Content uploaded by Merlijn van Hulst
Author content
All content in this area was uploaded by Merlijn van Hulst on May 06, 2019
Content may be subject to copyright.
PracticingOrganizationalEthnography
DvoraYanow*,SierkYbema**,andMerlijnvanHulst***
*FacultyofSo Amsterdam
cialandBehavioralSciences,Universityof
D.Yanow@uva.nl[correspondingauthor]
**Faculty sterdam
ofSocialSciences,VUUniversityAm
***FacultyofLaw,TilburgUniversity
Toappearin
ThePrch:racticeofQualitativeOrganizationalResea
CoreMethodsandCurrentChallenges
GillianSymonandCatherineCassell,eds.
London:Sage(forthcomingWinter2011‐2012).
PartII:CoreMethodsofQualitativeInquiryinOrganizationalResearch
Ithnographyandorganizationalethnography:Anoverview
‘Ethnography’istypicallyusedtomeanthreethings.Itsliteralmeaning,fromthe
Greek,referstoaparticularkindofwriting:awrittenaccount(graphein)ofapeople
(ethnos).Thismeaninghasbeeneclipsedbytwoothers,especiallyasethnographyhas
beentakenupinsomedisciplinesoutsideofanthropology.Itssecondandmorecommon
usagereferstoasetofmethodsorresearchstrategy,alsocalledfieldresearchor
fieldwork:somecombinationofobservation,withwhateverdegreeofparticipation;
talkingtopeople(oftencalled‘interviewing’whentheformalitiesofsettingup
appointmentsareinvolved);andthestudyofmaterialartefacts,inallthreetounderstand
theirmeaningsforsituationalactors.Inorganizationalsettings,materialartefactstypically
includeresearchquestion‐relevanttexts(e.g.,annualreports,correspondence,internal
memos,cartoons/jokes/photosonofficedoorsandbulletinboards,webpages,andthe
.One
like).Inathirdsenseoftheterm,methodologistsareincreasinglypointingto
ethnography’sdistinctive‘sensibility’:anorientationtowardthesocialworld–actors,
(inter)actions,settings–andthematerialobjectsinitwhichfocusesonthecentralityof
meaningandmeaning‐makingtoresearchpractices.
Inourview,ethnographyentailsallthreeofthese:aresearchprocessinvolving
fieldworkmethodsengagingtheextraordinary‐in‐the‐ordinarywithaparticularsensibility
towardsoftenmorehiddenorconcealedmeaning‐makingprocesses,reportedina
particularformofwritingthatplacesbothauthorandreaderatthescene,inthethickof
things,throughactor‐centredandcontext‐sensitiveanalysisandtheorizinggroundedin
layereddata(Ybemaetal.2009,ch.1).Asitspurposeistogivereadersasenseofwhat
‘life’islikeinthesettingunderstudy,ethnographycommonlyrestsonanin‐dwellingin
thatplace,typicallyinasituation‐specificrole.Thistypicallyrequiresprolonged
observationovertime(andperhapsoverdifferentspatiallocations;discussedbelow).Such
in‐dwellingrequiresethnographerstobethere,inthesetting,longenoughtobeableto
understandthecommonsense,everyday,unwrittenandunspoken,tacitlyknown‘rulesof
engagement’knowntosituational‘natives’,movingfrombeingmoreofastrangertothat
settingtobeingmoreofa‘familiar’inandwithit(whilerenderingit‘strange’againinthe
writing).Muchas‘beingthere’ineverydaylifeinvolvesengagingwiththoseone
encounters(familymembers,co‐workers,busdrivers,shopkeepers,etc.),ethnography
itselfismorethanasetofinterviews,entailingadegreeof‘livingwithandlivinglikethose
whoarestudied’(VanMaanen1988:2).Ethnographicfieldworkcanbedoneinavarietyof
waysandwithdifferingintensities(wethereforeseelittleuseinspecifyingaminimalfield
2
period),butittypicallyinvolvesmorethanflyinginandoutofthefieldforabrief,tourist‐
likevisit.Hence,wejoinwithBate(1997)indecryingtheuseof‘airplane’(quick,short‐
duration)ethnography,whetherbyconsultantsorbyacademics.Ethnographic‘being
there’becomesacharacteristicnotonlyofthefieldresearchbutofthewritingaswell:
layereddescriptionsofobjects,events,actors,andinteractionshelptocreateanonfictional
(albeitnecessarilyfabricated)accountoforganizationallifewhichplacesbothauthorand
eader
ownrolesinshapingthoseinterpretations.
Lastly,althoughethnographyisthoughtbymanytohaveoriginatedin
anthropology,anhistoricalaccountofitsacademicoriginsshowsthattheyliein
administrativepractices,specificallyinempires’needstomanagefar‐flunganddistant
outposts.Hence,itmightbe’bettertoregardacademicanthropologyasaspecificinstance
ofethnographicpracticethantheotherwayaround’(Salemink2003,p.9).Those
organizationalethnographersnottrainedinanthropologydepartmentswhoareanxious
abouttheirmethodstrainingmanquéandbonafidescan,then,relinquishtheseconcerns
3
r atthescene.
Methodologicallyspeaking,ethnographicresearchcanbeinformedbyeitherrealist‐
objectivistorconstructivist‐interpretivistapproaches.Ethnographerscanseektodiscover
‘howthingsarereallydone’or‘whatreallyhappened’inaparticularorganizational
situation,inanontologicallyrealistfashion,seeingthemselvesasobjectiveobserversand
sense‐makers.Ortheycanproceedfromtheperspectivethatsocialrealitiesare
intersubjectivelyconstructed,seeingthemselvesasco‐constructorsandco‐interpretersof
themeaning(s)oforganizationaleventsalongwithsituationalmembers,reflectingontheir
andgettoworkondevelopingandarticulatingwhatorganizationalethnographyisor
shouldbe,drawingonarichheritageoforganizationalethnographicresearch,ranging
4
researcherstoexpect.
Thedevelopmentfromthe1950sonofmainframecomputers,surveyresearch,
fromgovernmentbureaucraciestoschools,fromhospitalstocoalmines.
Inwhatfollowswediscusstheusesofethnographyinorganizationalresearch,after
whichwepresentthreeexamplesofethnographicresearchtoillustratethepeculiar
problematicsoforganizationalethnography.Theseexamplesinformoursubsequent
iscussionofthemulti‐sited,reflexive,andrelationalcharacterofethnographicresearch.
d
Iinorganizationalresearch:Historicaltothepresent
Organizationalethnographyenjoysalongheritage,acrossawiderangeof
organizationaltypesanddisciplinaryhomes.EltonMayo’s1920s‐1930sHawthornestudies
areacaseinpoint(e.g.,Mayo1933),asaretheclassic,late1940s‐early1960sin‐depth
analysesofthe‘informalorganization’,suchasWhyte(1948),Selznick(1949),Gouldner
(1954),Blau(1955),Dalton(1959),Goffman(1959/1983),Kaufman(1960),Roy(1960),
andCrozier(1964).Thesedetailedaccountsoforganizationallifebasedonfieldresearch
communicatethesenseof‘beingthere’amidstthesocialaspectsoforganizations,their
backstagepolitics,powergames,andotherunintended,non‐rational,andattimes
dysfunctionalconsequences.Thesestudies,organizationalethnographyavantlalettre,
upendedthepurportedly‘rational’organizingthatMaxWeber’sidealtypebureaucracy
theories,depictingformalorganizationsasefficientlyfunctioningmachines,hadled
I.Uses
5
statisticalscience,andbehaviouralisttheorieseclipsedethnographicapproaches,as
researchaimingtomeasureorganizationalstructures,contingencies,andbehavioursby
quantitativemeanscametodominateorganizationalstudies.Towardtheendofthe1970s,
agrowinguneasewithsuchquantificationandtheconcomitantneglectofsocialactors’
everydaypractices,livedexperiences,andprocessesofmeaning‐makinggenerateda
renewedinterestinqualitativemethods.Theoreticaldevelopmentsacrossthesocial
sciences,amongthemtheinterpretiveandlinguisticturns(e.g.,Geertz1973,Rabinowand
Sullivan1979,1985),alsodrovethesemethodologicalchanges.Notableamongthe
theoristsleadingthis‘methodologicalrenewal’inorganizationalstudiesisJohnVan
Maanen(e.g.,1979,1988,1995),whoseempiricalandmethodologicalworkboth
demonstratedandtheorizedtheplaceoforganizationalethnography.
Firstmanifestedinstudiesoforganizationalsymbolismandculture,therenewed
attentiontoethnographyalsoinvigoratedolderfieldsofstudy,fromstrategytoleadership,
organizationaldesignandchangetoworkplacepractices,cross‐culturalcommunicationto
ethicsandnormativebehaviour(see,e.g.,Barley1983,Collinson1992,Delbridge1998,
Dubinskas1988,IngersollandAdams1992,Kondo1990,Orr1996,Rosen2000,Watson
1994,Yanow1996).Ethnographic(andotherqualitative)researchstrategieshave
increasinglybeencomingbackintoorganizationalstudies,invarioustheoreticalcontexts
(see,e.g.,Bate1997,MoreyandLuthans1987,Schwartzman1993;morerecently,Fine,
Morrill,andSurianarain2009,Neyland2008,PrasadandPrasad2002,andYbemaetal.
2009).Ethnographiesofpublicsectororganizationsarealsoreturning,joiningtheearlier
bureaucracyandpublicadministrationworkofBlau,Crozier,Kaufman,andSelznickcited
6
above(e.g.,Dubois2010,Stein2004),alongwithothersineducationalstudies,healthcare
studies
1.Sensitivitytohiddendimensionsoforganizationallife
,andotherfields.
Theintertwiningofethnographicmethodswithagrowinginterpretive
methodologicalawarenessmightbeseenashavingadvancedthestudyofparticular
organizationalstudiestopicsfrommore‘collective’,meaning‐focusedperspectives,among
themorganizationalculture,identityformation,andorganizationallearning(e.g.,Brown
andHumphreys2002,CookandYanow1993/2006,Kunda1992,Nicolinietal.2003),
arenaserstwhiledominatedbymorepositivistpsychologicalandsocial‐psychological
approaches.Fromthere,itwasnotabigleaptonarrativeordiscursiveapproaches(e.g.,
Ybema2010)ortothepracticestudies(e.g.,Orr1996,Miettinenetal.2009)thatjoin
activitytheoryandactor‐networktheory,bothdrawingonethnographicmethods.Apart
fromitsabilitytodepictthelivelinessoforganizationallife,organizationalethnography
promisestoelucidatetwoaspectsforwhichothermethods,suchassurveys,areless
suitable:(1)its“hidden”dimensions,and(2)itsactor‐contextrelations.
.Indrawingclosetosubjectsand
situations,organizationalethnographerscanpotentiallymakeexplicitoftenoverlooked,
tacitlyknownand/orconcealeddimensionsofmeaning‐making,amongthememotional
andpoliticalaspects.Innotingtherelativepoweroforganizationalactors,theirinterests
andtheirstrategies,ethnographiescanhaveadirect,critical,evenshockingquality,laying
bareotherwisehiddenandevenharshsocialrealitiesandexposingtheentanglementsof
culturewithpower.Fororganizationalmembers,suchexplicitdescriptionsofroutine,
taken‐for‐grantedwaysofthinkingandactingcanbebothfamiliarandsurprisingasthey
seethemselvesthroughtheethnographer’seyes.Inrevealingtheseaspectsof
organizationallife,suchethnographiesmayattimeschallengewhatorganizationalactors
wouldliketohearorreadaboutthemselvesandtheirorganizations.Whileofferingamuch
neededcriticalvoice,suchethnographiesalso,however,requireethnographerstoconsider
theirownposition,theirpositionality(discussedbelow),andtheethicalimplicationsof
7
theirwork.
2.Sensitivitytotheinterplaybetweenactorsandcontext.Secondly,organizational
ethnographycancontributetocurrentstructure‐agencydebatesinthesocialsciencesthat
continuetocarveuporganizationalstudies(Reed2006),asitcombinesanorientation
towardsubjectiveexperienceandindividualagencywithsensitivitytothebroadersocial
settingsandthehistoricalandinstitutionaldynamicsinwhichtheseareembedded.
Alternatingclose‐upsofactors,situationsandinteractionswithbroaderviewsthatsketch
widersocialandhistoricalcontexts,powerrelations,andmeta‐discourses,ethnography
‘seestheworldinagrainofsand’(slightlyparaphrasingWilliamBlake),exploringand
exemplifyingthegeneralthroughthelocalandtheparticular.Thecombinationof
contextualanalysiswithanactor‐centredapproachpromisestoremedythe‘ahistorical,
acontextualandaprocessual’qualitiesofmuchoforganizationalstudies(Pettigrew,quoted
nBate1997:1155).
i
[Tocopyeditor:linebreaklefthereintentionally;nextpara.isnotcontinuationof
previousone]
Ethnography’sresearchtechniquestakeonparticularforminmeetingthespecific
demandsofmanagementandotherorganizationalsettings.Forone,researcherscannot
countonwalkinginonanexecutiveunannounced,andsoethnographic‘talk’oftenincludes
formalinterviews.Mintzberg’s‘structuredobservation’(1970),analternativetothediary
studiesusedatthetime,addeddirectobservationtothestudyofmanagers.Wolcott’s
(1973)‘shadowing’(ofaschoolprincipal)isyetanotherwaytoobserveorganizational
1.Collectiveidentityformationamongnewspapereditors
8
leadersethnographically.
Thevarietyofethnographicstudiesoforganizationsandorganizingisreflectedin
ourownfieldwork.Wedrawonthreeofthese,conductedindifferentperiodsandin
differentcontexts,toillustratetheattributesoforganizationalethnographydiscussed
above,itsrange,anditssensitivitytothehiddendimensionsoforganizationallifeaswellas
totheinterplaybetweencontextsandactors.Thesestudiesalsolaytheempirical
groundworkforoursubsequentdiscussionofthreecurrentissuesrelevantto
organizationalethnography:(1)multi‐sitedresearchinwhichfieldworkersfollowactions,
actorsandartefacts;(2)highlyreflexiveresearchwithrespecttoknowledgeclaims;and
3)highlyrelationalresearchthattreatsparticipantsasco‐researchers.
(
III.Threeexamples
(SierkYbema)
Theveryfirstdayofmy1997and1998fieldworkintheeditorialroomsoftwo
DutchnationalnewspapersstartedwiththedailymeetingofTrouw’seditorialstaffatthe
endofthemorning(Ybema2003).Later,Ilearnedthatthesemeetingsusuallytookless
9
than30minutesandwerefrequentedbynomorethan10editors.Thistime,however,the
roomwasstuffed,all25seatstaken,atleastanother25editorssittingontablesonthe
sidesorleaningagainstthewalls.Aprolongeddebateensuedaboutafront‐pagearticlein
thatmorning’snewspaperwhichhadoutragedalargenumberofeditors.IfIwastruly
interestedinidentity,Ihadfoundmybreadbutteredonbothsides,editorsassuredme
afterwards.Followingthesediscussionsgavemeabeelinerightintothemiddleofthe
newspaper’sinternaldebatesaboutitsidentityandthusintothemoreorlessconcealed
power‐andemotion‐riddendimensionsofmeaning‐making.Detaileddescriptionsofritual
gatheringsinorganizationalsettings,suchasChristmascelebrations(Rosen2000)or
informationalmeetings(Alvesson1996;seealsoSchwartzman1993),wereinthebackof
mymindwhenIdecidedtofocusmyresearchontheheateddiscussioninthiseditorial
meetingand,subsequently,tofollowtheformingofopiniononthatday’sopeningarticlein
conver
sations,ontheintranet,andinformalandinformalget‐togethers.
Processesofde‐ideologizationinDutchsociety,alongwiththeprofessionalizationof
journalism,fromthe1960sonwardsandtheslowbutgradualdecreaseofnewspaper
readershipinthe1990shadcreatedaproblemofidentityandimageforthosenewspapers
thathaddrawninspirationfromtheirreligiousorpoliticalroots.Thisideologicaland
‘reputational’crisischallengededitorsoftheoriginallyProtestantnewspaperTrouwand
thepoliticallyleft‐wingdeVolkskranttorethinktheiroveralldirection,refashionthe
papers’profiles,andtherebyfundamentallyreconsidertheorganizationalidentityofeach.
Iwasinterestedinthisintenseprocessofrenewedmeaning‐making,askinghowthat
collectiveidentitycametoberepresentedintheeverydaydiscourseofnewspapereditors
nowth
attheseinstitutionswerecutloosefromtheirideologicalmoorings.
ThroughouttheresearchI‘followed’particularissues,events,persons,andtexts.
ShadowingtheDayChiefand,subsequently,theNightChiefintheearlyweeksofmy
fieldwork,forinstance,providedanexcellent,16‐hour‐longintroductionintotheeditorial
processandthetime‐pressures,groupsofprofessionals,andcontentdemandsitinvolved.
Identitydiscoursewascommonlypresentineverydaydiscussionsaboutactualpractices
andnewspapercontents,andIcloselyfolloweddebatesaboutparticularidentity‐sensitive
(andheavilydiscussed)issues,suchasthatfront‐pagearticleatTrouworthejournalistic
‘profile’ofthenewweeklyVolkskrantmagazine.Usingthediscursiveinteractionsover
theseissuesastableauxvivantinmywritingandtreatingthemasa‘totalsocialfact’
(Mauss1990[1925])–acomprehensivesocialeventthatopensupwindowsonarangeof
relatedmicro‐eventsandbroadercontingencies–allowedmetotracethedifferentthreads
–professional,political,ideological,commercial–oftheprocessofidentityformation
knottedtogetherintheseissuesorincidents.Followingissues,events,persons,andtexts
onthemoveallowedmeinmyresearchnarrativetoprovideaviewof‘theinside’or,more
accurately,themultipleinsidesofidentityformationprocesses,whilesimultaneously
sketchingthewidercontextsinwhichthese‘insides’wereembedded(thesecondaspectof
organizationalethnographydescribedabove).InSergioLeonefilmicfashion,Ialternated
‘extremeclose‐ups’that‘zoomin’onpersons‐in‐(inter)action,withtheirdetailedfacial
expressions,gestures,talk,andintonation,with‘wide‐angle’or‘longshots’that‘zoomout’
andshowpanoramicviewsofinstitutionalcontexts,historicalbackgrounds,power
relations,andsocietaldiscourses(cf.Nicolini2009).
10
11
Influencedbythe‘linguisticturn’inthesocialsciencesandorganizationalstudies’
growinginterestinidentityissues,Iadoptedadiscourseanalyticalapproach.Havingread
literaturethattheorizessocial,ethnic,andorganizationalidentitiesintermsofcontinuity,
distinctivenessandcohesion,includingdescribingorganizationalmembers’firm
positioningofasharedandstablecollectiveselfvis‐à‐viscompetitorsorclients,Iwas
surprisedtonoticethateditorsdidnottrytorestoreorshoreuptheirprecarious,non‐
cohesive,collectiveselves.Instead,theyclaimedthatneithertheideologicalcontentof
theirnewspapernorthesymbolicboundariesbetweendifferentnewspaperscoulddefine
theircollectiveidentityinaclear,unifying,historicallyconsistentway.Ratherthanimpress
anoutsideworldofcompetitors,readersorthegeneralpublicbymakingself‐praising
comparisonswith‘others’(asisusuallydescribedintheidentityliterature),theeditors
emphasizedhistoricaldiscontinuities,theincreasingindistinctivenessofthenewspaper
vis‐à‐visitscompetitors,andtheloomingdangeroflosingthecompetitionwiththose
‘others’.Acondensedexplanationforwhytheeditorsengagedinthisunexpectedrhetoric
restsontheirfeltneedtostressthedramaofthesituation,toexpresstheirhopesandfears,
ndtosellachangeprocessortoresistit(Ybema2010).
emakinginlocalgovernment
a
2.Sens (MerlijnvanHulst)
Betweentheendof2003andthebeginningof2006,Iconductedethnographic
fieldworkintwoDutchmunicipalities(vanHulst2008a).Ihadnoformalpositioninthe
localgovernmentsunderstudy,butmyresearchroleandworkweresupportedbythe
administratorsandannouncedinalettertomunicipalemployeesandcouncilmembers.
Eachmunicipalityprovidedadeskandaccesstoalmostallmeetingsandarchives.After
awhileIbegantositinontheweeklymeetingsofeachboardofaldermenwiththeir
respectivemayors.Thisgaveme,ontheonehand,anoverviewofthingshappeningineach
placeand,ontheother,asortoffieldworkrhythm.IneachmunicipalityIdecidedtozoom
inontwopoliticalandadministrativeprocessesthatpeopleIspoketoregardedashighly
relevan
ferentgroupsandindividualsmadetheirowninterpretationsofevents.
Beinginthefieldopeneddoorstoallkindsofdataanddatasourcesthatwould
otherwisehavebeenhardtoget.Theseincludedmeetingsthatwereclosedtothegeneral
public,informaldocuments,likeleafletsorhandwrittenspeeches,andunplannedcasual
conversationsatthephotocopymachine.InbothmunicipalitiesIobtainedcopiesofalarge
numberandvarietyofdocuments:agendasandminutesofmeetings,policydocuments,
politicians’speeches,localandregionalnewspaperarticles,textsonmunicipality
webpages,materialsonpoliticalparties’websites,politicalpamphlets,andpolitical
programs.Inaddition,Ihadmanyconversationswithactorsinvolvedinorknowledgeable
12
ttothatmunicipality.
Althoughthefieldworkwashostedbyformalorganizations,thelocalbureaucracies
ofthetwotowns,myfocusonsense‐makingprocessestookmebeyondtheboundariesof
theseorganizations.Iobservedmeetingsofthemunicipalities’managementteams,mostof
thetowncouncilmeetings,andmanymeetingsofthevariouscouncilcommittees.In
additiontomeetingstakingplacewithinthemunicipalities,Ibecameinterestedin
presentationsofplanstomembersofthepublicoutsidethetownhalls.Ialsovisited
meetingsofpoliticalparties,soundingboards,andaneighbourhoodcommitteetofindout
howdif
13
abouttheissuesunderstudy.Thecharacter,duration,timeandlocationofthese
conversationsdiffered.Mosttypicalweretheshortchatsinthehallwaysofthetownhalls
beforeoraftermeetingsandduringbreaks,longerconversationsduringlunchesand
dinners,andformal,open‐endedinterviewsinofficesandatpeople’shomes.Requiring
manyhoursinthefield,ethnographicfieldworkplacesdemandsontheresearcher’ssocial
andimprovisationalskills.Overall,ethnographicfieldworkofferedthepossibilityof
personallyexperiencingeventstakingplaceandprocessesunfolding(seealsovanHulst
2008b),andobservationmadeitpossibletogeneratedatathatwouldhavebeen
imposs
ibletofindindocumentsandhardtogatherthroughinterviewingalone.
Onatheoreticallevel,thefieldworkenabledmetomovefrom‘culture’to‘narrative’.
Myinitialresearchpuzzlehadconcernedcultureinlocalgovernment.WhenIstudied
organizationalanthropologyinthesecondhalfofthe1990s,theconceptofcultureas
somethingsharedandstablewasnolongertheonlyviewinorganizationalstudies.
However,explainingthistopublicadministrationresearchersandpoliticalscientists,
especially,wasnotalwayseasy,duetotheirdisciplines’differentorientations.Following
organizationalscientistslikeLindaSmircich(1983),Idefinedorganizationalcultureasa
processofsense‐making.WhilewritingabouttheissuesIstudiedinthefirsttown,
however,Istumbleduponaconceptthatwasevenmorehelpfulin‘seeing’whatwasgoing
onthere:storytelling.AsIenteredmysecondfieldworkperiod,thatconcepthelpedme
understandmoreclearlyhowtheexperiencesIencounteredduringvariousformsof
observation,conversationandreadingconnectedpeopleinthefieldtoeachother,aswell
asmyselfasresearchertothefield.
14
3.Implementingpublicpoliciesthroughorganizations(DvoraYanow)
Between1972‐1975IworkedinaseriesofrolesintwoCommunityCenters,partof
agovernmentcorporationinIsrael,intwodifferenttowns,returningin1980‐81for6
months’follow‐upobservation,interviewing,anddocumentanalysisfromabaseadjacent
tothenationalheadquarters(Yanow1996).Bothtownswereimmigranttownsremote
fromurbancenters,andtheagency’sraisond’êtrewastoprovidenon‐formaleducational
andculturalactivities–language,cooking,andphotographycourses,folkdancing,tennis,
etc.–leadingtoresidents’integrationintothestateandadoptionofitsnationalcultural
ethos.AsaCommunityOrganizer,myfirstrole,apositionfundedbytheHousingMinistry,
mysupervisorineachCenterhadmemapeachtownanditsneighbourhoods,notingthe
typeandconditionofhousingandinfrastructure(poorlighting,badsewerage,uncollected
garbage),thelocationsofservices(thetownhallanditsdepartments;banks,grocery
stores,markets,synagogues;youth,sports,union,andotherkindsofclubsandsocialhalls;
andsoon),andresidents’demographiccharacteristics(yearofimmigration,ethnicgroup,
familysize,ages,etc.).AtonepointIbecameActingDirectorofthesecondCenter,
subsequentlybecomingdirectoroftwodepartments.Ialsobecameamemberofthe
corporation’snationaladvisorygroup,givingmeanoverviewofthelargeroperation.When
Ireturnedforthefollow‐upstudy,itwasasanon‐participatingobserver.
Myresearchquestiongrewoutoftheinitialexperience:whywasitsodifficultfor
mycommunityorganizercolleaguesandmyselftoaccomplishinthefieldwhatwethought
wehadaclearnationalmandatefor?Myundergraduatebackgroundinpoliticalscienceled
15
metoframemyresearchasapolicyimplementationstudy,astheCommunityCenterswere
implementingnationalpublicpolicy.Tounderstandimplementation,Ineededtoknow
somethingaboutorganizations,theentitieschargedwithputtingpolicyintopractice.Yet
existingimplementationandorganizationaltheories,emphasizingrational‐technical
decision‐makingandinstrumentalgoal‐setting,didnothelpmeunderstandmyownlived
experience.USsocialscienceswerethenopeninguptosciencestudies,hermeneuticsand
phenomenology,andwhatcametobecalled‘theinterpretiveturn’,andthesereadings(e.g.,
Kuhn1962/1970,BergerandLuckmann1966,Geertz1973)ledmetoothersinsymbolic‐
culturalanthropologyandthephilosophyof(social)science.Icametoseetheeventsand
circumstancesIwasstudyingasentailingthecommunicationofpolicyandorganizational
meaningsthroughlanguage(especiallytheorganization’snameandanorganizational
metaphor),materialobjects(thecenterbuildingsandtheirdesignandprograms),andacts
(organizationalritualsandtheirmyth‐likecomponents).Implementation,Isaw,was
enabledorconfoundedbyoverlapsordifferencesbetweenpolicyandorganizational
founders’andleaders’intendedmeanings,embeddedinandcommunicatedthroughthose
elements,andtownresidents’andothers’own‘readings’ofthoseelementsandtheir
meanings.
Giventheresearchfocusonmeaning,Icannotimagineconductingthestudyinany
otherway.Mytheorizinggrewoutoftheobservations,experiences,readings,and
conversationsthatIhadonsite,informedbyknowledgeoftheorganization’shistoryand
sociopoliticalcontextandbythetheoreticalliterature’sdebates.Experienceinthefirst
Centeraddedacomparativeangle.Without‘beingthere’,experiencingtheorganization,
thetowns,theirphysicallayoutandproblems,andtheirresidents’waysoflife,Iwould
nothaveunderstoodthefounder’sstatementthatthe‘communitycenterwouldbea
functionalsupermarket’–Ineededtoknowwhat‘supermarket’meanttopeoplethereat
thattimetounderstanditsmeaningincommunitycenterterms.AsIwasinterestedin
present‐dayproblems,historical‐archivalanalysis,whileengaging,wouldhavebeen
insufficient,evenwithinterviews;norwouldasurveyhaveenabledmetoexplorethe
relational
Theseresearchexamplesilluminatethreeissuesonthemethodologicaltabletoday:
ethnography‘s‘multi‐sitedness’;reflexivity,includingontheresearcher’spositionality;and
theintrinsicallyrelationalcharacterofethnographicfieldwork.
16
meaning‐focusedquestionsIwasinterestedin.
Thedisadvantageswerepersonal,ratherthanmethods‐relatedinthenarrowsense.
Beingonlocationinremotesettings,letalone‘foreign’ones,forextendedperiodsoftime,
separatedfromfamilyandfriendsandone’sfamiliarwayofliving,isnoteasy.The
literaturehasnotspokenmuchoftheemotionalstrainofprolongedfieldresearch(butsee
OrtbalsandRincker2009),letaloneofthesexualandotherphysicalaspectsthatcanpose
‘challenges’–relationshipsbetweenresearchersandresearched;harassmentoffemale
researchers;being‘out’inthefield(seeLewinandLeap1996);mobilityandother
problemsof‘wheelchairedness’(MikeDuijn,personalcommunication,2009);theaging
ieldresearcherandotherbodily,emotional,mentalorsociallimitations.
f
IV.Contemporaryissuesinorganizationalethnography:Multisited,reflexive,and
17
1.‘Multi‐sited’ethnography.Thesettingsoftraditionalethnographyhadadistinctive
character:thelocationswererelativelybounded–orappearedthatway.Morerecently,
anthropologistshavestartedspeakingof‘multi‐sited’ethnography,itsmarking
underscoringthedifferenceinthisconceptualization.Ourexamplessuggest,however,that
inorganizationalethnography,multi‐sitednessisthenorm;itmayevenbeoneofits
distinctivecharacteristics,asorganizationalethnographerstypicallyfollowactors,actions,
artefacts,andtheideastheyembodyandreflect.Followingthesetravellingideas,persons,
andsoforthleadsresearcherstodifferentorganization‐relatedsites,especiallywhen
conceivingoforganizationsasloosely‐coupledsystems,inter‐organizationalfieldsor
networks.WeseethisinYbema’sfollowingofthenewspapereditors’work,decisions,
rituals,rumours,discussionsandthereport,newlogo,frontpage,product,etc.;invan
Hulst’sfollowingofactorsandactsbothinternalandexternaltothemunicipalities;andin
Yanow’strailingofself‐containedCentersandtheparentorganization,aswellasof
oversightministries,fundingagenciesandoverseasdonorsandideas.Orr(1996)followed
copiertechniciansvisitingclientsandmeetingcolleaguesinmultiplelocationsfarfromthe
corporation’scentraloffice.Indeed,such‘following’canmaketheresearchprocessseemto
meander,challengingtheresearchertotravelwithortrailissues,personsortextsto
variouslocations.Evenifoneremainswithinthewallsofasingleorganization,‘mapping’
acrossitsdepartmentsandhierarchicallevelsoneisperforceengagedina‘multi‐sited’
tudy.
s
1
2.Reflexivityandpositionality
8
.Reflexivity,includingontheresearcher’s‘positionality’,is
increasinglycentraltoethnographicresearch,inparticularthatinformedbya
constructivist‐interpretivistmethodologyinwhichresearcher‘objectivity’isnot[assumed
tobe]present.Thiscastsinheightenedreliefthematterof‘truthclaims’andwhat
positivist‐informedresearchcallstheir‘validity’and‘reliability’.Asthoseterms
encapsulatethenotionthatresearchcanmirrortheworldbeingobserved,theyareless
appropriateforassessingresearchthatproceedsfromaconstructivist‐interpretivist
perspective.Ratherthanseeingdataasexistingindependentlyoftheresearcher,waitingin
‘thefield’tobediscovered,interpretiveethnographerslookathowhappenstanceshaped
theiraccesstovariousorganizationalparts,persons,documents,etc.Thetruthclaims
questionpivotstohowbothdataandanalysesweregeneratedanddeveloped,requiring
reflectivetransparencyonresearchers’positionalityintwosenses:their‘geographic’
locationwithintheorganization,andtheirdemographiccharacteristics,eitherofwhich
mightshapeaccessandsight,enablingsomethingswhilelimitingothers.Ratherthan
seeingthemselvesasobjective,uninvolveddiscoverersofpre‐existingdata,interpretive
ethnographersseethemselvesasactivelyinvolvedinthe(co‐)constructionofthosedata,
andtheyseetheirnarrativesasalsoconstructingtheorganizational‘realities’theyreport.
Whilereflectingonthesematterscouldcertainlybepartofthefieldresearchitself,such
reflexivityisprimarilymarshalledonthewrittenpage.
Location‐basedpositionalityisamatterofparticularconcerninorganizational
ethnography,giventhelinksbetweenhierarchy,knowledge,andpower.Researcherswho
immersethemselvesin‘beingthere’makethemselvesmorelikelytobeassociatedwithor
19
drawnintoaparticularperspective.TheCommunityCenterstudy’ssecondphase
illustratesonedimensionofthisproblematic:perceivingYanowas‘comingfromagency
Headquarters’becauseshewaslocatednearby,localCenterstaffattimestreatedthe
researchvisitasanopportunitytoputaparticularfaceonwhatwassaidandshown,
thinkingitawaytoconveymessagestotheCEO(despitethefactthatshehadnosuch
accesstohim).Inthenewspapercase,positionalitywasinterpretedinprofessionalterms:
somejournalistsseemedhighlysuspiciousthatYbemawouldwanttomakeheadlineswith
hisresearch,injournalisticfashion.Toovercomethis,hepositionedhimselfassomeone
notinterestedinheadlinesandscoops,whose(academic)bookwouldnotbeoutforat
leastayeartocome(whichmadethemmorecooperative,albeitpuzzledatthevalueof
such‘outdated’data).ForvanHulst,akindoflocationalpositionalityemergedinoneboard
meetingwhencivilservantswereaskedtoleavetheroomsothatboardmemberscould
haveaprivateconversation.Ashepackedhisethnographer’sgeartoleave,too,oneofthe
boardmembersannounced:‘Researcher‐of‐the‐administrationstays’.Whileexperiencing
thisasbothsurpriseandhonour,vanHulstnotedthetrickinessofsuchapositioning,
whichmightaffecthisabilitytotakeacriticalstancetowardthoseinpower.Geographic
positionalitycanalsobeamatterofthe(in)sightaffordedbydifferentlocations,asPachirat
(2009)documentswithhispromotionfromslaughterhousefloortoQualityControl.
Initsdemographicsense,positionalityentailsthegender,race‐ethnic,class,age,
sexuality,andothercharacteristicsthatcanaffectaresearcher’saccesstocertainsituations
and/or(categoriesof)persons,others’sense‐makingoftheresearcher,andthe
researcher’sabilitytounderstandothers’experiences.Shehata(2006),forinstance,
documentshowhisbirthplace,educationalattainment,socio‐economicbackground,
gender,andreligiousaffiliationshapedhowhewasperceivedontheshopfloor,whathe
wasallowedtodoandkeptfromdoing,andthekindsofsettingshecouldandcouldnot
enter.Interpretiveethnographersareincreasinglyexpectedtoprovidegreater
transparencyconcerningtheirmethodsandtheirpositionality,inallsensesoftheterm,as
wayofsupportingthetruthclaimstheyadvance.
20
a
3.‘ButIthoughtwewerefriends?!’andotherissuesintherelationalcharacterofresearch.
Explicitrecognitionoftherelationalcharacteroffieldworkisincreasing,andalongwithit
bothethicalandmethodologicalimplications.Tobeginwith,ethnographersnegotiate
‘access’totheirresearchsites;butwhereasthistraditionallywasseenasakindof
‘knockingontheadministrativeand/orchief’sdoor’,todayitisincreasinglyseenasa
matterofestablishingandsustainingrelationshipsovertime.Thismakesaccessmorethan
aone‐shotpermissionalactivity,astheessaysinFeldmanetal.(2003)makeclear.
Moreover,fieldwork‘friendships’requirecare,includingmakingdecisionsabouthow
instrumentallytotreatthosewhomresearchersencounterorseekoutintheconductofthe
research:thereisadifferencebetweenconceivingofsituationalactorsaspropertiesofthe
researcher(‘my’informants)andtreatingtheminBuberian‘I‐Thou’fashion.Whatwill
happentofieldworkrelationshipswhentheresearcherconcludeshis/hertimeinthefield?
Andwhatslightsorbetrayalsmightbringasituationalmembertoexclaim,inangerand/or
anguish,‘ButIthoughtwewerefriends?!’(Beechetal.2009).
Asecondaspectoftherelationalcharacterofethnographicresearchlinksto
21
epistemologicalconcerns:theresearcher’sneedtobecomeasfamiliaraspossiblewiththe
localcultureinordertounderstanditsworkings,whilemaintainingenough
epistemological‘stranger‐ness’thatrecognitionofthecommonsense,theeveryday,the
unspoken/unwritten,andthetacitretainsitsanalyticpurchase(see,e.g.,Ybemaand
Kamsteeg2009).Thewaysofknowingandkindsofknowledgeentailedinthisbalancing
havebeencalledemic/etic(seeHeadland,Pike,andHarris1990),insider/outsider(e.g.,
BartunekandLouis1996),experience‐near/experience‐distant(Geertz1973).ForYbema,
forinstance,workingtoremainarelative‘outsider’tothenewspaperandtopreservesome
oftheinitialsurprisewasasimportantasworkingtobecomean‘insider’andtoachieve
immersion.Thelongtimeittookhimtounderstandtheimplicationsofhisobservations
wasfrustrating,butitwasonlythroughtakingseriouslyhisownbewildermentthatnew
insight
semerged.
Someconfusionhasdeveloped,however,particularlyinorganizationalstudies,
concerningwhatitmeanstobean‘insider’asaresearcher.Istheaimtrulytoloseone’s
‘outsider’status?Isthatevenconceivable?Theontologicalpossibilityoforganizational
‘outsiders’becoming‘insiders’astheyseektoaddlocal,emicknowledgetotheory‐rooted
eticknowledgeisfarmorefraughtthanhasbeenacknowledgedtodate.Insider/outsider
objectifieslocal‘informants’,treatingthemasameanstowardtheresearcher’sendsin
waysthatnullifytherelationalcharacteroffieldresearch.Ontheepistemologicalsideof
things,emic/eticreifiesthenotionthat‘local’knowledgeand‘theoretical’knowledgeare
separatekinds.Ininteraction,thetwotermpairsnegatethehermeneutic‐
phenomenologicalnotionthatknowledge,orunderstanding,isco‐createdininteraction
betweenresearchersandtheirsituationalpartners,neitherofwhomcanbecomethe
other(withthepossibleexceptionof‘nativeanthropologists’,Narayan1993;Nenceland
anow2008).Onthis,furthertheorizingiscalledfor.
22
Y
Vorganizationalethnography?.Why
Toconclude,weengagethematterofwhatmightleadanorganizationalresearcher
toundertakeanethnographicstudy.Currentmethodologicaldebatesoftenstipulatethat
thechoiceofmethodshouldbedrivenbytheresearchquestion,ratherthanviceversa.
Althoughinsympathywiththisargument,wethinkitshortchangesthematterinimplying
thatmethodsarechoseninanentirelyrationalfashion.Ourownresearchandteaching
experiencessuggest,instead,thatresearchquestionsandmethodsaremuchmore
mutuallyconstituted–andattimesaresointricatelyboundupwitheachotherastobe
inseparable.Oursenseofthislinksstronglytothethirdunderstandingofethnography
namedintheopeningsection.
Anethnographicsensibilityisnotsomethingthataresearcherjustsetsaside;
neitherisitsomethingthatonepicksupasonewouldselectamethodfroma‘toolbox’,a
commonmetaphorinmethodstextbooks.Atleastoneofuswouldwanttosaythather
question‐methodspacketchoseher,ratherthanviceversa–meaningthattheir
developmentwasintertwined,aswellasbeinglinkedtoher(unspoken)proclivities.For
anotherofus,traininginsurveyresearchandstatisticalanalyseshadprovidedlittle
knowledgeofotherresearchtraditions;still,hewasstronglydrawntoprocessesof
meaning‐makingandorganizationalpowergames,believingthesenotionswouldhelphim
2
understandwhat‘actually’wentonintheorganizationhewasstudying.Thispredilection
formeaning‐focusedresearchandqualitativemethodswasalsoinspiredbyopportunity
(goodaccesstoinnerdecision‐makingcircles)andsituation(strongdisagreements
3
surfacinginthefieldwhichwerehardtoignore).
Althoughthispositionmaybeinkeepingwithahermeneutic‐phenomenological
stance,itisdrivennotbyourphilosophicalpresuppositionsbutbyourlivedexperiences,
asbothresearchersandteachers,inwhichwehaveseenpeople,ourselvesincluded,drawn
toframingresearchquestionsinparticularwaysthatcallonparticularmethodsbecauseof
waysofseeingandknowingthatprecededtheresearchproject,reflectingsomethingmuch
deeperthanarational‐instrumentalchoiceoftool.
Ethnographicresearchisacomplexpractice.Althoughreadingaboutorganizational
ethnographyandreadingwell‐writtenorganizationalethnographiescandefinitelyhelp
researchersbecomegoodethnographers,itspracticeislargelylearnedthroughthedoing–
inthefield–asoneexperiencesanddevelopsacertainsensibilityfororganizational
ethnographyitself.Thissuggeststhatadiscussionofethnography’sadvantages‐
disadvantagesismisplacedtotheextentthatitrestsonthoseveryrationalconsiderations
andchoicesthatwethinkdonotwelldescribetheresearchexperience.Organizationaland
otherscholarsneed,instead,toknowwhatethnographicmethodsdowellandlesswelland
perhapstofocusmoreonenablingstudentsandcolleaguestorecognizetheirownpersonal
strengthsandlimitationsandhowthosemightplayoutintheconductofethnographic
search.
re
24
A
Vfurtherreading
Attentiontoorganizationalethnographyhasrecentlytakenoff,garneringattention
throughworkshops,conferences,journalspecialissues,andmethods‐focusedbooks,
leadingustoanticipateasurgeinmonographs.Kunda(1992)andOrr(1996)remainthe
mostcitedasleadingexemplarsofthegenre.Forintroductionstoorganizational
ethnographicmethodsandmethodologicalconcerns,seeNeyland(2007),Kostera(2007),
andYbemaetal.(2009).Thefirsttwoofthesefocusmoreonmethods,conveying
somethingofthe‘howto’ofethnographicresearch,withintroductorychaptersonculture,
ethnography,andorganizations(Kostera)andtreatmentsofthewholeresearchprocess
illustratedbyvariousorganizationalethnographies(Neyland).Thethirdismore
methodologicalinorientation;itbothintroducesandcriticallydiscussesvariouspractices
inorganizationalethnography,tacklingkeychallengesandmethodological,analytical,
(re)presentational,ethical,andsocialproblematicsthatariseinthedoingandwritingof
organizationalethnography.Foranoverviewofethnography’spastandpotential
contributionstoorganizationalstudies,seeFineetal.(2009).Whilenotspecificto
organizationalstudies,Atkinsonetal.(2001)isanoutstandingcollectionofessayson
ethodologicalissuesofconcerntoorganizationalethnographers.
I.For
m
References
lvesson,Mats(1996)Communication,powerandorganization.Berlin:DeGruyter.
Atkinson,Paul,Coffey,Amanda,Delamont,Sarah,Lofland,John,andLofland,Lynn(eds)
2001)Handbookofethnography.London:Sage.
25
(
Barley,Stephen(1983)‘Semioticsandthestudyofoccupationalandorganizational
ultures’,AdministrativeScienceQuarterly,28(3):393‐413.
c
Bartunek,JeanM.andLouis,MerylReis(1996)Insider/outsiderteamresearch.Thousand
aks,CA:Sage.
O
Bate,S.Paul(1997)‘Whateverhappenedtoorganizationalanthropology?’,Human
elations,50(9):1147‐71.
R
Beech,Nic,Hibbert,Paul,MacIntosh,Robert,andMcInnes,Peter(2009)“‘ButIthoughtwe
werefriends?”’,inSierkYbema,DvoraYanow,HarryWels,andFransKamsteeg(eds)
rganizationalethnography,196‐214.London:Sage.
O
Berger,PeterL.andLuckmann,Thomas(1966)Thesocialconstructionofreality.NewYork:
nchorBooks.
A
lau,Peter(1955)Thedynamicsofbureaucracy.Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress.
B
Brown,AndrewD.andHumphreys,Michael(2006)‘Epicandtragictales:Makingsenseof
change’,JournalofAppliedBehavioralScience,39(22):121‐44.
Feldman,MarthaS.,Bell,Jeannine,andBerger,MicheleTracy(eds)(2003)Gainingaccess.
26
ollinson,DavidL.(1992)Managingtheshopfloor.Berlin:DeGruyter.C
Cook,ScottD.andYanow,Dvora(2006/1993)‘Cultureandorganizationallearning’,in
BarbaraCzarniawska(ed.)Organizationtheory,vol.1,259‐76.Cheltenham,UK:Edward
Elgar.
rozier,Michel(1964)Thebureaucraticphenomenon.Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress.C
alton,Melville(1959)Menwhomanage.NewYork:Wiley.
D
Delbridge,Rick(1998)Lifeonthelineincontemporarymanufacturing.Oxford:Oxford
niversityPress.
U
Dubinskas,FrankA.(ed)(1988)Makingtime:Ethnographiesofhightechnology
rganizations.Philadelphia,PA:TempleUniversityPress.
o
ubois,Vincent(2010)Thebureaucratandthepoor.Aldershot:Ashgate.
D
27
alnutCreek,CA:Altamira.
Kondo,Dorinne(1990)Craftingselves.Chicago,IL:UniversityofChicagoPress.
W
Fine,GaryAlan,Morrill,CalvinandSurianarain,Sharmi(2009)‘Ethnographyin
organizationalsettings’,inDavidA.BuchananandAlanBryman(eds)TheSagehandbookof
rganizationalresearchmethods,602‐19.London:Sage.
o
Frost,PeterJ.,Martin,Joanne,Moore,LarryF.,Lundberg,CraigC.andLouis,MerylReis
eds)(1991)Reframingorganizationalculture.London:Sage.
(
eertz,Clifford(1973)Theinterpretationofcultures.NewYork:BasicBooks.
G
ouldner,AlvinW.(1954)Patternsofindustrialbureaucracy.NewYork:FreePress.
G
Headland,ThomasN.,Pike,KennethL.,andHarris,Marvin(eds)(1990)Emicsandetics:
Thensider/outsiderdebate.NewburyPark,CA:Sage.
i
Ingersoll,VirginiaHillandAdams,Guy(1992)Thetacitorganization.Greenwich,CT:JAI
ress.
P
aufman,Herbert(1960)Theforestranger.Baltimore,MD:JohnsHopkinsPress.K
Morey,NancyC.andLuthans,Fred(1987)‘Anthropology:Theforgottenbehavioralscience
28
ostera,Monika(2007)Organisationalethnography.Lund:StudentlitteraturAB.K
Kuhn,Thomas(1970)Thestructureofscientificrevolutions,2nded.Chicago:Universityof
hicagoPress.(1stedn,1962)
C
unda,Gideon(1992)Engineeringculture.Philadelphia,PA:TempleUniversityPress.
K
Lewin,EllenandLeap,WilliamL.(eds)(1996)Outinthefield.Urbana:UniversityofIllinois
ress.
P
auss,Marcel(1990)Thegift.London:Routledge.(1stedn,1925)
M
ayo,Elton(1933)Thehumanproblemsofindustrialcivilization.NewYork:Macmillan.
M
Miettinen,Reijo,Samra‐Fredericks,Dalvir,andYanow,Dvora(2009)‘Re‐turntopractice’,
rganizationStudies,30(12):1309–27.
O
Mintzberg,Henry(1970)‘Structuredobservationasamethodtostudymanagerialwork’,
ournalofManagementStudies,7(1):87‐104.
J
29
inmanagementhistory’,inFrankHoy,ed.,BestPapersProceedingsofthe47thAnnual
AcademyofManagement,128‐132.Athens,GA:UniversityofGeorgia.
Meetingofthe
Narayan,Kirin(1993)‘Hownativeisa“native”anthropologist?’,AmericanAnthropologist,
5:671‐86.
9
Nencel,LorraineandYanow,Dvora(2008)‘Onmethodologicalrelics:Reconsideringetic
outsiders,emicinsiders,andfieldworkrelationships’.PresentedattheEuropean
ssociationofSocialAnthropologists,Ljubljana(26‐30August).
A
eyland,Daniel(2008)Organizationalethnography.London:Sage.N
Nicolini,Davide(2009)‘Zoominginandzoomingout:Apackageofmethodandtheoryto
studyworkpractices’,inSierkYbema,DvoraYanow,HarryWels,andFransKamsteeg(eds)
rganizationalethnography,120‐38.London:Sage.
O
Nicolini,Davide,Gherardi,Silvia,andYanow,Dvora(2003)‘Towardapractice‐basedview
ofknowingandlearninginorganizations’,inKnowinginorganizations:Apracticebased
pproach,3‐31.Armonk,NY:MESharpe.
a
rr,Julian(1996)Talkingaboutmachines.NewYork,NY:CornellUniversityPress.O
Ortbals,CandiceD.andRincker,MegE.(eds)(2009)‘Fieldwork,identities,and
ntersectionality:Asymposium’,
30
iPS:PoliticalScience&Politics42(2):287‐385.
Pader,Ellen(2006)‘Seeingwithanethnographicsensibility’,inDvoraYanowand
PeregrineSchwartz‐Shea(eds)Interpretationandmethod,161‐75.Armonk,NY:ME
harpe.
S
Prasad,AnshumanandPrasad,Pushkala(2002)‘Thecomingofageofinterpretive
rganizationalresearch’,OrganizationalResearchMethods,5(1):4‐11.
o
Rabinow,PaulandSullivan,WilliamM.(eds)(1979,1985)Interpretivesocialscience,1st
nd2ndeds.Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress.
a
Reed,Michael(2006)‘Organizationaltheorizing’,inStewartR.Clegg,CynthiaHardy,Thomas
B.LawrenceandWalterR.Nord(eds)TheSagehandbookoforganizationstudies,2ndedn,19‐
4.London:Sage.
5
osen,Michael(2000)Turningwords,spinningworlds.Amsterdam:Harwood.R
oy,Donald(1960)‘Bananatime’,HumanOrganization,18:156‐68.R
31
Salemink,Oscar(2003)‘Ethnography,anthropologyandcolonialdiscourse’,inThe
thnographyofVietnam'sCentralHighlanders,1‐39.London:RoutledgeCurzon.
VanMaanen,John(1979)‘Thefactoffictioninorganizationalethnography’,Administrative
e
chwartzman,HelenB.(1993)Ethnographyinorganizations.NewburyPark,CA:Sage.
S
elznick,Philip(1949)TVAandthegrassroots.Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress.
S
Shehata,Samer(2006)‘Ethnography,identity,andtheproductionofknowledge’,inDvora
YanowandPeregrineSchwartz‐Shea(eds)Interpretationandmethod,244‐63.Armonk,NY:
ESharpe.
M
Smircich,Linda(1983)‘Studyingorganizationsascultures’,inGarethMorgan(ed)Beyond
ethod,160‐72.London:Sage.
m
tein,SandraJ.(2004)Thecultureofeducationpolicy.NewYork:TeachersCollegePress.S
anHulst,MerlijnJ.(2008a)Townhalltales.Delft:Eburon.v
vanHulst,MerlijnJ.(2008b)‘Quiteanexperience:Usingethnographytostudylocal
overnment’,CriticalPolicyAnalysis,2(2):143‐59.
g
32
ScienceQuarterly,24:539‐50.
anMaanen,John(1988)Talesofthefield.Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress.
V
VanMaanen,John(1995)‘Anendtoinnocence:Theethnographyofethnography’,in
epresentationinethnography,1‐35.ThousandOaks,CA:Sage.
R
atson,Tony(1994)Insearchofmanagement.London:Routledge.W
eick,Karl(1979)Thesocialpsychologyoforganizing,2ndedn.NewYork:McGrawHill.
W
Whyte,WilliamF.(1948)Humanrelationsintherestaurantindustry.NewYork:
cGraw‐Hill.
M
Yanow,Dvora(1996)Howdoesapolicymean?Washington,DC:GeorgetownUniversity
ress.
P
anow,Dvora(2000)Conductinginterpretivepolicyanalysis.NewburyPark,CA:Sage.
Y
Ybema,Sierk(2003)Dekoersvandekrant:VertogenoveridentiteitbijTrouwende
Volkskrant[Discoursesontraditionandtransition:Conflictaboutthenewspaper’sidentity
amongeditorsofTrouwanddeVolkskrant].Amsterdam:VUUniversityAmsterdam.
33
bema,Sierk(2010)‘Talkofchange’,OrganizationStudies31(4):481‐503.
Y
Ybema,SierkandKamsteeg,Frans(2009)‘Makingthefamiliarstrange’,inS.Ybemaetal.
eds)Organizationalethnography,101‐19.London:Sage.
(
Ybema,Sierk,Yanow,Dvora,Wels,Harry,andKamsteeg,Frans(2009)‘Studyingeveryday
organizationallife’,inS.Ybemaetal.(eds)Organizationalethnography,1‐20.London:Sage.