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The Dragons of Inaction: Psychological Barriers That Limit Climate Change Mitigation and Adaptation

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Most people think climate change and sustainability are important problems, but too few global citizens engaged in high-greenhouse-gas-emitting behavior are engaged in enough mitigating behavior to stem the increasing flow of greenhouse gases and other environmental problems. Why is that? Structural barriers such as a climate-averse infrastructure are part of the answer, but psychological barriers also impede behavioral choices that would facilitate mitigation, adaptation, and environmental sustainability. Although many individuals are engaged in some ameliorative action, most could do more, but they are hindered by seven categories of psychological barriers, or "dragons of inaction": limited cognition about the problem, ideological worldviews that tend to preclude pro-environmental attitudes and behavior, comparisons with key other people, sunk costs and behavioral momentum, discredence toward experts and authorities, perceived risks of change, and positive but inadequate behavior change. Structural barriers must be removed wherever possible, but this is unlikely to be sufficient. Psychologists must work with other scientists, technical experts, and policymakers to help citizens overcome these psychological barriers.
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The Dragons of Inaction
Psychological Barriers That Limit Climate Change Mitigation
and Adaptation
Robert Gifford
University of Victoria
Most people think climate change and sustainability are
important problems, but too few global citizens engaged in
high-greenhouse-gas-emitting behavior are engaged in
enough mitigating behavior to stem the increasing flow of
greenhouse gases and other environmental problems. Why
is that? Structural barriers such as a climate-averse infra-
structure are part of the answer, but psychological barriers
also impede behavioral choices that would facilitate miti-
gation, adaptation, and environmental sustainability. Al-
though many individuals are engaged in some ameliorative
action, most could do more, but they are hindered by seven
categories of psychological barriers, or “dragons of inac-
tion”: limited cognition about the problem, ideological
worldviews that tend to preclude pro-environmental atti-
tudes and behavior, comparisons with key other people,
sunk costs and behavioral momentum, discredence toward
experts and authorities, perceived risks of change, and
positive but inadequate behavior change. Structural barri-
ers must be removed wherever possible, but this is unlikely
to be sufficient. Psychologists must work with other scien-
tists, technical experts, and policymakers to help citizens
overcome these psychological barriers.
Keywords: climate change, barriers, obstacles, global
warming, sustainability
It was our fault, and our very great fault—
and now we must turn it to use.
We have forty million reasons for failure,
but not a single excuse.
So the more we work and the less we talk
the better results we shall get...
—Rudyard Kipling, “The Lesson,” 1901
I
f so many people are concerned about climate change,
the environment, and sustainability, why are more of us
not doing what is necessary to ameliorate the problems?
Of course, many individuals and organizations have already
taken some steps in this direction, and some have taken many
steps. However, in the aggregate, humans continue to produce
massive quantities of greenhouse gases that will further drive
climate change, and we continue to engage in other environ-
mentally destructive behavior patterns.
In some cases, the reasons for this behavioral deficit are
structural and therefore beyond an individual’s reasonable
control. For example, low income severely limits one’s ability
to purchase solar panels, living in a rural area usually means
public transport does not exist as an alternative to driving, and
living in a region with cold winters restricts one’s ability to
reduce home-heating-based energy use. However, for almost
everyone who is not severely restricted by structural barriers,
adopting more pro-environmental choices and behaviors is
possible, but this adoption is not occurring to the extent
necessary to stem the increasing flow of greenhouse gases and
other environmental damage. Thus, the question remains:
What limits more widespread mitigation, adaptation, and sus-
tainability actions on the part of individuals for whom such
actions are feasible?
This article considers seven general psychological barri-
ers as influences that limit environmental behavior change.
1
These barriers are my suggested elucidation of the hoary
mystery surrounding the fabled gap between attitude (“I agree
this is the best course of action”) and behavior (“but I am not
doing it”) with regard to environmental problems. Some of the
barriers are recognized in one psychological research domain
or another, but others have not yet become part of our lexicon.
Some have been researched (in other domains) much more
than others. These barriers have not been considered as a
group, although a few social scientists have discussed some of
them (e.g., Gifford, 2008; Kollmuss & Agyeman, 2002;
Lorenzoni, Nicholson-Cole, & Whitmarsh, 2007).
Psychological Barriers to
Behavior Change
Once one begins looking, quite a large number of psycho-
logical obstacles to adequate (carbon-neutral) climate
change mitigation and adaptation may be found. This arti-
cle arranges 29 of the “dragons of inaction” into seven
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Robert
Gifford, Department of Psychology, University of Victoria, Victoria,
British Columbia V8S 2H1, Canada. E-mail: rgifford@uvic.ca
1
These barriers may well limit change in other troublesome behavior
domains, but a discussion of those domains remains for another time.
290 May–June 2011
American Psychologist
© 2011 American Psychological Association 0003-066X/11/$12.00
Vol. 66, No. 4, 290–302 DOI: 10.1037/a0023566
categories. The dragon
2
family of seven genera with their
29 species is displayed in Table 1.
Environmental or climate-related inaction seems to
have three broad phases. Genuine ignorance certainly pre-
cludes taking action. Then, if one is aware of a problem, a
variety of psychological processes can interfere with effec-
tive action. Finally, once some action is taken, it can be
inadequate because the behavior fades away, makes too
little a difference in the person’s own carbon footprint, or
is actually counterproductive. The seven categories of bar-
riers are offered as a preliminary taxonomy—a way to
begin their organization and group structure.
What, then, are these dragons of inaction that thwart
the widely accepted but elusive goals of anthropogenic
carbon neutrality and environmental sustainability?
Limited Cognition
Humans are famously less rational than once believed (H.
Simon, 1957; Tversky & Kahneman, 1974). This is as true
for thinking about climate change as it is in other domains.
Some ways in which individual thinking is not fully ratio-
nal and thus acts as a barrier to mitigation and adaptation
follow.
Ancient brain. The human brain has not evolved
much in thousands of years. At the time it reached its
current physical development, before the development of
agriculture, our ancestors were mainly concerned with their
immediate band, immediate dangers, exploitable resources,
and the present time (e.g., Ornstein & Ehrlich, 1989). None
of those are naturally consistent with being concerned, in
the 21st century, about global climate change, which is
slow, usually distant, and unrelated to the present welfare
of ourselves and our significant others. Obviously, our
ancient brain is capable of dealing with global climate
change, but doing so does not come easily.
Ignorance. For some, ignorance can be a barrier
to action in two general ways: not knowing that a problem
exists and not knowing what to do once one becomes aware
of the problem. Most polls (e.g., Pew Research Center,
2006) find that a proportion of respondents answer “don’t
know” to questions about climate change. Even today,
some people around the world remain entirely unaware of
climate change as a problem. Obviously, this segment of
the global population is not likely to take deliberate action
aimed at ameliorating climate change.
3
The second dimension of ignorance, found among the
much larger proportion of the global population that is
aware of the problem, is characterized by a lack of knowl-
edge about the cause and extent of climate change (e.g.,
Bord, O’Connor, & Fisher, 2000). This lack leads to igno-
rance about (a) which specific actions to take, (b) how to
undertake actions of which one is aware, and (c) the rela-
tive beneficial impacts of different actions. Given that most
people are not technical experts, they generally do not have
or know the relative magnitude of beneficial impacts of
various actions.
Such knowledge is developing, and in broad terms we
know what should be done (e.g., Dietz, Gardner, Gilligan,
Stern, & Vandenbergh, 2009; Gardner & Stern, 2008).
However, much remains to be learned, even by technical
experts, partly because the answers are not always univer-
sal (e.g., a best practice in New York may not be a best
practice in Vancouver) or obvious (e.g., New Zealand–
raised lamb eaten in the United Kingdom has a smaller
carbon footprint than United Kingdom–raised lamb eaten
in the United Kingdom) and partly because life-cycle anal-
yses of products are complex, in part because of the large
number of ingredients or component parts in many com-
mercial products (cf. Goleman, 2009). Widespread (but
understandable) ignorance about the differential effective-
ness of behavioral options naturally dampens the adoption
of climate-related action.
Another source of uncertainty stems from mixed mes-
sages in the media. Of course, many such messages are
understandably simplified translations of scientific reports,
made in good faith by reporters. Others apparently are
well-funded attempts to undercut science by groups with an
2
In mythology, dragons take on a wide array of forms, and Asian
dragons are even benevolent, as I learned from a polite elderly woman in a
Sapporo audience. However, as a Westerner, I use dragons as a metaphor for
these obstacles because no matter what their form or shape, Western dragons
always seem to be blocking humans from some goal or aspiration. Perhaps
another, less obvious but complementary, reason for this choice lies within the
word itself: The barriers are a “drag on” progress.
3
Some behaviors help to mitigate climate change even when that is
not the person’s goal. For example, one might ride a bicycle to work for
health reasons or to save money, or one might eschew flying so as to spend
more time with one’s family (cf. Whitmarsh, 2009). In contrast to the
dragons, I have called these “honeybees” because, like those invaluable
insects, in the course of fulfilling their own goal (to gather honey), they
unwittingly fulfill another valuable goal (pollination).
Robert
Gifford
291May–June 2011
American Psychologist
interest in the production and use of greenhouse gases (e.g.,
Hoggan, 2009).
Environmental numbness. Every environ-
ment is composed of more cues and elements than individ-
uals can wholly monitor, so we attend to environments
selectively. Therefore, people are often unaware of much of
their physical surroundings, particularly aspects causing no
immediate difficulty, but sometimes even aspects of it that
are causing them at least mild difficulties (Gifford, 1976).
Climate change is like that for many citizens: a phenome-
non outside immediate attention because it is not causing
any immediate personal difficulties. Mitigative and adap-
tive behaviors are unlikely when this is the case.
A second form of environmental numbness occurs at
the other end of the stimulus spectrum. When viewers have
seen the same advertisement many times, attention to it
shrinks as habituation increases (Belch, 1982; Burke &
Edell, 1986). Similarly, hearing about climate change or
the environment too often, particularly if the message is not
varied, can lead to a numbness to the message and conse-
quent attenuation of helpful behaviors that would amelio-
rate the problems.
Uncertainty. Experimental research on resource
dilemmas demonstrates that perceived or real uncertainty
reduces the frequency of pro-environmental behavior (e.g.,
de Kwaadsteniet, 2007; Hine & Gifford, 1996). Individuals
tend to interpret any sign of uncertainty, for example in the
size of a resource pool or the rate at which the resource
regenerates, as sufficient reason to harvest at a rate that
favors self-interest rather than that of the environment.
Uncertainty about climate change also quite likely func-
tions as a justification for inaction or postponed action
related to climate change. In the climate change context,
presentations of the very carefully chosen level-of-confi-
dence phrases (such as “likely” or “very likely,” p. 3) from
the 2007 assessment report of the United Nations Intergov-
ernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) led many
individuals to interpret the phrases as having a lower like-
lihood than the IPCC experts intended (Budescu, Broomell,
& Por, 2009).
Thus, well-intended efforts by climate change scien-
tists to fairly characterize the degree of certainty about
climate change seem to lead to a general underestimation of
climate change risk on the part of the lay audience. Yet the
scientific and ethical reality is that a certain degree of
uncertainty is an inescapable element of any climate
model— or any model, for that matter. Thus, climate sci-
entists are left with a very perplexing problem: how to
present the likelihood of climate change outcomes honestly
without promoting misguided optimism on the part of the
lay audience, which of course helps to justify inaction on
the part of the public.
Judgmental discounting. Discounting in this
sense refers to the undervaluing of distant or future risks. A
recent study of over 3,000 respondents in 18 countries
found that individuals in 15 of the countries believed that
environmental conditions are worse in places other than
their own (Gifford, Scannell, et al., 2009). This study and
others (e.g., Uzzell, 2000) demonstrate that spatial dis-
counting of environmental problems occurs. Although con-
ditions often may be objectively worse in other areas of the
globe, this tendency occurs even in objectively similar
places, such as among inhabitants of English villages a few
kilometers apart (Musson, 1974). People also tend to dis-
count future environmental risks, although not as uniformly
as risks in some other domains (e.g., Hendrickx & Nicolaij,
2004) and less than other risks (Gattig & Hendrickx, 2007).
The incorrect assessment of risk may be even worse for
general environmental risk, which may actually be aug-
mented rather than discounted; it is expected to become
worse in 25 years than at present in virtually every country,
at local, national, and global levels (Gifford, Scannell, et
al., 2009). However, if conditions are presumed to be worse
elsewhere and later, individuals may be expected to have
less motivation to act against climate change locally and in
the present.
Sociologists concerned with youthful antisocial be-
havior proposed another form of discounting over half a
Table 1
Psychological Barriers to Climate Change Mitigation
and Adaptation
General psychological barrier Specific manifestation
Limited cognition Ancient brain
Ignorance
Environmental numbness
Uncertainty
Judgmental discounting
Optimism bias
Perceived behavioral control/
self-efficacy
Ideologies Worldviews
Suprahuman powers
Technosalvation
System justification
Comparisons with others Social comparison
Social norms and networks
Perceived inequity
Sunk costs Financial investments
Behavioral momentum
Conflicting values, goals, and
aspirations
Discredence Mistrust
Perceived program
inadequacy
Denial
Reactance
Perceived risks Functional
Physical
Financial
Social
Psychological
Temporal
Limited behavior Tokenism
Rebound effect
292 May–June 2011
American Psychologist
century ago, neutralization theory (Sykes & Matza, 1957),
an idea foreshadowed by Rudyard Kipling in the lines that
open this article. Essentially, neutralization theory de-
scribes rationalizations for a variety of deviant behaviors,
the goal of which is to absolve oneself of responsibility.
Recent researchers listed 13 of these rationalizations
(McGregor, 2008). To the extent that these apply to envi-
ronmental and climate change actions, several of these
neutralization techniques could be viewed as another form
of discounting.
Optimism bias. Optimism generally is a
healthy, desirable outlook that can produce useful personal
outcomes and technological wonders (e.g., J. L. Simon,
1981). However, optimism can be overdone, to the detri-
ment of one’s well-being. Considerable evidence suggests
that people discount personal risks, such as their likelihood
of a heart attack (e.g., Weinstein, 1980), but also their
environmental risks, for example from radon exposure
(Weinstein, Klotz, & Sandman, 1988), other environmental
hazards (Hatfield & Job, 2001) or, in fact, 22 hazards (Pahl,
Harris, Todd, & Rutter, 2005). Thus, one can reasonably
predict that optimistic bias applies to risks from climate
change, although global citizens do expect environmental
conditions in general to worsen over the next 25 years . . .
but not as badly where they themselves live as in other
places (Gifford, Scannell, et al., 2009).
Perceived behavioral control and self-
efficacy. Because climate change is a global problem,
many individuals believe they can do nothing about it as
individuals. This is the well-known collective action prob-
lem (Olson, 1965). Stated in psychological language, peo-
ple sometimes do not act because they perceive that they
have little behavioral control over the outcome (e.g., Ajzen,
1991; Huebner & Lipsey, 1981) or that they their actions
will not have much impact (a lack of self-efficacy; Ajzen,
2002). Perceived behavioral control can be a very strong
predictor (r .50 –.60) of whether a person chooses to take
public transportation instead of a private car (e.g., Heath &
Gifford, 2002; Kaiser & Gutscher, 2003). Closely related to
the lack of individual perceived behavioral control and
self-efficacy is fatalism, the sense that nothing can be done,
not only by the individual but by collective human action
(cf. Lorenzoni et al., 2007; O’Connor, Bord, & Fisher,
1998).
Ideologies
Some belief systems are so broad that they influence many
aspects of a person’s life. Among these, at least for some
individuals, are religious and political views. Ideologies
and worldviews (e.g., Dietz, Dan, & Shwom, 2007; Dun-
lap, Van Liere, Mertig, & Jones, 2000; O’Connor, Bord, &
Fisher, 1999) that embody beliefs which clash with climate
change mitigation and other forms of pro-environmental
action are very strong barriers to behavior change.
Worldviews. One significant predictor of disbe-
lief in global warming is belief in free-enterprise capitalism
(e.g., Heath & Gifford, 2006). Capitalism clearly has pro-
duced an affluent lifestyle for millions of people, but some
aspects of it, such as a belief in the freedom of the com-
mons (Hardin, 1968), have led to the devastation of fish-
eries, forests, and landscapes around the world. Having an
important stake in some organizations is not compatible
with adopting mitigating behaviors (e.g., Dunlap & Mc-
Cright, 2008).
Suprahuman powers. Some people take little
or no climate-related action because they believe a reli-
gious deity or Mother Nature (as a secular deity) either will
not forsake them or will do what it wishes anyway. For
example, researchers who interviewed two groups of Pa-
cific Islanders who live on very low-lying atolls threatened
by rising sea levels found that one group is already pur-
chasing higher ground in Australia; the other group, trust-
ing that God will not break the Biblical promise never to
flood the Earth again after the flood that Noah and his
entourage endured, believes that sea level rises will not
affect them because there will be “fire next time” (Mor-
treux & Barnett, 2009). More secular individuals some-
times express the belief that Mother Nature will take a
course mere mortals cannot influence. Naturally, inaction
on the climate front follows from these beliefs.
Technosalvation. Mechanical innovation has a
long and admirable history of improving the standard of
living. Those who see its promise as a partner in mitigating
climate change (e.g., Gifford, 2008; Terwel, Harinck, El-
lemers, & Daamen, 2009) or even as something close to the
essential solution (e.g., J. L. Simon, 1981) share their belief
in its promise with some who go further and believe that
technology alone (or nearly alone) can solve the problems
associated with climate change (e.g., citizens quoted in
Lorenzoni et al., 2007).
Some experts strongly support geoengineering as a
tool in the struggle against further global warming. One
organization that strongly endorses it is the United King-
dom’s Institution of Mechanical Engineers (2009), whose
current top two geoengineering solutions are to create
artificial trees and to coat buildings with algae. However,
even the Institution of Mechanical Engineers advocates
geoengineering in concert with mainstream mitigation pol-
icies. However, for some citizens, overconfident beliefs in
the efficacy of technology appear to serve as a barrier to
their own climate-mitigating behavior.
System justification. Another belief system
has been described as system justification, the tendency to
defend and justify the societal status quo (Feygina, Jost, &
Goldsmith, 2010). When citizens are fortunate enough to
have a comfortable lifestyle, the tendency to not “rock the
boat” or, perhaps more important, to not have others
change the way things currently operate, grows. Once
again, climate change will require adjustments; system
justifiers naturally will not enthusiastically adopt mitigative
actions. It is interesting, however, that Feygina et al. (2010)
showed that if mitigation can be successfully portrayed as
part of the system, this lack of action on the part of system
justifiers can change.
293May–June 2011
American Psychologist
Comparisons With Other People
Humans are very social animals; comparing one’s situation
with that of others is a deeply ingrained tendency. This
comparison can take several forms.
Social comparison. People routinely compare
their actions with those of others (Festinger, 1954) and
derive subjective and descriptive norms from their obser-
vations about what is the “proper” course of action (e.g.,
Heath & Gifford, 2002). This tendency is recognized in the
theory of planned behavior (Ajzen, 1991) and the value-
belief-norm model (Stern, 2000), among other theories, and
has been applied to many pro-environmental behaviors and
interventions (e.g., Biel & Thogersen, 2007; Cialdini,
2003).
Social norms and networks. Norms are of-
ten cited as a potential force for progress in environmental
issues, and they can be (Thøgersen, 2008), but they can
also be forces for regress. The double-edged power of
norms was made clear in a study of residential power use.
When homeowners were told the amount of energy that
average members of their community used, they tended to
alter their use of energy to fit the norm (Schultz, Nolan,
Cialdini, Goldstein, & Griskevicius, 2007), that is, decreas-
ing or increasing their energy use accordingly. Fortunately,
the researchers learned that the increases could be pre-
vented by giving low energy users positive feedback about
using less energy.
Norms can also develop through social networks in
neighborhoods or workplaces. Again, these can be negative
in the sense that anticlimate behavior patterns can domi-
nate, but proclimate patterns can too. Rogers (1983) doc-
umented a case in which mapping of who spoke with whom
and mapping of dwelling proximity combined to explain
why 7 of 44 residents (16%) installed photovoltaic panels
on their homes (far more than the national average of 1%).
Social networks can be powerful mitigative influences.
Perceived inequity. Perceived (in)equity is of-
ten heard as a reason for inaction: “Why should I change if
they won’t change?” Usually, well-known figures, other
economic sectors, or other nations are cited as not cooper-
ating, which serves as a justification for nonaction. The fear
of being victimized by free-riders (Kerr, 1983; Olson,
1965) serves as a barrier for some individuals, who ask
why they should contribute responsible behavior to the
climate change cause when (they fear) others will not. In
experimental resource dilemmas, when any sort of inequal-
ity or inequity (real or perceived) exists, cooperation tends
to decline (e.g., Aquino, Steisel, & Kay, 1992).
Sunk Costs
If people changed their behaviors and allegiances very
often, their lives would be more disordered than they
wished, and less time and effort would be available to
pursue goals deemed valuable. Thus, investments of
money, time, and behavior patterns are useful— unless they
are harmful to the environment or the climate (e.g., Cunha
& Caldieraro, 2009; Leahy, 2009).
Financial investments. Once one has invested
in something, dispensing with it is more difficult than it
would have been had one not invested in it (e.g., Arkes &
Hutzel, 2000; Knox & Inkster, 1968). The cardinal exam-
ple in this context might be car ownership. If one has
purchased a car and is now paying for its insurance and
monitoring its depreciation, why should this cozy portable
living room, with its many perceived benefits (cf. Reser,
1980), be left in the driveway? People generally are loss-
averse and do not wish to see that expense “thrown away”
in order to begin bicycling or taking public transit. Econ-
omists point out that the rational choice is to dispense with
the sunk cost and move forward, but most people choose
instead to hold on to the sunk cost investment, at least until
its disadvantages become too painful.
If a person has a direct financial stake in the fossil fuel
industry, cognitive dissonance (Festinger, 1954) can result
from hearing that burning these fuels damages the environ-
ment. Cognitive dissonance often is easier to reduce by
changing one’s mind (“burning these fuels is not causing a
problem”) than by changing one’s behavior (by disposing
of one’s fossil fuel investments or leaving one’s job in that
industry). Or, as B. F. Skinner (1987) remarked, “It is often
easier to escape in other ways— by ignoring or forgetting
the advice or by finding a way to escape that does not
require solving the problem” (p. 5).
Behavioral momentum. William James
(1890) called habit the “enormous fly-wheel of society” (p.
121), although he viewed this stability of action in positive
terms as a mechanism by which society remains ordered
rather than chaotic. In the context of climate change (and
some other behavioral contexts), habit is less benign (Ouel-
lette & Wood, 1998).
Habit may not be a glamorous barrier, but it may be
one of the most important for the mitigation of climate
change impacts (e.g., Hobson, 2003) because many habit-
ual behaviors are extremely resistant to permanent change
(e.g., eating habits), and others are only changed slowly,
over decades (e.g., the rates of smoking and the use of
safety belts) (Maio et al., 2007). Ensconced habits do not
change without a substantial push; priming and even atti-
tude change often do not lead to behavioral change. Per-
haps because it aptly expresses the sense of variation in the
resistance to change, behaviorists have used the term be-
havioral momentum (Nevin, Mandell, & Atak, 1983).
Some behaviors that form key parts of the human
contribution to climate change (e.g., the use of cars) have a
great deal of behavioral momentum and therefore are very
difficult to change (e.g., Bamberg, Ajzen, & Schmidt,
2003; Carrus, Passafaro, & Bonnes, 2008; Eriksson, Gar-
vill, & Nordlund, 2008), although changing driving behav-
ior is not impossible (e.g., Matthies, Klöckner, & Preißner,
2006). For example, temporarily forcing car drivers to use
alternative travel modes has induced long-term reductions
in car use (e.g., Fujii & Ga¨rling, 2003).
Conflicting values, goals, and aspirations.
Everyone has multiple goals and values, and these are not
all compatible either with each other or with climate
change mitigation (e.g., Lindenberg & Steg, 2007; Nord-
294 May–June 2011
American Psychologist
lund & Garvill, 2002; Schwartz, 1992; Stern, 2000; Vining
& Ebreo, 1991). Pro-environmental values positively influ-
ence at least the willingness to accept climate change
polices (McCright, 2009; Nilsson, von Borgstede, & Biel,
2004; O’Connor, Bord, Yarnal, & Wiefek, 2002), but they
are not always compatible with other values, other goals,
and other aspirations that inevitably lead to the production
of more greenhouse gases.
The aspiration to “get ahead” often means engaging in
actions that run counter to the goal of reducing one’s
climate change impacts: buying a larger house, flying by
choice, or driving a bigger car. That environmental values
and goals frequently are subsidiary to other values and
goals is revealed when people are asked to rank the impor-
tance of climate change amelioration against that of other
problems or concerns: They assign climate change low
importance (e.g., Leiserowitz, Kates, & Parris, 2005).
Adopting a phrase first used by Smillie and Helmich (1999)
to describe public support for foreign aid, Vasi (2009)
characterized public support for sustainable development
and the actions necessary to curtail climate change as “a
mile wide, but an inch deep.” This characterization is
consistent with the results of a Pew Research Center Proj-
ect poll which reported that as many as 75%– 80% of U.S.
respondents said climate change was an important issue
although they placed it 20th out of 20 issues surveyed
(“Warming to the Topic,” 2009). In sum, many citizens
“don’t seem to mind addressing the economic cost of
climate change, as long as it doesn’t come out of their own
pockets” (“Warming to the Topic,” 2009, p. 4).
(Lack of) place attachment. Individuals may
be more likely to care for a place to which they feel
attachment than for one to which they are not attached. If
so, weaker place attachment should act as an obstacle to
climate-positive behavior, and populations with a history of
geographic mobility would be expected to care less for
their present environments. The evidence for this predic-
tion is mixed: Place attachment is sometimes (Vorkinn &
Riese, 2001) but not always (Clayton, 2003; Gifford, Scan-
nell, et al., 2009; Uzzell, Pol, & Badenas, 2002) associated
with pro-environmental behavior. The role of place attach-
ment is likely to be complex but probably acts as an
impediment to action in some populations, as is perhaps
indicated by local opposition to wind farms in some areas
even when there is strong support for other pro-environ-
mental policies. For example, nature-based place attach-
ment but not civic-based place attachment seems to be
related to pro-environmental behavior (Scannell & Gifford,
2010; Vaske & Kobrin, 2001.
Discredence
When individuals hold the views of others in a negative
light, they are unlikely to take direction from those others.
These negative views can take various forms ranging from
a general lack of trust in the other, to believing that what
the other offers is inadequate, to outright denial of the
veracity of the other’s beliefs, to reactance against follow-
ing the other’s advice.
Mistrust. Trust is essential for healthy relation-
ships. When it is absent, as it sometimes is between citizens
and their scientists or government officials, resistance in
one form or another follows. Trust is easily damaged, and
when e-mails are stolen and selectively quoted, or a single
overeager scientist exaggerates future climate change out-
comes even in one region, widespread distrust can be
created. Trust is important for changing behavior, and
although its role as an influence on pro-environmental
behavior is complex (Gifford, 2007a), in general, behavior
change requires one to trust others not to take advantage; to
trust that the change is effective, valuable, and equitable (e.g.,
Brann & Foddy, 1987; Foddy & Dawes, 2008); and to trust
that the other has public-service motives and is honest (Terwel
et al., 2009). In sum, when trust sours, the probability of
adopting positive climate change behavior diminishes.
Perceived program inadequacy. Policy-
makers have considered and implemented many programs
designed to encourage sustainable or climate-friendly be-
havior choices. However, most climate-related programs to
date are voluntary for individuals; few are mandatory or are
backed with enforced sanctions for noncompliance. Thus,
citizens choose whether to accept the offer, and often they
decide the program is not good enough for their participa-
tion (cf. Pelletier, Dion, Tuson, & Green-Demers, 1999).
Cognitive dissonance can occur here as elsewhere; it can be
easier to change one’s mind about the adequacy of a
program than to change one’s behavior by engaging in the
program.
Denial. Uncertainty, mistrust, and sunk costs can
easily lead to active denial of the problem (e.g., Norgaard,
2006). This may include denial that climate change is
occurring, that it has any anthropogenic cause, or that one’s
own actions play a role in climate change. Polls vary, but
substantial minorities of people in most countries believe
that climate change is not occurring or that human activity
has little or nothing to do with it (McCright & Dunlap,
2010).
Those holding this view tend to be outspoken in
proportion to those who accept that a problem exists. For
example, a news story in USA Today about several envi-
ronmental presentations at the American Psychological As-
sociation (APA) 2008 convention in Boston (Jayson, 2009)
drew 115 reader responses. An informal content analysis of
the comments that Sonya Frey and I conducted showed that
about 100 of the responses essentially denied that the
problem exists; two typical explanations were that climate
change is a problem invented by “scientists who are pur-
suing a phantom issue” and that scientists are ignoring
research “proving” the problem is overestimated or does
not exist. One reader’s comments are typical of the emo-
tional intensity experienced by some deniers:
It figures that a bunch of psychologists need to mess with people’s
heads to get them to fall in line with this “eco-friendly” nonsense.
. . . “News stories that provided a balanced view of climate
change reduced people’s beliefs that humans are at fault.” Yep,
there ain’t nothing more that enviro-crazies hate than balanced
news reporting.
295May–June 2011
American Psychologist
A sample of 115 comments is not representative of the
population, but it does reflect the views of a voluble seg-
ment of society. Upon hearing about APA’s climate change
task force report (American Psychological Association
Task Force on the Interface Between Psychology and
Global Climate Change, 2009), the host of a popular show
on a leading U.S. television network held up a copy of
Aldous Huxley’s Brave New World and said, “The shrinks
are trying to brainwash us again.”
Such statements suggest that emotion, including fear,
plays an important role in denial. More research about the
emotional elements underlying the denial of climate change
and its human connections is needed; it would help in the
design of more effective ways to communicate about cli-
mate change (Comeau & Gifford, 2011; Marx et al., 2007;
Moser, 2007).
Terror management theory (e.g., Goldenberg, Pyszc-
zynski, Greenberg, & Solomon, 2000) suggests that people
may deny the problem because it is a reminder of their
mortality (Vess & Arndt, 2008).
Reactance. Ample evidence suggests that many
people distrust messages that come from scientists or gov-
ernment officials (e.g., Earle, 2004; MacGregor, Slovic,
Mason, & Detweiler, 1994). Some strongly react against
advice or policy that seems to threaten their freedom
(Brehm, 1966), partly because it is based on a lack of trust
in those who give the advice or set the policy (Eilam &
Suleiman, 2004). Among others, those with an interest in
the fossil fuel industry have been seeking, with increasing
success (Newport, 2010), to promote mistrust of the scien-
tific consensus on climate change and create opposition to
mitigation (cf. Hoggan, 2009; McCright, 2007; Oreskes &
Conway, 2010).
Perceived Risk
What might happen to individuals who consider changing
a behavior as a step toward reducing their greenhouse gas
emissions or improving their environment-related actions?
Changing behavior (of any sort) potentially holds at least
six kinds of risk (Schiffman, Kanuk, & Das, 2006).
Functional risk. Will it work? If one purchases,
for example, a plug-in electric vehicle (PHEV) it may, as a
new technology, have battery problems. The same could be
said for many new green technologies that now exist or
have been proposed as mitigative or adaptive solutions.
Physical risk. Some adaptations may have, or at
least be perceived as having, some danger associated with
them. Is this PHEV (for example) as crash-safe as the sport
utility vehicle that was traded in to buy the PHEV? To take
another example, bicycles burn virtually no greenhouse
gases after they are manufactured, but they result in quite a
few visits to emergency rooms.
Financial risk. Many green solutions require
capital outlays. How long is the payback? If the product
becomes a fixed part of a residence (e.g., solar panels), will
the owner recoup the installation costs or accrue enough
energy savings before moving on? That PHEV’s purchase
price probably includes a premium over equivalent gas-
powered vehicles; will the money spent buying and oper-
ating it be lost?
Social risk. Others notice many of our choices;
they become part of our public face. This leaves one open
to judgment by one’s friends and colleagues, which could
lead to damage to one’s ego or reputation: If I buy a PHEV,
will these significant others laugh or scoff at me, deride me
behind my back? They may invoke any of the first three
risks as my failure to reckon carefully.
Psychological risk. This risk, which closely
follows the fourth, perhaps is less likely for most people
but can occur. If one is teased, criticized, or even rebuked
by one’s significant others for buying the PHEV, one risks
suffering damage to one’s self-esteem and self-confidence.
Temporal risk. A more common, perhaps al-
most universal, risk is the potential that the time spent
planning and adopting the new course of action might fail
to produce the desired results. Most people, one supposes,
would spend a nontrivial amount of time deciding whether
to buy a PHEV, deciding whether to become a vegetarian,
planning how to bicycle to the day’s activities, or making
any other significant mitigative choice. If the choice does
not result in the desired benefits, the time spent researching
and purchasing items involved in the climate-change-
related behavior choice will have been wasted.
Limited Behavior
Many people are engaged in at least minimal action that
helps to limit the emission of greenhouse gases. Some
people are much more active than others. However, most
people could do more than they are doing, and in some
pilot studies, almost everyone agrees that they could do
more. Two major forms of this tendency are tokenism and
the rebound effect.
Tokenism. Once individuals move past environ-
mental numbness, denial, judgmental discounting, habit,
and perceived risk and believe that they have some behav-
ioral control and a sense that their own community, to
which they feel some (natural) attachment, might be threat-
ened, they may finally begin to engage in proclimate be-
havioral change. Which changes are most likely? Some
climate-related behaviors are easier to adopt than others but
have little or no impact on greenhouse gas emissions.
However, their ease of adoption means these actions tend
to be chosen over higher cost but more effective actions.
This tendency has also been called the low-cost hypothesis
(e.g., Diekmann & Preisendörfer, 1992; see also Kempton,
Harris, Keith, & Weihl, 1985). Pro-environmental intent
may not correspond with pro-environmental impact (Stern,
2000).
The rebound effect. A further problem with
initially proclimate choices is the rebound effect. After
some mitigating effort is made, the gains made are dimin-
ished or erased by subsequent actions. For example, per-
sons who buy fuel-efficient vehicles may drive farther than
they did when they owned less efficient vehicles. The
phenomenon has also been called the Jevons paradox
(Jevons, 1865) and the Khazzoom–Brookes postulate
296 May–June 2011
American Psychologist
(Brookes, 1990; Khazzoom, 1980). The rebound effect was
demonstrated in a recent resource dilemma study in which
participants who had been warned about the decline of the
resource restricted their harvests for a few seasons but then
returned to prewarning levels soon after (Joireman, Posey,
Truelove, & Parks, 2009).
Toward a Taxonomy of the
Psychological Barriers to
Behavior Change
Existing Models
The foregoing set of barriers cries out for organization. No
such taxonomy or research model has been developed
specifically for climate-related constructs, although some
very tentative starts have been made (Gifford, 2008; Koll-
muss & Agyeman, 2002; Lorenzoni et al., 2007). In terms
of formal models, the closest ones were developed for other
purposes, although they can be used for climate change
research. The most widely known of these models are the
theory of planned behavior (TPB; Ajzen, 1991) and the
value-belief-norm (VBN) model (Stern, 2000). The basic
TPB model includes subjective norms and perceived be-
havioral control and has been widely used in health and
safety research as well as in environmental research (e.g.,
Bamberg & Schmidt, 2003), but researchers have shown
that its predictive ability can be improved by extending it in
various ways (e.g., Conner & Armitage, 1998; de Groot &
Steg, 2007; Haustein & Hunecke, 2007; Heath & Gifford,
2006; Kaiser, 2006). However, even extended versions of it
do not include many of the other barriers described earlier.
Stern’s (2000) VBN model begins with one’s values.
The more biospheric and altruistic, and the less egoistic,
one’s general values are, the more one should believe the
main tenets of the New Ecological Paradigm, a worldview
that envisions the planet as a delicate, threatened, and
interconnected system, which leads to the belief that acts
that harm the environment have adverse consequences.
However, according to the VBN model, people will still not
act in a pro-environmental way if they do not also believe
that they are able to reduce those consequences. If all this
is in place, a person should then have a sense of obligation
and develop the norm to engage in any of four kinds of
pro-environmental actions: environmental activism, public
nonactivist behaviors, private behaviors, and actions within
an organization. VBN theory has also received empirical
support; it does a good job of accounting for nonactivist
environmental behaviors (e.g., Steg, Dreijerink, & Abra-
hamse, 2005).
Four other models for behavior change have received
less attention but deserve mention. Geller’s (1992) DO-
RITE model eschews attitudes, values, and other mental
constructs in favor of a focus on observable behavior and
intervention, as follows: Define (D) the target behavior to
be changed; observe (O) the target behavior; record (R) the
rate of occurrence of the behavior; intervene (I) with a
program that changes the consequences of engaging in that
behavior; test (T) the impact of the program by comparing
the frequency of the behavior before and after the program;
and evaluate (E) the program. Grob’s (1995) model focuses
on values, awareness, emotions, and perceived control.
Pelletier et al.’s (1999) model centers on global helpless-
ness, which they suggested arises from individuals’ beliefs
that they lack effective strategies to solve the problem,
sufficient capacity to solve the problem, or the ability to
sustain sufficient effort to solve the problem. Frantz and
Mayer (2009) adapted Latane´ and Darley’s (1970) five-
stage bystander intervention model, which includes aware-
ness of the problem, viewing the situation as an emergency,
feeling responsible, knowing what to do, and acting.
Parsimony Versus Comprehensiveness
As a family of seven genera incorporating 29 species, the
dragons of inaction implicitly raise the question of whether
the existing models are too simple. Parsimony is a cardinal
virtue, but might the existing models sacrifice important
elements in the pursuit of this virtue? If the pursuit of
greater understanding and its practical manifestation, pre-
dictive power, are also virtues, then more members of the
dragon family should have a place in models and theories
of proclimate behavior. Table 1’s preliminary taxonomy, a
more inclusive set of barriers to change, should be heuristic
to researchers, offer suggestions to model makers, and be
thought-provoking for policymakers.
These dragons in Table 1 are not solitary creatures.
They certainly interact. Indeed, their “DNA” undoubtedly
is shared in some cases. Social comparison probably is
related to social risk. Mistrust must often underlie denial.
Technosalvation might well presuppose perceived program
inadequacy. Perceived inequity probably is associated with
reactance. However, related constructs are not necessarily
redundant constructs. My colleagues and I have begun to
sort out the connections and interactions in this family
(Gifford, Iglesias, & Casler, 2009); once their empirical
interrelations are better known, they should significantly
improve the understanding and prediction of pro- and an-
ticlimate behavior. In turn, this increased understanding
should lead to the promotion of positive climate actions.
Motivation and Emotion
Although specific forms of motivation have been identified
and motivation is obviously an important human dimension
(e.g., Deci & Ryan, 2000; Goldenberg et al., 2000), the
present assumption is that the barriers, collectively, lead to
a general amotivation to act in climate-friendly ways and
that their removal would increase the motivation to act.
Emotions, in the present formulation, are viewed as integral
aspects of some barriers: Fear presumably is part of per-
ceived risk, for example, and anger presumably is part of
reactance, perceived equity, and justice.
On the other hand, emotion does not seem to be a
central aspect of many other barriers, such as habit, token-
ism, discounting, ignorance, or the rebound effect. Some
297May–June 2011
American Psychologist
evidence suggests that even though cognitive systems are
engaged about climate change, affective systems are not
(Weber, 2006), although they are sometimes predictive
(Grob, 1995). Other evidence suggests that affect is impor-
tant only when one’s attitude toward a pro-environmental
behavior is weak (Smith, Haugtvedt, & Petty, 1994). Thus,
in sum, motivation seems to be either everywhere or no-
where, and emotion may be less important for most barriers
but important if one’s attitude toward climate change is not
strong.
Conclusion
Certain key structural barriers stand in the way of behav-
ioral changes that would help limit climate change, but
many psychological barriers remain for individuals who do
not face stiff structural barriers. Many people already are
taking action in response to the challenges from climate
change, but many others are hindered by one or more of
these barriers to action. The structural barriers should be
removed by such forces as legislation and urban renewal,
but this action is not likely to be sufficient. Psychologists
and other social scientists have an important role to play if
the many psychological barriers are to be overcome (e.g.,
Gifford, 2007b, 2008; Spence, Pidgeon, & Uzzell, 2009;
Vlek, 2000).
Research and practice are needed to examine each
barrier more closely in the context of climate change. Some
suggested starting points follow. First, good theory informs
and directs scientific progress; the taxonomy proposed here
should be examined and improved if necessary. Some
dragons may be missing, and empirical studies may well
find significant links or overlap between them. Second, the
extent of barriers faced by individuals in different groups
and contexts should be examined. Presumably, different
population and cultural segments experience different bar-
riers and therefore will respond differently to different
kinds of messages, policies, and interventions; clarifying
these differences will increase the effectiveness of mitiga-
tion efforts. Third, one might expect that facing multiple
barriers cumulates to increase an individual’s amotivation
to act; this proposition could be tested. Fourth, denial
remains a particularly troubling barrier for social and cli-
mate scientists because behavior change cannot occur as
long as the problem is not seen as a problem. Fifth, more
research is needed to better understand how individuals can
overcome these barriers. For instance, scientific integrity
demands confidence intervals, but confidence intervals in-
vite inaction by many community members. Sixth, look for
opportunities to promote social networks to spread the
adoption of mitigative and adaptive technology choices (cf.
Rogers, 1983).
Psychologists are a resourceful and optimistic lot. The
dragons of inaction can be beaten back, if not slain. Five
essential strategies can help overcome the barriers de-
scribed in this article:
Analyze specific barriers at the behavioral level.
Define very specifically the behavior that is hold-
ing individuals back from more climate-friendly
choices in transportation, food, energy, and other
carbon-reliant aspects of our lives, then observe
and record it, intervene, test the intervention’s
impact, and evaluate the program (Geller, 1986,
1992). At the societal level, Skinner (1987, p. 7)
implicitly advocated wresting control of the “re-
inforcers of daily life” from governments, reli-
gions, and capitalistic systems as long as the
immediate “contingencies of selection” are in
conflict with the long-term welfare of the species.
After creating better measures of the carbon cost
associated with various behavior choices (in coop-
eration with other scientists), create better ways to
feed information back to consumers and citizens,
using best-practice human factors design in the ma-
chines we use (Abrahamse, Steg, Vlek, & Rothen-
gatter, 2007).
Improve understanding of the bases for public
support of, and opposition to, policies and tech-
nologies for limiting climate change, which
should include optimizing messaging strategies in
general and for particular population segments
and testing the diffusion of innovation and social
network processes (e.g., Maibach, Roser-Renouf,
& Leiserowitz, 2008; Moser & Dilling, 2004).
For example, in a telephone survey experiment of
1,000 Ontario residents, empowering messages
were found to produce more intended proclimate
action than were sacrifice messages (Comeau &
Gifford, 2011).
Design and conduct more intervention studies
aimed at important carbon-related behavior choices,
such as travel mode choice and energy use (e.g.,
Steg & Vlek, 2009).
Work closely with other disciplines, with govern-
ment agencies, and with technical experts; climate
change cannot be accomplished by any one of these
groups no matter how well they do their own job
(e.g., Schoot Uiterkamp & Vlek, 2007).
As in other behavior domains that were strongly re-
sistant to behavior change, such as smoking and the use of
safety belts, the dragons of inaction can be overcome,
although the effort will take time and will never be com-
plete. However, through a combination of appropriately
targeted messages, effective leadership, improved technical
knowledge, equitable policies, enabling infrastructure, the
development of norms, the setting of reasonable goals,
in-your-face feedback, the spreading of social norms
through social networks, and appropriate personal rewards,
it will be done. These steps must be taken expeditiously;
we may not have the four or five decades that it has taken
to get most people to stop smoking and wear a safety belt
to ease our profligate spewing of greenhouse gases, manage
the blow it will already have caused, and prevent even
stronger blows.
298 May–June 2011
American Psychologist
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