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I Don’t Know Anything About Soccer: How Personal Weaknesses and Strengths Guide Inferences About Women’s Qualification in Sex-Typed Jobs

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Abstract

A great deal of research has been dedicated to the difficulties women face in business management domains because they lack the required "masculinity" in terms of masculine skills and traits. Previous work has shown that when males are judged, failures in typical feminine tasks can signal high masculinity and can therefore become an asset in terms of attributed occupational success in a typical masculine job (i.e., manager position). However, jobs at lower levels of organizational hierarchies differ in their trait requirements, with some jobs requiring mostly typical feminine traits and others mostly typical masculine traits. The present study therefore tested and found support for the hypothesis that personal weaknesses and strengths in a feminine or masculine domain guide recruiters’ inferences about a candidate’s gender prototypicality. These inferences, in turn, predict job-suitability ratings for sex-typed jobs. It is shown that for women, too, stating weaknesses can sometimes be more advantageous than stating strengths.
M.-A. Reinhard et al.: Inferences About Women ’s Qualification in Sex-Typed JobsSwissJ. Psychol. 70 (3) © 2011 by Verlag Hans Huber, Hogrefe AG, Bern
Original Communication
“I Don’t Know Anything About Soccer”
How Personal Weaknesses and Strengths Guide
Inferences About Women’s Qualification in Sex-Typed Jobs
Marc-And Reinhard, Simon Schindler, Dagmar Stahlberg,
Matthias Messner, and Nadine Mucha
University of Mannheim, Germany
Swiss Journal of Psychology, 70 (3), 2011, 149–154
DOI 10.1024/1421-0185/a000050
Abstract. A great deal of research has been dedicated to the difficulties women face in business management domains because they lack
the required “masculinity” in terms of masculine skills and traits. Previous work has shown that when males are judged, failures in typical
feminine tasks can signal high masculinity and can therefore become an asset in terms of attributed occupational success in a typical
masculine job (i.e., manager position). However, jobs at lower levels of organizational hierarchies differ in their trait requirements, with
some jobs requiring mostly typical feminine traits and others mostly typical masculine traits. The present study therefore tested and found
support for the hypothesis that personal weaknesses and strengths in a feminine or masculine domain guide recruiters’ inferences about
a candidate’s gender prototypicality. These inferences, in turn, predict job-suitability ratings for sex-typed jobs. It is shown that for women,
too, stating weaknesses can sometimes be more advantageous than stating strengths.
Keywords: stereotypes, gender typicality, personal weaknesses and strengths, job suitability, sex-typed jobs
In most organizations, selection interviews are an impor-
tant instrument for screening and hiring job candidates.
One of the most frequent questions interviewers ask is
about personal strengths and weaknesses (e.g., Püttjer &
Schnierda, 2008). In this study, we want to investigate what
kinds of strengths and weaknesses result in higher levels of
perceived job suitability and, further, whether stating a
weakness can sometimes be more advantageous than stat-
ing a strength.
Past research has led us to conclude that interviewers’
hiring decisions are affected by stereotypical beliefs about
the job requirements and stereotypical beliefs about the at-
tributes of the applicant. The lack-of-fit model (Heilman,
1983, 2001) postulates that typical masculine skills or
agentic traits (e.g., Eagly, 1987; Madera, Hebl, & Martin,
2009) are essential for performing a typical masculine job,
while typical feminine skills or communal traits are more
important for typical feminine jobs (e.g., Heilman, 2001;
Stahlberg & Sczesny, 2001). Correspondingly, research has
also demonstrated that if people are asked to predict the
occupational success of others in gender-typical domains,
differences based on a target’s gender typicality can be ex-
pected (e.g., Glick, Zion, & Nelson, 1988; Hareli, Klang,
& Hess, 2008; Ward, 1991). Hareli et al. (2008), for exam-
ple, found that hiring decisions were influenced by the de-
gree of femininity and masculinity attributed to male and
female candidates as inferred from their career history.
Whereas the presence of gender-typical traits seems to
be associated with proposed success in gender-appropriate
occupations, the absence of gender-atypical traits might
also foster perceptions of gender typicality (Hogg, 2006;
Reinhard, Stahlberg, & Messner, 2008). According to so-
cial identity theory, perceiving someone as a prototypical
exemplar of a group depends on meta-contrast-based per-
ceptions (e.g., Hogg, 2006). The more a person’s charac-
teristics fit the ingroup prototype, and the less they fit the
outgroup prototype, the more prototypical the person
seems to be for his or her ingroup. This means, for example,
that a man is likely to be evaluated as prototypically mas-
culine if he possesses typical masculine traits while simul-
taneously lacking typical feminine traits. This led to the
suggestion by Reinhard and colleagues (2008) that, while
successes and personal strengths might normally be evalu-
ated positively (e.g., Weiner & Kukla, 1970; Yarkin, Town,
& Wallston, 1982), failures or personal shortcomings can
sometimes serve equally positive evaluative functions.
This was expected to be true when personal shortcomings
(e.g., in skills, traits, knowledge) would indicate high group
prototypicality that, in turn, would be indicative for success
in certain domains. An interesting consequence of this rea-
soning is that men actually profit from being deficient in
feminine domains in terms of future career prospects (i.e.,
manager position) because failure in these domains renders
them highly masculine (failure-as-an-asset [FA] effect, see
Swiss J. Psychol. 70 (3) © 2011 by Verlag Hans Huber, Hogrefe AG, Bern
Reinhard et al., 2008). There is strong theoretical as well
as empirical consensus that typical masculine traits are
highly recommended for advancing in organizational hier-
archies (see the so-called “think-manager-think-male” ste-
reotype; Heilman, Martell, & Simon, 1988; Schein, 2001;
Stahlberg & Sczesny, 2001).
The current research focuses on the effect for feminine
targets, going beyond previous findings demonstrating an FA
effect for masculine targets concerning the global evaluation
of future career success. Based on the lack-of-fit framework
(Heilman, 1983, 2001), the prototypicality assumptions
(Hogg, 2006), and recent empirical evidence regarding the
FA concept (Reinhard et al.,2008), we suggest the following:
If,for example, feminine traits ratherthanmasculinetraits are
predictive of success in certain occupational domains (e.g.,in
a typical feminine job), it should be more advantageous for
women to state a masculine weakness than a masculine
strength. We assume this because a masculine weakness ren-
ders them highly feminine, which is in turn indicative for
success in female domains. This should be true especially in
the case of entry-level jobs, given that those jobs differ with
respect to required typical feminine or typical masculine
traits (see Matlin, 2003). Thus, we had two main hypotheses
(H1 & H2): First, women will be rated as more suitable for a
female-typed job (e.g., secretary) when they (a) have a
strength (vs. weakness) in a typical feminine domain (H1a;
e.g., very knowledgeable about interior decorating) or when
they (b) have a weakness (vs. strength) in a typical masculine
domain (H2b; e.g., uninformed about soccer). Second, wom-
en will be rated as being more suitable for a male-typed job
(e.g., car mechanic) when they (a) have a strength (vs. weak-
ness) in a typical masculine domain (H2a; e.g., expert in soc-
cer) or when they (b) have a weakness (vs. strength) in a
typical feminine domain (H2b; e.g., uninformed about interi-
or decorating). The perception of female prototypicality
should mediate suitability ratings for the typical feminine job
(H3a). Moreover, the perception of male prototypicality
should mediate suitability ratings for the typical male job
(H3b; see Reinhard et al., 2008). This is because femininity
should be more important than masculinity for the proper
execution of female-typed jobs, and, in turn, masculinity
shouldbe moreimportant thanfemininityfor male-typed jobs
(e.g., Glick et al., 1988; Hareli et al., 2008; Ward, 1991). The
crucial point is thatfemale (ormale) prototypicality isexpect-
ed to result not only from the presence of typical feminine (or
masculine) knowledge, but also from the absence of typical
masculine (or feminine) knowledge.
Method
Subjects and Design
According to the research assumption that experienced re-
cruiters are not superior to inexperienced recruiters, the de-
cision to use a student population is justified (Dipboye &
Jackson, 1999). Thus, subjects were 74 students (39 wom-
en, 35 men, M
age
= 23.96, SD = 3.07) at one of the leading
German universities for economics. Participation took 15
minutes, was paid, and voluntary. The experiment was con-
ducted in single sessions and followed a 2 (Sex type of job:
masculine vs. feminine) × 2 (Sex type of knowledge: fem-
inine vs. masculine) × 2 (Statement quality: personal weak-
ness vs. strength) between-subjects factorial design. Partic-
ipants were randomly assigned to experimental conditions.
Participant’s sex was controlled by assigning an equal
number of females and males to each condition.
Procedure
Depending on the experimental condition, participants eval-
uated a female candidate (named Petra S.) for an entry-level
position in public relations versus IT/software engineering
(i.e., feminine vs. masculine job) in an anonymous German
firm. Participants evaluations of Petra S. were based on an
alleged excerpt from the hiring interviewthathad supposedly
been conducted by the personnel manager after Petra S. had
applied for the job. The excerpt contained a question that is
one of the most frequent questions in selection interviews
(Püttjer & Schnierda, 2008): “Outside of the occupational
context, what personal weakness/strength do you have?” De-
pending on the experimental condition, Petra S. discussed
either a personal weakness or a strength concerning a femi-
nine or a masculine domain. After reading the excerpt, par-
ticipants were to evaluate Petra S. on several dimensions,
including her suitability for the job, her femininity, and her
masculinity. This procedure was successfully used in prior
research (Reinhard et al., 2008). Finally, all participants were
carefully debriefed and thanked for their participation.
Material
Job Descriptions
The masculine job was described as an entry-level position
in the field of information technology (IT)/software engi-
neering. The job posting introduced the announced position
as requiring typical masculine characteristics (e.g., inter-
ested and skilled in technical work, analytically skilled, de-
cisive) in a typically masculine work environment. By con-
trast, the feminine job was described as an entry-level po-
sition in the field of public relations. The job posting
introduced the position as requiring typically feminine
characteristics (e.g., interested in public affairs, communi-
cative, verbally skilled) in a female-dominated occupation-
al field. A pretest with 24 participants showed that these
job postings significantly differed in their perceived re-
quirements. The masculine job was evaluated on a 9-point
scale (1 = feminine to 9 = masculine) as requiring more
masculine traits (M = 6.79), whereas the feminine job was
perceived as requiring more feminine traits (M = 3.27),
150 M.-A. Reinhard et al.: Inferences About Women’s Qualification in Sex-Typed Jobs
Swiss J. Psychol. 70 (3) © 2011 by Verlag Hans Huber, Hogrefe AG, Bern
F(1, 22) = 53.37, p < .001. Both means differed signifi-
cantly from the scale midpoint of 5; masculine job: t(11) =
5.15, p < .001; feminine job: t(11) = –5.16, p < .001.
Candidates’ Job Interview Statements
Four standardized responses to the interviewer question were
constructed to manipulate the factors Statement quality (per-
sonal weakness vs. strength) and Sex type of knowledge
(feminine vs. masculine knowledge). Petra S. responded that
she was good (personal strength) or bad (personal weakness)
in a feminine (knowledge about interior decorating) or mas-
culine domain (knowledge about soccer). For example, the
statement concerning a personal weakness in a typical mas-
culine domain was: “I don’t know anything at all about soc-
cer. When I watch soccer games, I cannot recognize the tac-
tical approaches of the teams. I believe that I am very badly
informed about the German soccer league and about foreign
soccer leagues as well. If you were to ask me about a soccer
game, I would not be able to tell you who won. A pretest
with 27 participants showed that, compared with the scale
midpointof 4, beingknowledgeable about interiordecorating
wasseenasa typicalfeminine knowledgedomain(M =2.46),
t(26) = –6.16, p < .001, whereas being knowledgeable about
soccer was perceived as a typical masculine knowledge do-
main (M = 5.56), t(26) = 7.00, p < .001. Thus, the two knowl-
edge domains were perceived as feminine or masculine to a
similar extent.
Measures
Participants evaluated the female candidate on the dimen-
sions job suitability, masculinity, and femininity. Using bipo-
lar scales ranging from –5 (extremely unlikely)to+5(ex-
tremely likely), participants indicated the likelihood (1) that
the candidate is qualified for the announced position, and (2)
that they would personally hire the candidate for the an-
nouncedposition. Participantsresponded to all otheritems on
9-point scales rangingfrom 1 (strongly disagree)to9(strong-
ly agree). We assessed candidate’s perceived femininity with
three items taken from Bem’s Sex-Role Inventory (1974;
Schneider-Düker & Kohler, 1988): “Petra S. is very femi-
nine, compassionate, does not use harsh language. Per-
ceivedmasculinity wasinferredfromresponsestothreeitems
out of Bem’s sex-role inventory: “Petra S. is very masculine,
competitive, assertive.” Finally, manipulations were
checked.
Results
Overview
Unless noted otherwise, responses to all measures were
analyzed using 2 (Sex type of job) × 2 (Sex type of
knowledge) × 2 (Statement quality) analyses of variance
(ANOVAs). No reliable effects were found for sex of par-
ticipants and therefore the data were pooled over this
variable.
Manipulation Checks
Analyses showed that participants evaluated the position in
IT/software engineering as requiring more masculine traits
(M = 7.47), whereas that in public relations was seen as re-
quiring more feminine traits (M =3.83),F(1, 66) = 159.58,
p < .001. Both means differed significantly from the scale
midpoint of 5; masculine job: t(37) = 12.49, p < .001; femi-
nine job: t(37) = –5.37, p <.001.
Job Suitability
Job suitability scores (index of qualification and hiring
items, α = .90) are summarized in Table 1 as a function of
sex type of job, sex type of knowledge, and statement qual-
ity. The analysis revealed a marginally significant main ef-
fect for sex type of knowledge, F(1, 66) = 3.73, p = .058,
indicating that having feminine knowledge led to higher
Table 1
Mean evaluation of candidate’s job suitability, masculinity, and femininity as a function of sex type of job, sex type of
knowledge, and statement quality (N = 74)
Feminine knowledge Masculine knowledge
Weakness Strength Weakness Strength
Job suitability Masculine job 0.40
a
(1.97) –1.67
b
(1.85) –1.72
b
(1.68) 0.39
a
(2.28)
Feminine job –0.20
a
(2.30) 1.06
ab
(2.44) –0.22
a
(2.59) –2.25
c
(1.25)
Femininity Masculine job 4.19
a
(1.94) 6.26
b
(1.45) 5.67
c
(1.94) 5.63
c
(1.63)
Feminine job 4.63
a
(1.22) 6.67
b
(1.11) 5.11
c
(1.57) 3.70
d
(1.25)
Masculinity Masculine job 5.00
a
(1.42) 4.33
b
(1.61) 4.33
b
(1.93) 6.96
c
(0.68)
Feminine job 5.60
a
(1.13) 5.41
a
(1.77) 4.56
b
(1.68) 6.23
c
(1.82)
Note. Participants per cell varied between 9 and 10. Standard deviations are in parentheses. Means within each row with different superscripts
differ significantly at p < .05. Job suitability ratings range from –5 to +5; higher means express higher perceived job suitability. Femininity/mas-
culinity ratings were measured on 9-point scales; higher means express higher perceived femininity/masculinity.
M.-A. Reinhard et al.: Inferences About Women’s Qualification in Sex-Typed Jobs 151
Swiss J. Psychol. 70 (3) © 2011 by Verlag Hans Huber, Hogrefe AG, Bern
job suitability ratings than having masculine knowledge
(Ms = –.03 vs. –1.01). Over and above this effect, the pre-
dicted three-way interaction was significant, indicating that
for different sex-typed jobs, sex type, and quality of knowl-
edge influence job suitability differently, F(1, 66) = 14.81,
p < .001. No other effect proved significant (ps > .13).
To analyze the predicted three-way interaction, supple-
mentary analyses were conducted to identify differences in
responses to the male-typed vs. female-typed job. First, fo-
cusing only on the female-typed job, planned comparisons
showed that, as expected (H1a), higher job suitability was
attributed to a candidate when a strength compared to a
weakness was stated in a feminine knowledge domain
(Ms = 1.06 vs. –0.20; t(34) = 1.31, p = .097). This differ-
ence failed to reach significance. Thus, H1a was not sup-
ported, although the means point in the predicted direction.
The reverse was true in the masculine knowledge condition
(H1b). Mentioning a weakness instead of a strength was
associated with higher job suitability (Ms=–0.22vs.
–2.25; t(34) = 2.12, p < .05). This led to a significant inter-
action of sex type of knowledge and statement quality in
case of the female-typed job, F(1, 34) = 5.33, p <.05.
However, only stating a strength in a masculine domain led
to significantly lower job suitability ratings compared to
the scale midpoint, t(8) = –5.68, p < .001, indicating that
the candidates in the other conditions were neither highly
suitable nor unsuitable.
Second, focusing only on the male-typed job, as expect-
ed (H2a), higher job suitability was attributed when a per-
sonal strength compared to a weakness was mentioned in
the masculine knowledge condition (Ms = 0.39 vs. –1.72),
t(34) = 2.15, p < .05, but a personal weakness in the femi-
nine knowledge condition (H2b), as compared to a personal
strength, was associated with higher job suitability (Ms=
0.40 vs. –1.67), t(34) = 2.10, p < .05. Thus, for the male-
typed job, the analysis also revealed a significant interac-
tion of sex type of knowledge and statement quality,
F(1, 34) = 10.22, p < .001. However, stating a strength in
a feminine domain as well as stating a weakness in a mas-
culine domain led to significantly lower ratings compared
to the scale midpoint (ts > 2.69, ps < .05).
Possession of Typical Feminine and
Masculine Knowledge
We proposed that a person’s strengths and weaknesses in
typical feminine versus masculine knowledge domains
would provide information about their gender prototypical-
ity. Thus, we predicted a two-way interaction between sex
type of knowledge and statement quality on both femininity
and masculinity ratings. This effect, however, should be
unaffected by the sex type of the job the person applied for.
ANOVAs provided support for the hypothesis that the
pattern of female prototypicality (three items, α = .62) re-
versed the pattern of male prototypicality (three items, α =
.71), contingent on the factors Sex type of knowledge and
Statement quality. First, the analysis involving the feminin-
ity scores revealed that higher femininity was ascribed to
the candidate when she mentioned a strength in a feminine
domain than when she mentioned a weakness in that do-
main (Ms = 6.46 vs. 4.41), t(70) = 3.91, p < .001. As a non-
significant trend, the reverse was true when a masculine
domain was mentioned (Ms = 4.67 vs. 5.39), t(70) = 1.49,
p = .07. This resulted in a significant Sex type of knowl-
edge × Statement quality interaction, F(1, 66) = 15.15, p <
.001. The three-way interaction was not significant (F < 1).
Second, the analysis involving the masculinity scores as
the dependent variable also revealed the predicted Sex type
of knowledge × Statement quality interaction, F(1, 66) =
12.76, p < .001. While mention of a strength in a masculine
attribute led participants to attribute higher masculinity to
the candidate than mention of a weakness (Ms = 6.60 vs.
4.44), t(70) = 4.18, p < .001, unexpectedly there was no
significant difference between conditions for feminine at-
tributes (strength: 4.87 vs. weakness: 5.30), t(70) = 0.87,
p = .180. Although the latter comparison was not signifi-
cant, the means point in the predicted direction. Again, this
effect was unaffected by the sex type of job (F < 1).
Mediation of Job Suitability Ratings by
Gender Prototypicality
H3a and H3b were tested using Baron and Kennys (1986)
mediation testing procedure. The analysis considering the
female-typed job first revealed the following results: The
two-way interaction (Sex type of knowledge × Statement
quality) predicted the candidate’s job suitability (b* = –.45,
p < .01) as well as the femininity attributed to the candidate
(b* = –.47, p < .01). The direct effect of the two-way inter-
action on job suitability ratings was reduced when attribut-
ed femininity was controlled for (b* = –.32, p = .061), in-
dicating a partial mediation. Sobel’s test (Sobel, 1982)
showed that attributed femininity carried the influence of
the two-way interaction on job suitability (z = –1.99, p <
.05). A reverse mediation was not found. Also, masculinity
attributed to the candidate did not mediate the effect of our
manipulations on job suitability.
Regarding the male-typed job, the two-way interaction
predicted job suitability ratings only marginally (b* = .28,
p = .093). The two-way interaction predicted the candi-
date’s masculinity in the same way as job suitability (b* =
.59, p = .001). However, the direct effect of the two-way
interaction on job suitability was further reduced when at-
tributed masculinity was controlled for (b* = –.16, p = .33).
Sobel’s test showed that attributed masculinity carried the
influence of the two-way interaction on job suitability (z =
2.12, p < .05). Again, a reverse mediation was not found.
Alternatively, mediational analyses involving attributed
femininity as the mediator revealed no reliable effects.
In sum, we found evidence that job suitability ratings
152 M.-A. Reinhard et al.: Inferences About Women’s Qualification in Sex-Typed Jobs
Swiss J. Psychol. 70 (3) © 2011 by Verlag Hans Huber, Hogrefe AG, Bern
contingent on a candidate’s stated weakness versus strength
in a feminine versus masculine domain were mediated by
the attribution of femininity when a feminine job was con-
sidered (H3a). However, masculinity less reliably ex-
plained differences in job suitability contingent upon our
manipulations when the masculine job was considered.
Thus, H3b was not clearly supported.
Discussion
We have stressed the idea that women might be favored for
female- or male-typed entry-level jobs when they are seen
as prototypically feminine or masculine, respectively.
While female prototypicality was expected to result from
the presence of typical feminine knowledge or more in-
terestingly – from the absence of typical masculine knowl-
edge, the reverse was expected for male prototypicality.
Gender prototypicality based on both personal strengths
and weaknesses in sex-typed knowledge domains was
therefore predicted to lead to differences in job suitability
ratings for sex-typed entry-level jobs, which is why it can
sometimes be more advantageous to state a weakness in-
stead of a strength.
The results of the present experiment support these pre-
dictions. A female candidate’s perceived femininity pre-
dicted job-suitability ratings but only if she had applied
for a “feminine” job. In contrast, for the “masculine” job,
participants tended to prefer a candidate who was perceived
as masculine. This finding is in line with past research. The
novel point here is that the female job candidate was per-
ceived as being more masculine and therefore evaluated
as being more suitable for a masculine job when she men-
tioned having a weakness instead of a strength in a typical
feminine domain as well as when she mentioned having a
strength rather than a weakness in a typical masculine do-
main. However, this effect was not mediated by the ascrip-
tion of typical masculine knowledge. A reversed pattern
occurred when participants were to decide how to fill a
vacancy for a feminine job. In this case, a candidate was
seen as being more suitable for the job when she stated that
she was bad instead of good in a masculine domain as well
as when she presented herself as being good instead of bad
in a feminine domain. This effect was as theoretically
predicted by FA research partially mediated by the as-
cription of typical feminine knowledge.
Although these results are almost consistent with our
predictions, there are also some anomalies that need to be
discussed further. First, and in contrast to a successful pre-
test, feminine knowledge was unexpectedly more strongly
associated with job suitability perceptions than masculine
knowledge – irrespective of the job type. This unexpected
effect, however, makes it difficult if not impossible to
compare the patterns of results across the factor sex type of
knowledge. Thus, concerning the feminine job, it is not sur-
prising that a weakness in a typical feminine knowledge
domain led to similar job suitability ratings compared to a
weakness in a typical masculine domain.
Second, most of the means for job suitability were either
below the midpoint or only just above, indicating that the
female candidates were seen as being either unsuitable or
less suitable for both jobs. Therefore, we don’t speak of a
failure-as-an-asset effect because there is no real asset in
terms of a significant positive suitability rating. Given that
the participants in this experiment received only minimal
information, namely, one personal statement from the can-
didate, to arrive at a judgment about her job suitability, it
may not be that surprising that the absolute scores were not
very high.
The findings also have practical implications for re-
search on sex discrimination in hiring decisions because
they demonstrate that not only one’s strengths, but also
one’s weaknesses, guide inferences about one’s gender typ-
icality. As long as people have weaknesses in cross-sexed
domains, they meet descriptive and prescriptive aspects of
gender stereotypes (e.g., Burgess & Borgida, 1999) that
will assist their chances of getting hired for jobs perceived
to be appropriate to their own sex. If, however, people have
weaknesses in domains in which they normally would have
to be good due to their sex, cross-sexed typicality is likely
to be inferred. Although we could show that cross-sex typ-
icality leads to better chances of getting hired for a cross-
sexed-typed job, there may be social reprisals based on the
violation of prescriptive stereotypes in these cases (e.g.,
Heilman, 2001; Heilman & Okimoto, 2007; Isaac, Lee, &
Carnes, 2009; Rudman & Glick, 1999).
In sum, our results indicate that, in job interviews, stated
weaknesses and strengths outside of the occupational con-
text can clearly guide inferences about one’s qualification
for a job. Furthermore, candidates may use this effect stra-
tegically for positive (true or deceptive) self-presentation
(Reinhard, Scharmach, & Müller, in press). Therefore, to
avoid being influenced by this information, interviewers
should refrain from asking questions that are not relevant
to the job requirements.
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Marc-André Reinhard
Department of Social Science
University of Mannheim
A5
DE - 68131 Mannheim
Germany
reinhard@rumms.uni-mannheim.de
154 M.-A. Reinhard et al.: Inferences About Women’s Qualification in Sex-Typed Jobs
Swiss J. Psychol. 70 (3) © 2011 by Verlag Hans Huber, Hogrefe AG, Bern
... Stahlberg and Sczesny (2001) showed that recruiters consider communal traits as more important for typical feminine jobs. In a same vein, Reinhard, Schindler, Stahlberg, Messner, and Mucha (2011) tested the impact of a woman's personal "strengths" and "weaknesses" on the perception of her suitability for a job. In their study the applicant, "Petra S.", was described as stereotypically feminine vs. masculine, and was standing in a "masculine" (Information technology/Software engineering) vs. "feminine" (Public relation) job. ...
... The aim of our study was to replicate, partially of course, the study of Reinhard et al. (2011). Indeed, the present study differs from the latter. ...
... To describe the applicant's so-called "strengths", we used stereotypical personality traits and free-time activities 1 . Additionally, if Reinhard et al. (2011) measured job suitability via several items, we used only a dichotomous one. Finally, these authors assessed the candidate's perceived femininity/masculinity with Likert scales associated to 1. ...
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In 2011, Reinhard and colleagues showed that a woman’s personal “strengths” and “weaknesses”, linked to gender stereotypes, affect students’ estimations of her suitability to a job. In the present study, in a very much lighter and minimal design, we hypothesize that a similar result would be noticed in the case of a male target presented as stereotypically masculine vs feminine, and postulating to a stereotypically feminine job. In line with Heilman’s lack-of-fit model (1983), our results replicate those of Reinhard et al. (2011). Results are discussed in terms of stereotypic influence of gender on hiring, and show that, as women, men may be, in some circumstances, victims of discrimination in recruitment.
... In the present study, in a very much lighter and minimal design, we hypothesize that a similar result would be noticed in the case of a male target presented as stereotypically masculine vs. feminine, and postulating to a stereotypically feminine job. In line with Heilman's lack-of-fit model (1983), our results replicate those of Reinhard et al. (2011). Results are discussed in terms of stereotypic influence of gender in the context of hiring, and show that, as women, men may be, in some circumstances, victims of discrimination in recruitment. ...
... Stahlberg and Sczesny (2001) showed that recruiters consider communal traits as more important for typical feminine jobs. In a same vein, Reinhard, Schindler, Stahlberg, Messner, and Mucha (2011) tested the impact of a woman's personal "strengths" and "weaknesses" on the perception of her suitability for a job. In their study the applicant, "Petra S.", was described as stereotypically feminine vs. masculine, and was standing in a "masculine" (Information technology/Software engineering) vs. "feminine" (Public relation) job. ...
... The aim of our study was to replicate, partially of course, the study of Reinhard et al. (2011). Indeed, the present study differs from the latter. ...
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The present research aimed to contribute to a better understanding of why discrimination towards persons with disability persists despite legislation promoting equal rights. We analyzed the stereotype content (warmth and competence) and prejudiced attitudes associated with persons with disability at an explicit and an implicit level. Study 1 examined warmth and competence attributed to this group through trait ratings. Studies 2 and 3 assessed the degree to which these persons are automatically associated with positive or negative characteristics related to competence and warmth (Study 2) and with any positive or negative usual words (Study 3), using implicit paradigms. At an explicit level, participants compensated low ratings on competence by high ratings on warmth, highlighting an overall positive attitude towards persons with disability. However, at an implicit level, we highlighted an overall negative attitude: persons with disability were associated with less positivity. These findings suggest that explicit positive evaluations may be based on motivations to respond without prejudice in line with social pressures against discrimination. However, these specific motivations do not allow a real social participation for people with disability because beliefs remain unchanged.
... In the present study, in a very much lighter and minimal design, we hypothesize that a similar result would be noticed in the case of a male target presented as stereotypically masculine vs. feminine, and postulating to a stereotypically feminine job. In line with Heilman's lack-of-fit model (1983), our results replicate those of Reinhard et al. (2011). Results are discussed in terms of stereotypic influence of gender in the context of hiring, and show that, as women, men may be, in some circumstances, victims of discrimination in recruitment. ...
... Stahlberg and Sczesny (2001) showed that recruiters consider communal traits as more important for typical feminine jobs. In a same vein, Reinhard, Schindler, Stahlberg, Messner, and Mucha (2011) tested the impact of a woman's personal "strengths" and "weaknesses" on the perception of her suitability for a job. In their study the applicant, "Petra S.", was described as stereotypically feminine vs. masculine, and was standing in a "masculine" (Information technology/Software engineering) vs. "feminine" (Public relation) job. ...
... The aim of our study was to replicate, partially of course, the study of Reinhard et al. (2011). Indeed, the present study differs from the latter. ...
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Résumé La visibilité sociale des minorités sexuelles LGB (Lesbiens, Gays, Bisexuels) s’est accrue d’une façon importante en France depuis ces deux dernières décennies. En dépit de cette visibilité, la discrimination et la stigmatisation fondées sur l’orientation sexuelle restent prégnantes dans les milieux professionnels. Cet article a pour but de présenter les stratégies de présentation de soi des jeunes recrues d’orientation sexuelle minoritaire en lien avec les discriminations perçues. Dans le cadre de cette étude qualitative, douze jeunes salariés homosexuels et bisexuels récemment intégrés dans les milieux professionnels de la justice et des transports — avec un statut cadre ou non cadre — ont interviewés. Les résultats soulignent que, d’une part, dès l’entrée dans la nouvelle organisation, différentes stratégies de présentation de soi sont mises en place par les travailleurs se reconnaissant comme homosexuels ou bisexuels face à une organisation perçue comme potentiellement discriminante ; d’autre part, parmi ces stratégies de présentation de soi, la dissimulation de l’orientation sexuelle reste la plus fréquente pour faire face aux discriminations et à l’homophobie anticipée dans le milieu professionnel. Abstract : The social visibility of LGB (Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual) minorities has grown substantially in France during the last two decades. In spite of this visibility, discrimination and stigmatisation based on sexual orientation have remained significant in the professional sphere. The goal of this article is to present strategies to introduce oneself among recently employed young people from sexual minorities. In the framework of this qualitative study, twelve young homosexual and bisexual salaried employees recently integrated into the professional realms of law and transportation — either as managers or not — are questioned. The results underline that on the one hand, as soon as one enters into a new organization, different strategies of self-presentation are put in place by workers who self-identify as homosexual or bisexual. On the other hand, dissimulating one's sexual orientation remains, among these strategies of self presentation, the most frequent to confront expected discrimination and homophobia in the work environment.
... These results are consistent with previous research indicating that men and women are less likely to be hired in a profession that is not congruent with occupation gender stereotypes [7,20]. The current research makes a significant contribution to the literature because little of the previous research on occupation gender stereotypes has focused on evaluator gender biases. ...
... However, less traditional participants did not show a preference for either gender. Previous research has shown that women are less likely to be hired in stereotypically masculine positions [7,20], and part of this bias could be due to the differing evaluative standards for male and female applicants. Our preliminary analyses showed that there was a significant relationship between the ratings on work-related skills and hiring decisions for female applicants only. ...
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The current study examined how individual difference characteristics of an evaluator could affect real-world decisions, such as hiring decisions. Specifically, this study examined the gender role traditionalism of an evaluator, and whether this traditionalism interacted with occupational stereotypes during a laboratory simulated hiring decision. Gender role stereotypes were activated using a priming task, then participants evaluated male and female job applicants on a variety of work-related skills, ultimately selecting applicants for either a traditionally masculine or feminine position. Analyses revealed that applicants were more often selected for a position in which the occupation stereotype matched their gender suggesting an effect of an evaluator’s gender role traditionalism. In addition, those participants indicating that they held more traditional gender role beliefs tended to favor male applicants in their evaluations. Finally, the activation of ideas incongruent with traditional gender role stereotypes resulted in higher ratings on work-related skills from all participants, though these ratings did not seem to impact the overall hiring decision. This study highlights the impact of individual difference characteristics of an evaluator during a hiring decision, and identifies some possible ways to move toward a more impartial hiring process to reduce gender biases in hiring.
... Furthermore, this increase in self-esteem was higher compared to a control group which received no performance feedback. Thus, for the first time, it is shown that the FA effect not only implies an ego-threat protection against negative performance feedback (see Kim, Lee, & Hong, 2012;Reinhard, Schindler, Stahlberg, Messner, & Mucha, 2011), but a boost in selfesteem as well. ...
... Nevertheless, there is evidence that women can also profit from failing. Reinhard et al. (2011) showed that women were favored for female-or male-typed entry jobs when they were seen as prototypically feminine or masculine, respectively. Female prototypicality was, for example, enhanced from the absence of typical masculine knowledge (i.e., "I don't know anything about soccer.") ...
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Previous research has demonstrated that failure on a task may at times increase self-esteem, known as the failure-as-an-asset effect. This effect is observed when high-status group members (e.g., referring to management positions: men) show poor performance in a domain that is seen as a low-status domain—one in which the low-status group (e.g., referring to management positions: women) typically outperforms the high-status group. In line with social identity theory, in this case the poor performance leads high-status group members to a strong identification with the high-status ingroup, resulting in higher state self-esteem. However, social identity theory originally refers not only to self-evaluation, but also to the influence on individual behavior. Building on that, we predicted that if high-status group members show higher ingroup identification after negative individual feedback in a low-status domain, they should also show stronger ingroup prototypical behavior. A great deal of research has indicated that women’s behavior is more risk-averse than is men’s behavior. Thus, men should show riskier behavior after a poor performance on a test in which women outperform men. Two studies support our hypothesis. Men with an alleged individual low performance on a fictitious test reported riskier behavioral intentions (Experiment 1), and actually showed riskier behavior in an investment game (Experiment 2), when men were outperformed by women rather than when women were outperformed by men. The opposite pattern was found for men with an individual positive performance. As predicted, these effects were mediated by men’s gender identification. Practical implications are discussed.
... The attributes belonging to a group are a cognitive representation of the beliefs, attitudes, emotions, and behavior that at the same time describe the similarities of the group members and discriminate them collectively from members of other groups (Hogg, 2006). Based on this, Reinhard et al. (2008) argued that perceived prototypicality (i.e., masculinity) of a person regarding her ingroup is the basic mechanism of the FA effect (see also Reinhard, Schindler, Messner, Stahlberg, & Mucha, 2011;Reinhard, Stahlberg, & Messner, 2009;Szücs, Schindler, Reinhard, & Stahlberg, 2014). ...
Article
Full-text available
According to social identity theory people are viewed as prototypical of a group to the extent that they possess ingroup characteristics but not outgroup characteristics. Based on this, previous research demonstrated that high-status group members (e.g., in the occupational field: men) may profit from failure in low-status domains, that is, domains in which members of a low-status group (e.g., in the occupational field: women) outperform high-status group members. In this case individual failure of a high-status group member appear highly prototypical for the high-status ingroup and therefore leads to the attribution of future occupational success (so called Failure-as-an-Asset effect). The current work extends this reasoning, by taking into account that perceived prototypicality of an individual group member is assumed to depend on meta-contrast based perception, meaning the ratio of differences between in- and outgroup characteristics and similarities of the ingroup and the respective group member. Therefore, the present study investigated how manipulated differences in ingroup prototypicality (i.e., meta-contrast quotient) of a failing male individual affect attributed occupational success. Thus, we predicted perceived prototypicality to moderate the Failure-as-an-Asset effect. In line with our hypothesis, we found that increased ingroup prototypicality lead to higher attributed occupational success.
... Our results clearly suggested that excluding photographs from application materials would be a valid initial attempt to improve the fairness of selection procedures for male and female applicants. Moreover, organizations should reconsider and evaluate the degree to which they make use of feminine and masculine typed job descriptions in announcements of leadership positions (Reinhard, Schindler, Stahlberg, Messner, & Mucha, 2011;Stahlberg & Sczesny, 2001). ...
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While attractiveness has many positive effects in everyday life, it has been shown to negatively affect selection of female leaders, the so-called "beauty is beastly" effect. Yet, an impact on more profound variables, such as followers’ trust in and loyalty toward female leaders, remains unclear, as does its interaction with different leadership styles: transformational (characterized by charismatic behavior aimed at inspiring and motivating followers) versus transactional (characterized by a strong focus on task completion and respective rewards or punishments). We have therefore made the first empirical attempt to test the interaction effects of leader gender, leader attractiveness, and leadership style on followers’ trust and loyalty. Results from a laboratory experiment provide clear empirical support for the negative effects of attractiveness for female (but not male) leaders with a transformational leadership style. Attractiveness did not influence trust and loyalty toward male and female leaders with a transactional leadership style. The negative influence of leader attractiveness on trust and loyalty toward female transformational leaders was mediated by ascribed leader communion.
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Scientific research has shown the influence of norms and of gender and beauty stereotypes on evaluations and hiring decisions. Recent studies (Desrumaux, 2005; Jawahar & Mattson, 2005) have shown an evolution of the lack of Fit model (Heilman, 1983). The objective of this research is to test the effects of physical appearance, GMA and normative pieces of information (internality/externality) related to the candidate on the candidates’ recrutabilty. This study has also taken into account hierarchy level and sexual connotation of the job. We have tested its effects on medical jobs, of higher level (surgeon, doctor nutritionist) or subordinate (ambulance man and dental assistant). The results indicate that an attractive candidate is judged more recrutable for a subordinate job than a superior one. Moreover, for a subordinate job, the effect of the attractiveness was more important for male target than for feminine target. Results show also that men are judged less hirable than the women for female type jobs. Moreover, the effect of the aptitude is more discriminating for the external ones than for the internals. Results were discussed on the line of the lack of fit correspondence model.
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Research on domain-specific sociometer theory suggests that individual mate value has a great influence on self-esteem. In this study (N = 124), we investigated the notion that perceived high gender typicality increases one’s perceived mate value and thus counteracts the usual decline in state self-esteem following negative feedback. The participants completed a fictitious personality test to assess their individual quality as a friend and received bogus negative feedback. Depending on the experimental condition, participants received a test score close to the mean test score attained by their own or the opposite gender and thus either gender-typical or gender-atypical. Additionally, we included a control condition in which no feedback was given. The results showed that participants in the gender-atypical condition reported lower state self-esteem than did participants in the gender-typical condition or the control condition. This buffer effect was mediated by perceived mate value.
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Chapter
Social identity theory is an interactionist social psychological theory of the role of self-conception and associated cognitive processes and social beliefs in group processes and intergroup relations. Originally introduced in the 1970s primarily as an account of intergroup relations, it was significantly developed at the start of the 1980s as a general account of group processes and the nature of the social group. Since then, social identity theory has been significantly extended through a range of sub-theories that focus on social influence and group norms, leadership within and between groups, self-enhancement and uncertainty reduction motivations, deindividuation and collective behavior, social mobilization and protest, and marginalization and deviance within groups. The theory has also been applied and developed to explain organizational phenomena and the dynamics of language and speech style as identity symbols. Chapter 1 provides a relatively comprehensive and accessible overview of social identity theory, with an emphasis on its analysis of intergroup conflict.
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This review article posits that the scarcity of women at the upper levels of organizations is a consequence of gender bias in evaluations. It is proposed that gender stereotypes and the expectations they produce about both what women are like (descriptive) and how they should behave (prescriptive) can result in devaluation of their performance, denial of credit to them for their successes, or their penalization for being competent. The processes giving rise to these outcomes are explored, and the procedures that are likely to encourage them are identified. Because of gender bias and the way in which it influences evaluations in work settings, it is argued that being competent does not ensure that a woman will advance to the same organizational level as an equivalently performing man.
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Describes the development and validation of a German version of the Bem Sex-Role Inventory (BSRI) of S. L. Bem (1974). Results from various population samples totalling 580 West German men and women generally support the validity and reliability of the German instrument. Several weaknesses of the femininity scale are discussed in relation to similar findings with the original version of the BSRI and with other masculinity–femininity scales. (English abstract)
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This study investigated the ability of more or less experienced employment interviewers and laypersons to detect deception in employment interviews. Although correct beliefs about indicators of deception led to higher deception detection accuracy, more experienced employment interviewers did not show more accurate beliefs about indicators of deception and did not perform better at detecting deception than less experienced interviewers and laypersons. Furthermore, more experienced interviewers showed a less-pronounced tendency of judging messages as true irrespective of their actual truthfulness (truth bias) than less experienced interviewers and laypersons. It is suggested that experience in employment interviewing does not automatically lead to higher deception detection abilities in employment interviews, but that correcting people's beliefs about indicators of deception can do so.
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Previous research has shown that differential causal attributions are made for identical successful performance of male or female stimulus persons. It has been suggested (Deaux, 1976) that expectations derived from stereotypical assumptions about men and women might also hold for other stereotyped groups. A study was conducted to test this assumption by examining causal attributions for a successful banking career based on both the sex and race (black or white) of the target persom It was found that both male and female subjects attributed significantly greater ability, less effort, and less luck to the white male than to the other three groups (white female, black male, or black female)for whom attributions did not differ. Thus, race and sex act similarly as stimulus variables for attribution.
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This review article posits that the scarcity of women at the upper levels of organizations is a consequence of gender bias in evaluations. It is proposed that gender stereotypes and the expectations they produce about both what women are like (descriptive) and how they should behave (prescriptive) can result in devaluation of their performance, denial of credit to them for their successes, or their penalization for being competent. The processes giving rise to these outcomes are explored, and the procedures that are likely to encourage them are identified. Because of gender bias and the way in which it influences evaluations in work settings, it is argued that being competent does not ensure that a woman will advance to the same organizational level as an equivalently performing man.