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De Collectieve Winkelontzegging

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... As a result of the reputed success, more and more cities are introducing the measure, as well as original expansions on it such as cinema and tram bans. Nowadays, Amsterdam, Apeldoorn, Arnhem, Beverwijk, Den Helder, Deventer, Eindhoven, Gouda, Heerlen, Helmond, Leeuwarden, Leiden, Leidschendam, Rotterdam, and Utrecht have either introduced this policy or have advanced-stage plans to do so (Wesselink et al., 2009). ...
... Powers granted by the shops ban are not set out in the legal code, but instead are found in a covenant entered into between the participating parties at a local level. Therefore, it is possible to deny a person entrance to a shop on the grounds of local rules and regulations (Wesselink et al., 2009). This means that shopkeepers are responsible for imposing a denial of entrance to their shops. ...
... Buiten het formele recht om is het dus mogelijk een preventieve maatregel op te leggen die zelfs kan uitmonden in strafrechtelijke handhaving bij overtreding van de CHO. In Nederland komt de CHO dicht in de buurt bij de instelling van een Collectieve Winkelontzegging (CWO) (Wesselink, Schuilenburg & Van Calster, 2009). Wordt iemand op winkeldiefstal betrapt, dan kan hij of zij via een CWO voor alle aangesloten winkels een toegangsverbod opgelegd krijgen dat, afhankelijk van de geleden schade, enkele maanden tot een jaar kan duren. ...
... Over the past 6 years, my colleagues and I have researched and written about the empirical practice of community safety in the Netherlands (e.g., [14,[38][39][40][41]). Whereas tackling these forms of insecurity is mainly seen as one of the duties of the Dutch state, the clear demarcation of governmental tasks and tasks of other parties is coming under increasing pressure. ...
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Chapter 1 introduces two paradigms used in the governance of security--one based on punishment and the other on risk. The main argument of the book is that the governance of security in modern society is increasingly oriented around the paradigm of risk. In chapter 2, the authors outline the eight general dimensions of governance and illustrate how the governance of security in contemporary societies has been changing along each of these dimensions. Understanding these changes requires an understanding that the distinctions commonly made between “public” and “private” spheres are increasingly problematic. Chapter 3 explores the role of punishment in the governance of security. The authors examine the punishment mentality and argue that this mentality is grounded in past events, emphasizes coercive physical force, and involves direct governance through the state. Chapter 4 focuses on the modern police institution, arguing that while the institutions and technologies of policing have changed, it is still linked to the underlying mentality of punishment. This chapter also explores the recent shift from punishment-centered to problem-oriented modes of security governance. Chapter 5 explores how risk management has developed with the corporate sector, including an examination of its philosophy, techniques, and practices. Chapter 6 illustrates how Zero-Tolerance Policing (ZTP) is informed by the old punishment paradigm while at the same time displaying key elements of the new risk paradigm. They focus on a single example--ZTP in Middlesbrough, England. Chapter 7 reviews some of the key changes in security governance by focusing on Britain as an exemplar of “the new security governance.” The final chapter presents the model of “nodal governance,” using the Zwelethemba model as an example of how a nodal approach can restructure relations between security and justice. Nodal approaches to security governance are becoming more apparent and deserve serious consideration.
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