatnas
Royal Tomb but is not common elsewhere. The cylindric-disc beads of amber, lapis lazuli
and gold match each other perfectly in size and shape and can most likely, considering their
close association on the floor of the tomb, be reconstructed as elements of one necklace.
Moreover, the fact that amber beads of appropriate size and shape were freely integrated into
jewellery arrangements, such as the large gold-strung girdle (Figure 2d), rather than worn
as necklaces consisting solely of amber beads as was common in the Aegean and Europe,
makes their local reworking likely.
The lion head vessel along with its lid is an extremely rare, if not unique, example of
figurative amber carving from the Ancient Near East and Eastern Mediterranean. Besides a
small number of supposed amber scarabs from the Eighteenth Dynasty (Hood 1993: 230)
and an amygdaloid engraved amber seal from Mycenae (Hughes-Brock 1993: 221), the only
examples of figurative amber artefacts are two allegedly Neo-Assyrian statuettes of unknown
provenance and highly disputed authenticity (Muscarella 2000: 177-8; Beck 1979) and a
small lion figurine from Akhziv (Todd 1985: 293), probably dating to the ninth century
BC.
Lions have long been part of Syrian, as well as Mesopotamian, Anatolian and Aegean
royal iconography, and luxury or cultic vessels in the form of animal heads have occurred in
the Eastern Mediterranean in the Middle and Late Bronze Age. Contemporary cuneiform
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Anna J. Mukherjee et al.
texts from Mari, Alalakh, Ugarit and Qatna, as well as Hittite inventories mention vessels
in the form of lion or bull heads made of silver and gold and destined for palatial and cultic
use (Deller 1985; Otten 1989; cf. Zuckerman forthcoming).
Actual Late Bronze Age examples of lion head vessels are on the other hand quite rare.
Neither the rather crudely made gold-sheet lion head found in Shaft Grave IV at Mycenae
(Karo 1930: pl. CXVIII) nor the marble rython in the shape of a lioness from the palace at
Knossos (Karo 1959: Figure 29) resemble the Qatna piece very closely. A lion head faience
cup recently excavated in the destruction layer of the Late Bronze Age ‘Ceremonial Palace/
Royal Sanctuary of Hazor measures about 11cm and offers one of the best parallels in
form and potentially function even though its features are much less detailed in execution
(Zuckerman forthcoming). Three lion head clay goblets attested at Ugarit (Yon 1997: 158-9;
Schaeffer 1938: pl. XIX) show only limited stylistic resemblance to the Qatna piece; however,
attention should be drawn to a lion-headed bronze axe-head from the same site (Schaeffer
1937: pl. XIX) which is remarkably comparable to the Qatna lion in terms of its overall facial
proportions and the rendering of nose, whiskers and eyes. Depictions of lion head vessels on
Egyptian wall-paintings in the Eighteenth-Dynasty tombs of Useramun, Mencheperasonb
and Rechmire in Thebes are strikingly similar to the Qatna piece in terms of typology and
style. These vessels are shown among objects characteristic of Syrian and Aegean origin and
are painted in yellow indicating that they were made from gold (Wachsmann 1987: 58-9;
Kantor 1947: pl. IX). Another similar vessel can be seen in a relief from Karnak depicting
booty dedicated to Amun by Thutmosis III after his Syrian campaigns; it is placed among
the most valuable offerings in one of the uppermost rows of the relief (Wachsmann 1987:
59, pl. LIII: 22). Although these depictions connect lion head vessels with both Syria and
the Aegean, the style of the amber lion from Qatna suggests Syrian craftsmanship.
Conclusion
Hence, we conclude that the Qatna lion head vessel was manufactured from Baltic amber
which was imported as a large unworked piece and subsequently carved, probably in a Syrian
workshop, with Aegeans likely acting as intermediaries for the importation from Europe to
the Near East. The raw material may have reached Qatna from the Aegean either through
trade or as a result of gift exchange between ruling elites. Since large quantities of amber are
restricted to very high status or even royal contexts at this time the latter, more exclusive way
of acquisition, seems a more plausible interpretation. The unusual and attractive physical fea-
tures of the material, the assumed awareness of its very distant provenance and the extremely
long-distance exchange to attain it must have considerably added to its prestige value.
Technical Appendix
FTIR spectra were acquired using a Nicolet 710 Series FTIR spectrometer with NicPlan infrared microscope,
fitted with a MCT Type A detector (cooled with liquid nitrogen), giving a working range of 4000-650cm
1
.
Measurements were made in transmission mode, using a Spectra-Tech Reflachromat Cassegrain ×15 objectives
and a tube factor of 10×. Typically 128 or 256 scans were made and the interferogram averaged. Scan velocity
for the detector was 40cm s
1
, with a resolution of 4cm
1
and Happ-Genzel apodisation. Both spectrometer
and microscope were purged with air, which had been cleaned of particulates and hydrocarbons and was carbon
57
The Qatna lion
dioxide and water-free, at between 1-2 l min
1
. The sample was placed between the windows of a Spectra-Tech
micro compression diamond cell.
Forpy-GC/MSanalysissamples(c . 150µg) were placed in quartz tubes and then pyrolysed at 610
C in a flow
of helium for 10 s in a platinum coil using a CDS 1000 pyroprobe (Chemical Data System, Oxford, PA, USA)
interfaced to a Perkin Elmer Turbomass Gold equipped with a fused silica capillary column (Chrompack; CP-Sil
5CB; 50m × 0.32mm i.d.; 0.12µm film thickness). The pyrolysate was introduced to the GC column via a
split/splitless injector with a 20:1 split. The transfer line to the MS was held at 280
C and the source temperature
maintained at 180
C and ionisation potential was set at 70eV. The temperature programme comprised a 4 min
isothermal period at 50
C followed by an increase to 300
Cat5
C min
1
. The temperature was then held at
300
C for 15 min.
Acknowledgements
We thank Drs I.D. Bull and R. Berstan for technical assistance; the UK Natural Environment Research Council
for funding the mass spectrometry facilities; the Wellcome Trust and the Engineering and Physical Sciences
Research Council for providing a Bioarchaeology Fellowship for A.J.M. and a PhD studentship for M.A.J.,
respectively; the German Research Foundation for funding of the German component of the excavations at Tell
Mishrife, ancient Qatna. Particular thanks are due to B. Jamous (Director General of Antiquities and Museums
of Syria) and M. Al-Maqdissi (Director of Excavations in the Directorate General of Antiquities and Museums
of Syria and co-director with P.F. of the Syrian-German Archaeological Mission at Tell Mishrife/Qatna) and
Oxford University Radiocarbon Accelerator Unit for radiocarbon dating.
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... Joan Todd (1993) documented over 500 amber pieces from 49 sites across Palestine and Jordan, spanning from the Bronze Age to the Byzantine period. Notable finds include the Akhziv lion, a zoomorphic amber figurine identified as a Phoenician transition type (Todd, 1985), and a hollow lion head vessel from the late Bronze Age royal tombs of Qatna (Mukherjee et al., 2008). More recent investigations at the ancient, fortified city of Dura-Europos (303 BCE-263 CE) yielded 13 amber beads from funerary contexts, five of which when analysed with diffuse reflectance infrared (DRIFT) spectroscopy confirming their Baltic origin (Kuhn et al., 2023). ...
... Logically the next step is to propose hypotheses concerning the rest of the path to central Anatolia. Geographically, culturally, and chronologically, the amber finds closest to Kerkenes that have been spectroscopically analysed were discovered at Ephesus in Ionia (Kaur et al., 2012), Ugarit and Qatna in the Levant (Mukherjee et al., 2008) and on the Uluburun shipwreck (Bachhuber, 2006) Each of the three hypotheses, or even a mix of them, is a possibility given the broad material and cultural connections of Kerkenes and the simplicity of the amber inlays. The amber inlays from Kerkenes are very stylistically distant from the three-dimensional carvings of Syrian workshops such as those found in Akhziv (Todd, 1985: 293-294) and much earlier in Qatna (Mukherjee et al., 2008). ...
... Geographically, culturally, and chronologically, the amber finds closest to Kerkenes that have been spectroscopically analysed were discovered at Ephesus in Ionia (Kaur et al., 2012), Ugarit and Qatna in the Levant (Mukherjee et al., 2008) and on the Uluburun shipwreck (Bachhuber, 2006) Each of the three hypotheses, or even a mix of them, is a possibility given the broad material and cultural connections of Kerkenes and the simplicity of the amber inlays. The amber inlays from Kerkenes are very stylistically distant from the three-dimensional carvings of Syrian workshops such as those found in Akhziv (Todd, 1985: 293-294) and much earlier in Qatna (Mukherjee et al., 2008). However, Kerkenes did have strong cultural links with Phrygia to the west, including evidence from monumental and vernacular architecture, semi-iconic idols and sculptures, and unmistakable Old Phrygian inscriptions carved in stone and potter's marks (Draycott et al., 2008;Brixhe and Summers, 2006;Summers and Summers, 2018;Branting et al., 2023). ...
... 1600-1200 BC) onwards, although it is uncertain whether this trade represents down-the-line exchange of goods from the Southern European and Mycenean trade networks, gift-giving between elite travellers in a 'prestige circuit' or a combination of both (Gestoso Singer 2016; Bunnefeld et al. 2021). A number of beads and other objects identified as amber through FT-IR and dating from the early second millennium BC onwards have been found in the Near East, including two beads from a foundation deposit beneath the ziggurat at Ashur in northern Mesopotamia (Bunnefeld et al. 2021), 14 beads from the royal palace of Ugarit/Ras Shamra on the Levantine coast (Gestoso Singer 2016: 263), at least 14 beads from the Uluburun shipwreck off the Anatolian coast (Pulak 1988), and-arguably the most spectacular find-a lion headshaped container as well as around 90 beads from a royal tomb dated to c. 1340 BC at Late Bronze Age Mishrife-Qatna, some 40km south of Hama (Mukherjee et al. 2008). A fragment of a hand fashioned in amber from a statue was also found at Mishrife-Qatna (Pfälzner 2011). ...
... Some of the amber beads found in Near Eastern contexts, like most of those found in the Qatna tomb, are lenticular in shape and resemble beads found in the Aegean and further north in Europe. This shared morphology supports the possibility that they were indeed manufactured in northern Europe and traded as finished beads across the continent (Mukherjee et al. 2008). We know, however, that larger pieces of raw Baltic amber also made it into Syria, as evidenced by the Qatna lion, which was made of Baltic amber but cut in a distinctively Syrian style of manufacture (Mukherjee et al. 2008). ...
... This shared morphology supports the possibility that they were indeed manufactured in northern Europe and traded as finished beads across the continent (Mukherjee et al. 2008). We know, however, that larger pieces of raw Baltic amber also made it into Syria, as evidenced by the Qatna lion, which was made of Baltic amber but cut in a distinctively Syrian style of manufacture (Mukherjee et al. 2008). ...
Article
Widening and diversifying trade networks are often cited among the boom and bust of Bronze and Iron Age worlds. The great distances that goods could travel during these periods are exemplified here as the authors describe the spectroscopic identification of Baltic amber beads in an Iron Age cremation grave at Hama in Syria. Yet these beads are not unique in the Near Eastern record; as the authors show, comparable finds and references to amber or amber hues in contemporaneous texts illustrate the high social and economic value of resinous substances-a value based on perceptions of their distant origin.
... Through the so called "Amber Road", an ancient trade route, amber was exported from Europe to Asia, the Mediterranean Sea and Egypt (Singer 2008(Singer , 2016. Amber might have reached Egypt directly by sea or via Syria, of which the famous Quatna lion would be proof (Mukherjee et al. 2008). In the neolithic era the first use of amber was certainly due to superstition and so the transparent, flammable and, when rubbed, fragrant material was attributed with protective properties. ...
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As the only direct records of the history of evolution, it is critical to determine the geological source of biota-bearing fossils. Through the application of synchrotron-radiation micro-computed tomography (SR-µ-CT), Fourier-transformed infrared-spectroscopy (FT-IR), visual evaluation of ultraviolet fluorescence (UV-VS), radiocarbon dating (¹⁴C quantification), and historical sleuthing, we were able to identify and sort 161 (83 Baltic amber, 71 Copal and 7 Kauri gum pieces) individually numbered and largely mislabeled pieces of East African Defaunation resin (~145 years old) and copal (~390 years old), as well as Baltic amber (~35 million years old) from the Phyletisches Museum collection. Based on this collection, we define two new species: ‡Amphientomum knorrei Weingardt, Bock & Boudinot, sp. nov. (Psocodea: Amphientomidae, copal) and †Baltistena nigrispinata Batelka, Tröger & Bock, sp. nov. (Coleoptera: Mordellidae, Baltic amber). For selected taxa, we provide systematic reviews of the fossil record, including: Amphientomidae, for which we provide a key to all species of Amphientomum, extant and extinct, and recognize the junior synonymy of Am. ectostriolatum Li, 2002 (an unjustified emendation) under Am. ectostriolate Li, 1999 (syn. nov.); the fossil ant genus †Yantaromyrmex and the clades Dorylinae, Plagiolepidini, Camponotus, Crematogaster, and Pheidole (Formicidae); the Nevrorthidae (Neuroptera); and Doliopygus (Coleoptera: Curculionidae: Platypodinae). We synonymize Palaeoseopsis Enderlein, 1925 with Amphientomum Pictet, 1854, syn. nov. and transfer one species from Amphientomum, forming Lithoseopsis indentatum (Turner, 1975), comb. nov. To prevent the uncritical usage of unidentifiable fossils attributed to Camponotus for macroevolutionary analysis, we transfer 29 species to the form genus †Camponotites Steinbach, 1967, which we consider to be most useful as incertae sedis in the Formicinae. We treat †Ctt. ullrichi (Bachmayer, 1960), comb. nov. as unidentifiable hence invalid stat. nov. We also transfer †Ca. mengei Mayr, 1868 and its junior synonym †Ca. igneus Mayr, 1868 to a new genus, †Eocamponotus Boudinot, gen. nov., which is incertae sedis in the Camponotini. Concluding our revision of Camponotus fossils, we transfer †Ca. palaeopterus (Zhang, 1989) to Liometopum (Dolichoderinae), resulting in †L. palaeopterumcomb. nov. and the junior synonymy of †Shanwangella Zhang, 1989, syn. nov. under Liometopum Mayr, 1861. Because the type specimens of the genera †Palaeosminthurus Pierce & Gibron, 1962, stat. rev. and †Pseudocamponotus Carpenter, 1930 are unidentifiable due to poor preservation, we consider these taxa unidentifiable hence invalid stat. nov. To avoid unsupported use of the available fossils names attributed to Crematogaster for divergence dating calibration points, we transfer three species to a new collective taxon that is incertae sedis in Myrmicinae, †Incertogaster Boudinot, gen. nov., forming †In. aurora (LaPolla & Greenwalt, 2015), †In. praecursor (Emery, 1891), comb. nov., and †In. primitiva (Radchenko & Dlussky, 2019), comb. nov. Finally, we transfer †Ph. cordata (Holl, 1829) back to Pheidole, and designate a neotype from our copal collection based on all available evidence. All new species plus the neotype of ‡Ph. cordata are depicted with 3D cybertypes from our µ-CT scan data. We introduce the convention of a double dagger symbol (‡) to indicate fossils in copal or Defaunation resin, as these may yet be extant. To further contextualize our results, we provide a discussion of amber history and classification, as well as the Kleinkuhren locality, to which multiple specimens were attributed. We conclude with conspecti on key biological problems and increasing potential of µ-CT for phylogenetic paleontology.
... While sporadic evidence of trade in natural resources and "prestige" objects -usually metal, stone, ivory, pottery (and other archaeologically more visible materials)was known in the past, recent study only accentuates the extensive -and long-range character of these contacts. Cornish (Berger et al., 2019) and central Asian (Powell et al., 2020) tin, Iberian and other silver (Eshel et al., 2019(Eshel et al., , 2023Wood et al., 2019Wood et al., , 2020, Baltic amber (Mukherjee et al., 2008;Gestoso-Singer 2016; Melheim, 2017), Sardinian lead (Yagel & Ben-Yosef, 2022;Yahalom-Mack et al., 2022) and pottery (Bretschneider et al., 2021;Gradoli et al., 2020), and elephant and hippopotamus ivory from various parts of Africa and the Near East (Fischer et al., 2015;Lafrenz, 2004), have been reported from various sites and regions in the Bronze and Iron Age Levant. ...
Chapter
Recent archaeological finds and analyses have changed our understanding of the geographic horizons and margins of connectivity in the Bronze and Iron Age southern Levant. Evidence of trade in materials to and from far-away regions, way beyond what was believed to be within the “worldview” of the ancient Levant, has implications for understanding issues relating to economy, connectivity, cultural influences, bio-diversity, etc. This suggests that ancient Levantine and Mediterranean cultures had a significant role in “global scale” trade – more than often assumed. In addition, recent finds and analyses indicate that “exotic” organic materials – often not surviving in the archaeological record – played a central part in this trade; this, as opposed to common assumptions, which focused on highly visible (and better preserved) finds.KeywordsSouthern LevantTradeBronze AgeIron AgeOrganicsConnectivityEuroasiaSpheres of interactionGlobalization
... On the Ulu Burun, one of the jars was filled with glass beads. Baltic amber was also discovered together with the glass among the wreckage (Mukherjee et al. 2008). Additionally, 150 Canaanite shipping jars containing more than a half a ton of terebinth resin were also found (Pulak 2005, 38). ...
Article
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Traditionally, the maritime networks controlling long-distance trade in metals and other commodities during the European Bronze Age have been understood as expressions of male elite power and dominance. This orthodox model forms a biased and excluding stance of social practice, and makes redundant attempts to discuss critically alternative models of gender-based power-relations in long-distance trade and communication. This study intends to revaluate the notion of androcentric, unilateral patriarchal power relations in maritime trade and warfare, ultimately suggesting an alternative heterarchical model, emphasising the co-existence of heterogeneous power-relations that include women as active social agents and movers of change. The geographical area referred to in particular is Scandinavia but the Mediterranean area is also included. The analysis focuses essentially on graves of the so-called ship setting type. Both men and women are represented in their materials, signalling power and control in the maritime sphere. So far, the female presence has not been discussed in terms of power and control, only in terms of representation. Finding burials of women in these monumental graves in the maritime landscape supports the ground-breaking proposal that, during the Bronze Age, women were also participants in maritime activities.
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Provides a multi-scalar synthesis of Nordic Bronze Age economies (1800/1700–500 BCE) that is organized around six sections: an introduction to the Nordic Bronze Age, macro-economic perspectives, defining local communities, economic interaction, conflict and alliances, political formations, and encountering Europe. Despite a unifying material culture, the Bronze Age of Scandinavia was complex and multi- layered with constantly shifting and changing networks of competitors and partners. The social structure in this highly mobile and dynamic macroregional setting was affected by subsistence economies based on agropastoralism, maritime sectors, the production of elaborate metal wealth, trade in a wide range of goods, as well as raiding and warfare. For this reason, the focus of this book is on the integration and interaction of subsistence and political economies in a comparative analyses between different local constellations within the macro-economic setting of prehistoric Europe. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core: https://www.cambridge.org/core/elements/nordic-bronze-age-economies/1D3E3DC6242D93CD53985D77844780D5
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Tin was a crucial commodity in prehistory to produce bronze, and knowledge of the origins of this metal is important for understanding cultural relations and the complexity and extent of trade. However, many aspects of the provenance of tin are still not resolved. A recent study in Science Advances 8(48) examined the historically significant tin ingots from the Uluburun shipwreck, which are key to the economy and long-distance trade of tin in the Late Bronze Age Mediterranean and beyond. Isotopic and chemical data of the objects was collected, from which a tin origin from Central Asia, particularly Mushiston in Tajikistan, and Anatolia was reconstructed. The study thereby proposed a solution to the long-standing riddle of tin provenance via scientific reasoning and comparative data. While this avenue of investigation is intriguing, this article maintains that the authors’ arguments do not support their far-reaching conclusions. Instead, it emphasises the similarities with Late and Middle Bronze Age tin ingots from Israel and Britain, and alternatively suggests a common origin of part of the Uluburun cargo with these items. South-west England is considered a very likely source region, but other tin ingots of the Uluburun wreck could also originate from Afghanistan and perhaps somewhere else.
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Under the large ziggurat of Aššur, Iraq, two Baltic amber beads were found in a foundation deposit dating to c.1800–1750 BC. Thereby, they represent one of the earliest and remotest evidence of this material. Its extreme rarity in the Mediterranean and the Middle East before c.1550 BC and its restriction there to high-ranking sites could be explained by the fact that the Únětice culture and the Wessex culture controlled the exchange of this raw material. Probably, the amber finds in the south result from a directional exchange with at most only a few intermediaries, as other finds in Europe and the Middle East from the early 2nd millennium BC also indicate. The amber finds may thus represent gifts from well-travelled persons from central or western Europe to the elites in the south. However, after c.1550 BC the picture changes, and it is perhaps possible to speak of trade through which amber became available in larger quantities in the Mediterranean and the Middle East.
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Sourcing archaeological amber has hitherto been limited by a reliance on chemical techniques that require some degree of destructive sampling. The majority of amber artifacts are friable, weakened after millennia spent unprotected from environmental stressors, and as such are especially vulnerable during analysis or even sampling. Here, we assess the capability of an entirely nondestructive analytical technique-Diffuse Reflectance Infrared Spectroscopy (DRIFTS)-to scientifically identify archaeological Baltic amber. Using a reference collection of geological amber specimens, our direct comparison of DRIFTS spectra to those collected via conventional transmission FTIR, which necessitates destructive sampling, demonstrates the validity of the new technique. Thirteen beads from the archaeological site of Dura-Europos in Syria were subsequently analyzed using DRIFTS alone. Five of the beads showed spectral features indicative of Baltic amber, whereas the others were too degraded to yield diagnostically measurable spectra. Our study thus confirms the capability of the DRIFTS technique to analyze whole, untreated amber artifacts when their integrity is of high concern. Furthermore, our results indicate a previously unestablished connection between Dura-Europos and northern Europe during the first two centuries CE through long-distance exchange networks stemming from the Mediterranean basin.
Article
Diterpenoid resins from larch and pine trees and the corresponding fractions in a >100-year-old wax-resin adhesive and varnish and a 200-year-old resin/oil paint sample were analysed with by gas chromatography/mass spectrometry (GC/MS) using several off-line and on-line derivatization methods. The main resin compounds were highly oxidized abietic acids. Important products found are hydroxydehydroabietic acids (OH-DHAs), 7-oxoDHA, di-OH-DHAs and 15-OH-7-oxoDHA. The last two compounds have not been reported to occur in artworks before. Larixyl acetate, an important marker from larch resins, was found to be still present in high amounts in the adhesive. A large number of mass spectra of the different oxidation products and larixol and larixyl acetate are presented and their fragmentation behaviour under electron impact conditions is discussed. An index for the degree of oxidation (IDOX) of the abietic acids is presented as an indicator of the degree of oxidation of the matrix in which the resin is present. The IDOX was 0.10, 0.67, 0.81 and 0.76 for the fresh resins, the dark-aged adhesive, the aged varnish and the resin/oil paint, respectively (measured with pyrolysis (Py)-tetramethylammonium hydroxide (TMAH)-GC/MS). Py-TMAH-GC/MS and direct temperature-resolved mass spectrometry are reliable, valuable and fast techniques for the assessment of the presence and degree of oxidation of diterpenoid resins. Copyright © 2000 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.