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Sacred Kingship and Royal Patronage in the Vie de la Magdalene: Pilgrimage, Politics, Passion Plays, and the Life of Louise of Savoy

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In 1516 Louise of Savoy, mother of the French king Francis I, undertook a pilgrimage to Provence to visit La Sainte-Baume, the grotto shrine of Saint Mary Magdalene, to whom she was particularly devoted. Accompanied by her son, daughter, and daughter-in-law, Louise made the pilgrimage to fulfill her vow to visit the shrine in exchange for the saint’s protection of Francis during the Battle of Marignano the previous year. After visiting the holy grotto and the nearby Church of Saint-Maximin, which houses the Magdalene’s relics, Louise and Francis made sizeable financial donations for the support and renovation of the shrine and abbey, as well as commissioning works of art for placement in the grotto as outward signs of their veneration of Mary Magdalene and gratitude for her protection. Upon returning home Louise commissioned the Franciscan priest Francois Demoulins de Rochefort to create a manuscript depicting the life of Mary Magdalene as a personal book of devotion and a commemoration of the royal pilgrimage. Demoulins collaborated with the illuminator Godefroy le Batave to create the Vie de la Magdalene (Paris, B.N., ms. fr. 24.955). The diminutive manuscript is composed of four parts--the text, which includes both narrative and commentary; the illuminations, which include miniatures of the saint’s life as well as depictions of the shrine and relics; multi-lingual mottoes inscribed in the gold frames around the illuminations; and the colored frames with decorative motifs that surround the text. While ostensibly a saintly vita, the Vie de la Magdalene is, in fact, a complex work that functions on a number of levels. Although much of the manuscript’s imagery and content aligns with major aspects of the medieval Magdalene legend, the Vie also has intriguing anomalies that do not have their source in traditional representations of Magdalenian hagiography. This dissertation examines the complexities of the Vie de la Magdalene to demonstrate how and why this vita differs from other accounts of the Magdalene’s story. It argues that Demoulins and Godefroy manipulated the narrative, illuminations, mottoes, and decorative motifs of the manuscript to reflect the personal and political concerns of Louise of Savoy and her children. For example, the author establishes thematic parallels between events in Louise’s life and the lives of both Mary Magdalene and the Virgin Mary, just as he makes correlations between Francis and Jesus Christ as Christian kings who are the sons of devoted and courageous mothers. Another example is the mottoes, which are written in French, Spanish, Italian, German, Latin, and two forms of Greek. The inclusion of these specific languages reflects not only an interest in humanism at the French court but also Francis’s bid to become Holy Roman Emperor. Equally important are the aspects of the Vie that stress Louise and Francis’s royal lineage as well as their perpetuation of the traditions, established by their regal ancestors, of devotion to Mary Magdalene and patronage to the Provençal shrine. A corresponding theme emphasizes the Magdalene’s role as unctrice in the anointing of Jesus as the first Christian “king,” and the significance of her actions to the sacre, the ceremonial anointing of French kings during their coronation. Using this theme of sacral anointing, Demoulins establishes a direct connection between Francis I, the newly crowned “Most Christian King” of France, and Jesus Christ, the “King of Kings.” This study also demonstrates the manner in which the Vie de la Magdalene reflects the influence of three fifteenth-century French Passion plays. Demoulins incorporates into the Vie specific scenes, characters, text, and themes found in the plays, thereby increasing the dramatic and spiritual impact of the story for the manuscript’s reader. In addition, Godefroy’s design of certain miniatures mimics the traditional staging of these plays, and in particular, recreates the experience of viewing the scenes from a royal box, again emphasizing the regal station of the Vie’s owner, Louise of Savoy. The last portion of the dissertation is an iconographic analysis of the decorative motifs on the narrative frames and a catalogue of the Vie, including translations of the text and mottoes, and detailed descriptions of the roundel images. This dissertation adds to the scholarship on the Vie de la Magdalene by examining the components of the manuscript as individual and interactive devices designed to stimulate the reader visually, intellectually, emotionally, and spiritually. Equally important, this dissertation reveals that the Vie de la Magdalene is replete with regal references intended to align Louise of Savoy and Francis I with their illustrious royal ancestors through their mutual devotion to Mary Magdalene and patronage to her shrine at La Sainte-Baume.

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Mary Magdalene is a key figure in the history of Christianity. After Mary, the mother of Jesus, she remains the most important female saint in her guise both as primary witness to the resurrection and 'apostle of the apostles'. This volume, the first major work on the Magdalene in more than thirty years, focuses on her 'lives' as these have been imagined and reimagined within Christian tradition. Philip Almond expertly disentangles the numerous narratives that have shaped the story of Mary over the past two millennia. Exploring the 'idea' of the Magdalene – her cult, her relics, her legacy – the author deftly peels back complex layers of history and myth to reveal many different Maries, including penitent prostitute; demoniac; miracle worker; wife and lover of Jesus; symbol of the erotic; and New Age goddess. By challenging uniform or homogenised readings of the Magdalene, this absorbing new book brings fascinating insights to its subject.
Article
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Columbia University, 1997. Includes bibliographical references. Department: History. Microfilm.
Demoulins's name is also spelled Du Moulin, Du Moulins, Demoulin, and Desmoulin. The author refers to himself as Rochefort in the manuscript. 3. The manuscript is also known as Vie de sainte Magdalene and La vie de la belle et clere Magdalene. See Rigolot, 73. For Godefroy le Batave, see Orth
  • François Rigolot
François Rigolot, "Magdalene's Skull: Allegory and Iconography in Heptameron 32," Renaissance Quarterly 47 (Spring 1994): 57-73. 2. Both Haskins and Rigolot mention that Louise was especially devoted to Mary Magdalene. See Haskins, 245; and Rigolot, 57. Demoulins's name is also spelled Du Moulin, Du Moulins, Demoulin, and Desmoulin. The author refers to himself as Rochefort in the manuscript. 3. The manuscript is also known as Vie de sainte Magdalene and La vie de la belle et clere Magdalene. See Rigolot, 73. For Godefroy le Batave, see Orth, "Progressive Tendencies," 166-84; and Myra Dickman Orth, "Godefroy le Batave, Illuminator to the French Royal Family, 1516-1526," in Manuscripts in the Fifty Years after the Invention of Printing, ed. J. B. Trapp (London: Warburg Institute, 1983), 50-61.
Image, Interpretations, and Traditions: A Study of the Magdalene
  • Jansen
Jansen, 18-19, 62-82, passim; Haskins, 62, 55-94, passim. 3. In addition to Haskins, see Diane Apostolos-Cappadona, "Image, Interpretations, and Traditions: A Study of the Magdalene," in Interpreting Tradition: The Art of Theological Reflection, ed. Jane Kopas (Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 1984), 109-21;
L'Iconographie de Sainte Marie-Madeleine dans l'art française, de l'époque romane a la fin du XVIe siècle
  • Madeleine Delpierre
Madeleine Delpierre, "L'Iconographie de Sainte Marie-Madeleine dans l'art française, de l'époque romane a la fin du XVIe siècle" (Ph.D. diss., Paris, 1948);
Le Culte de Marie Madeleine en Occident des origines à la fin du moyen âge
  • Victor Saxer
Victor Saxer, Le Culte de Marie Madeleine en Occident des origines à la fin du moyen âge, 2 vols. (Paris: Librairie Clavreuil, 1959);
Many of the Early Christian fathers and theologians addressed this issue, including Saints Ambrose
  • Jerome Augustine
  • John Chrysostom
Many of the Early Christian fathers and theologians addressed this issue, including Saints Ambrose, Augustine, Jerome, and John Chrysostom, as well as Cyril of Alexandria, Hippolytus of Rome, Origen, and others. See Haskins, 55-94, for a recent study.
The medieval life of Mary Magdalene that appears in literary sources like the Golden Legend is a conflation of several earlier vitae, including the vita apostolica, the vita eremitica, the vita evangelica, and the vita mixta
  • Voragine
Voragine, 355-64. The medieval life of Mary Magdalene that appears in literary sources like the Golden Legend is a conflation of several earlier vitae, including the vita apostolica, the vita eremitica, the vita evangelica, and the vita mixta. See Jansen, 37-39, 50-51, and 52.
This is the origin of her cognomen "The Apostle to the Apostles" or Apostola, for Jesus chose her as the one to announce the miracle of his Resurrection to the world. See Haskins, 62. 29. Mark 16:11; Luke 24:11. 30
  • Knecht
Knecht, 88-89. 25. Ibid. 26. Matthew 28:1; Mark 16:11; Luke 24:10; John 20:1-21. 27. John 20:17. 28. John 20:17-18. This is the origin of her cognomen "The Apostle to the Apostles" or Apostola, for Jesus chose her as the one to announce the miracle of his Resurrection to the world. See Haskins, 62. 29. Mark 16:11; Luke 24:11. 30. "Quis revolvet lapidem ab hostio monumēti" 31. John 20:1; Luke 24:2.
Voragine associates the meaning "bitter sea" with the bitterness of the Magdalene's remorse and the tears of her repentance
  • Voragine
Voragine, 355. Voragine states that the name "Mary" is derived from amarum mare, meaning "bitter sea," "light-giver," and "enlightened." Voragine associates the meaning "bitter sea" with the bitterness of the Magdalene's remorse and the tears of her repentance. "Light-giver" is a reference to her contemplative state, in 71. Mycoff, 8. 72. Mycoff, 10. 73. Mycoff, 27. 74. Mycoff, 10-11. For a discussion of the similarities between the VBMM and these earlier authors, see Mycoff, 117-66.
Given the subtleties possible in the translation of a medieval language, these passages may have been precisely the same in their original forms. 78. Voragine, 356. Voragine states only
  • Mycoff
Mycoff, 132, commentary on lines 516-579. 76. Mycoff, 30. 77. Given the subtleties possible in the translation of a medieval language, these passages may have been precisely the same in their original forms. 78. Voragine, 356. Voragine states only, "For love of her, He restored her brother to life after he had been dead four days." 79. Mycoff, 28. 80. Mycoff, 30. 81. Mycoff, 33. 82. Mycoff, 31. 83. Ibid. 84. Mycoff, 33. 85. Mycoff, 34-35. 86. Ibid. 87. Mycoff, 16. 88. In the VBMM, however, Simon's derision of the Magdalene is in the form of thoughts that Jesus nonetheless understands and addresses. See Mycoff, 36. 89. Mycoff, 38.
The author notes that two bronze sculptures placed on pedestals beside the door to her house commemorate her miraculous healing, and that Notes 1. For information on the Magdalene's cult in Provence, see Saxer
  • Mycoff
Mycoff, 39-40. The author notes that two bronze sculptures placed on pedestals beside the door to her house commemorate her miraculous healing, and that Notes 1. For information on the Magdalene's cult in Provence, see Saxer, Le Culte de
Haskins notes that because of the church's close relationship with the Vatican, the history of the abbey is well documented between the ninth and fourteenth centuries
  • Clemens
Clemens, 21. Haskins notes that because of the church's close relationship with the Vatican, the history of the abbey is well documented between the ninth and fourteenth centuries.
See Haskins, 417, n. 121. 21. Jansen, 39, 53, 124-25. Saxer brought the Vézelay documents together in his work Le dossier vézelien de Marie-Madeleine. Invention et translation des reliques en 1265-1267. Contribution a historie du culte de la sainte a l'apogée du Moyen Age (Subsidia hagiographica
  • Clemens Haskins
Haskins, 126; and Clemens, 85-86, 111-12. Fra Salimbene de Adam, Cronica Fratris Salimbene de Adam Ordinis Minorum A. 1283 is reprinted in Monumenta Germaniae Historica (Leipzig: 1889), 522. See Haskins, 417, n. 121. 21. Jansen, 39, 53, 124-25. Saxer brought the Vézelay documents together in his work Le dossier vézelien de Marie-Madeleine. Invention et translation des reliques en 1265-1267. Contribution a historie du culte de la sainte a l'apogée du Moyen Age (Subsidia hagiographica, n. 57) (Brussels : Société des Bollandistes, 1975.) See Jansen, 39, n. 68.
For a discussion on the Angevin dynasty's devotion to Mary Magdalene, see Jansen
  • Jansen
Jansen, 19, 43, 45, 308, 332, 336. For a discussion on the Angevin dynasty's devotion to Mary Magdalene, see Jansen, 307-32.
for discussion of discovery of Mary Magdalene's body by Charles of Salerno, and the various monastic and historical accounts that supported or were extrapolated from Charles's efforts to find the true remains of Mary Magdalene
  • See Clemens
See Clemens, Chapter 2, 66-122, for discussion of discovery of Mary Magdalene's body by Charles of Salerno, and the various monastic and historical accounts that supported or were extrapolated from Charles's efforts to find the true remains of Mary Magdalene.
Charles worked with such enthusiasm and exertion that he was soon soaked with perspiration, which ran in rivulets from his face and body. Jansen notes that this observation was recorded in an account of the event by Philippe Cabassole, who was not an eyewitness to the event. See also Clemens
  • Jansen
Jansen, 309. Charles worked with such enthusiasm and exertion that he was soon soaked with perspiration, which ran in rivulets from his face and body. Jansen notes that this observation was recorded in an account of the event by Philippe Cabassole, who was not an eyewitness to the event. See also Clemens, 100-105, who also discusses Cabassole's account of the event.
In addition to the sources mentioned in note 28 above, see also Edmunds
  • Clemens
Clemens, 66-67, 70-71. 29. In addition to the sources mentioned in note 28 above, see also Edmunds, 16-17.
Some of Charles's efforts were delayed by war and other obligations of rule
  • Jansen
Jansen, 310-13. Some of Charles's efforts were delayed by war and other obligations of rule.
320-28, for discussion of the veneration of Mary Magdalene by Charles's descendants in the Angevin dynasty
  • See Jansen
See Jansen, 320-28, for discussion of the veneration of Mary Magdalene by Charles's descendants in the Angevin dynasty.
Dévotion du roi René pour Sainte Marie-Madeleine et las sanctuaire de Saint-Maximin
  • Clemens
Clemens, 232. See also Otto Pächt, "Dévotion du roi René pour Sainte Marie-Madeleine et las sanctuaire de Saint-Maximin," Chronique méridionale : arts du moyen age et de la Renaissance, 1 (1981), 15-28.
For discussion of the complexities surrounding the marriage of Francis and Claude, see Knecht
  • Knecht
Knecht, 9, 15. For discussion of the complexities surrounding the marriage of Francis and Claude, see Knecht, 11-17.
A large portion of Ray Clemens's dissertation is devoted to miracles, pilgrimages, and acts of devotion, including ex-votos, associated with Mary Magdalene. See Clemens
  • Jansen
Jansen, 248, 277. A large portion of Ray Clemens's dissertation is devoted to miracles, pilgrimages, and acts of devotion, including ex-votos, associated with Mary Magdalene. See Clemens, Chapter 3, "Sacred Body, Sacred Place: The Miracles of the Magdalen at Saint-Maximin," 124-72; Chapter 4, "Acts of Devotion," 173-203; and Chapter 7, "Pilgrimage and Patronage: The Success of the Cult," 256-88. See also in Clemens, 38-47 for miracle collections.
After this time, all of Anjou including Provence was granted to members of the royal family. See Potter, 114. When Francis became king in 1515
  • Anjou's Successor
  • I V Charles
Anjou's successor, Charles IV, whose brief reign lasted from 1480-81. After this time, all of Anjou including Provence was granted to members of the royal family. See Potter, 114. When Francis became king in 1515, he awarded his mother the title of Duchess of Anjou along with her other titles listed on note 66 above. 59. For the armorials of the Duchies of Valois and Anjou, see the link to the website on note 56 above. 60. Other Angevin and Valois kings who used the triple fleurs-de-lis are
The Basilica Saint Mary-Magdalene and the Royal Convent
  • Michel Moncault
Michel Moncault, The Basilica Saint Mary-Magdalene and the Royal Convent (Aix-en-Provence: Édisud, 2003), 10.
It was common for children born after the intervention of Francis of Paolo to bear his name
  • Knecht
Knecht, 3. It was common for children born after the intervention of Francis of Paolo to bear his name.
On January 21 st , Saint Agnes' day, at Blois, Anne, queen of France, had a son, but he could not retard the exaltation of my Caesar, for there was no life in him
  • Matarasso
Matarasso, 265. On page 457 of her Journal, Louise wrote the following entry: "On January 21 st, Saint Agnes' day, at Blois, Anne, queen of France, had a son, but he could not retard the exaltation of my Caesar, for there was no life in him." See Matarasso, 265, n. 8. For further information on Louise's journal, see Henri Hauser, "Le Journal de Louise de Savoie," Revue Historique 86 (1904), 280-303;
By the sixteenth century, the sacre was no longer considered essential for the assumption of a king's power, as it was believed the king began his rule the moment he acceded to the throne, but it was still had important symbolic and ceremonial meaning to the monarch and the people of France
  • Knecht
Knecht, 45. By the sixteenth century, the sacre was no longer considered essential for the assumption of a king's power, as it was believed the king began his rule the moment he acceded to the throne, but it was still had important symbolic and ceremonial meaning to the monarch and the people of France.
En tant que titulaire de l'une des Anciennes Pairies de France, le Duc de Bourgogne portait la couronne et mettait la ceinture du Roi au cours de la cérémonie du Sacre
  • Knecht
Knecht, 46; Jackson, 205; Enright, 137-159. 76. For the crest of the Duchy of Burgundy see the Bunel website: http://www.heraldique-europeenne.org/Regions/France/Bourgogne.htm. Above the armorial for Burgundy, Bunel notes: "En tant que titulaire de l'une des Anciennes Pairies de France, le Duc de Bourgogne portait la couronne et mettait la ceinture du Roi au cours de la cérémonie du Sacre." See also Knecht, 45-46;