Gender and climate change-induced migration: Proposing a framework for analysis

Abstract

This paper proposes frameworks to analyze the gender dimensions of climate change-induced migration. The experiences, needs and priorities of climate migrants will vary by gender and these differences need to be accounted for if policies are to be inclusive. Among the vulnerable groups, women are likely to be disproportionately affected due to climate change because on average women tend to be poorer, less educated, have a lower health status and have limited direct access to or ownership of natural resources. Both the process (actual movement) and the outcomes (rural–rural or rural–urban migration, out-migration mainly of men) of climate change-induced migration are also likely to be highly gendered.

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IOP PUBLISHING ENVIRONMENTAL RESEARCH LETTERS
Environ. Res. Lett. 7(2012) 025601 (7pp) doi:10.1088/1748-9326/7/2/025601
Gender and climate change-induced
migration: proposing a framework for
analysis
Namrata Chindarkar
School of Public Policy, University of Maryland, College Park, USA
E-mail: namrata.chindarkar@gmail.com
Received 28 March 2012
Accepted for publication 29 May 2012
Published 22 June 2012
Online at stacks.iop.org/ERL/7/025601
Abstract
This paper proposes frameworks to analyze the gender dimensions of climate change-induced
migration. The experiences, needs and priorities of climate migrants will vary by gender and
these differences need to be accounted for if policies are to be inclusive. Among the
vulnerable groups, women are likely to be disproportionately affected due to climate change
because on average women tend to be poorer, less educated, have a lower health status and
have limited direct access to or ownership of natural resources. Both the process (actual
movement) and the outcomes (rural–rural or rural–urban migration, out-migration mainly of
men) of climate change-induced migration are also likely to be highly gendered.
Keywords: climate change, migration, gender, vulnerability assessment
1. Introduction
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (Parry
et al 2007) argues that climate change will affect human
settlements through its impacts on human health, food
security and decrease in the viability of natural resource-
based economic activity. Realizing the gravity of this
phenomenon, the United Nations Framework Convention on
Climate Change (UNFCCC) included climate change-induced
displacement, migration, and planned relocation in the 2010
and 2011 Conference of the Parties. In fact, paragraph
14(f) of the Cancun Adaptation Framework calls for deeper
examination of human impacts of climate change and
incorporation of migration policies and measures to address
displacement in national adaptation strategies.
It is believed that the effects of climate change
on population movements are likely to adversely and
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disproportionately impact poor and vulnerable population
groups, especially women (CIDA 2002, Hunter and David
2009). While research on climate change-induced migration
in itself is scarce, its impact on women is under-explored.
Climate change may not only directly impact women through
environmental changes such as rise in sea level or increases
in temperature, but also make them more vulnerable because
of its interaction with socio-cultural factors (The Government
Office for Science 2011). For instance, unequal gender
relations and access to resources may make women more
vulnerable to climate change than men (Masika 2002, p 4).
Furthermore, adaptation, that is, the ability to adapt to and
cope with changes due to climate change, is also gendered.
Adaptive capacities of individuals greatly depend on income,
education, health and access to natural resources. Given that
women tend to be poorer, less educated, have a lower health
status and have limited direct access to or ownership of
natural resources, they will be disproportionately affected
by climate change (Masika 2002, p 5, Demetriades and
Esplen 2010). For instance, it is predicted that climate change
will negatively impact food production and availability of
natural resources such as water. Scarcity of food can worsen
11748-9326/12/025601+07$33.00 c
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Environ. Res. Lett. 7(2012) 025601 N Chindarkar
women’s nutritional status due to their marginalization within
households. Also, as women are mainly responsible for
gathering water for the household, paucity of water might
increase the burden on women. The impact on women is likely
to be worse in developing countries because of the deeper
economic and social gender divide.
One aspect of gender and climate change that remains
a huge gap and requires attention is that of climate
change-induced migration. A United Nations Population Fund
UNFPA (2009, p 35) report argues that migration requires
economic and physical capacities that are not available
to everyone. Due to issues pertaining to opportunities,
capabilities as well as security, women, children and elderly
are usually the ones left behind in the face of an environmental
crisis. However, a more thorough analysis of women’s
vulnerability to climate change-induced migration is required
to understand the gender dimensions of factors that lead to
climate change-induced migration and the differential impacts
that the process and outcomes of climate change-induced
migration have on women. The questions that need to be
examined are:
(i) How does gender influence the vulnerabilities that
increase the probability of or lead to climate change-
induced migration?
(ii) What are the gender dimensions of the process of climate
change-induced migration, that is, actual movement
of people; and outcomes of climate change-induced
migration, such as rural–rural or rural–urban migration,
out-migration mainly of men?
Although studies on gender and climate change-induced
migration are scarce, I draw upon literature and studies on
gender and climate change, gender and forced migration,
and gender and disasters from developing and developed
countries to propose a framework. Most literature deals
with the impact of sudden climate disasters such as floods,
cyclones and hurricanes, and not with the gradual effects of
climate change. However, as the frequency and severity of
sudden climate disasters is expected to increase, the findings
from these studies are pertinent. It should be emphasized
that the frameworks are intended to mainly examine
the gendered nature of internal climate change-induced
migration. However, it may be applicable to cross-border
climate change-induced migration such as Nepal–India or
Bangladesh–India, though there would be additional legal and
institutional constraints.
First, this paper reviews literature on how gender
influences peoples’ vulnerability to climate change and
subsequent migration, and proposes a framework which
can be used to conduct a gender-sensitive vulnerability
assessment. Second, the paper reviews literature to understand
the gender dimensions of the actual process of climate
change-induced migration and specific migration outcomes,
and proposes a framework to examine gender and climate
change-induced migration outcomes.
2. Gender and vulnerability to climate
change-induced migration
2.1. Review of literature
Recently, a few studies have examined the linkages between
climate change, migration, and gender using empirical
evidence. Besides empirically supporting the theories, these
studies are also methodologically relevant.
A series of studies were conducted using a monthly panel
data collected in the Chitwan Valley of Nepal that covers a
period of ten years. (Shrestha and Bhandari 2007, Massey et al
2007, Bohra-Mishra and Massey 2010). Though the primary
objective was only to study the effects of environmental
degradation on out-migration, all the studies disaggregate the
effect by gender. The methods and results of these studies
somewhat differ. However, a common conclusion is that for
women in the Chitwan Valley, an increase in the collection
time for fodder and firewood, and decline in agricultural
productivity increases the probability of local (within district)
out-migration. Climate change-induced migration for women
is therefore closely linked with deterioration of natural
resources as they are both the primary collectors and users.
In addition to environmental degradation and reduced
access to natural resources, climate variability and natural
disasters also have an impact on women’s likelihood of
migration. Using a cross-sectional survey of North Carolina
coastal residents conducted in 1999 following the disastrous
Hurricane Bonnie, Bateman and Edwards (2002) argue that
women are more likely than men to evacuate in the wake of a
natural disaster. Their findings indicate that women are more
likely to evacuate than men because of socially constructed
gender differences such as family obligations and caregiving;
greater response to evacuation incentives such as availability
of a vehicle and neighbor evacuation; higher exposure to risk
due to their low economic status and special medical needs;
and higher perceived risk due to caregiving responsibilities
(Bateman and Edwards 2002 p 107). In contrast however,
in developing countries where women’s mobility is highly
restricted such as Bangladesh, women are more likely to not
evacuate and die due to natural disasters (Fothergill 1996,
p 41). Therefore, even voluntary migration of women due to
climate change is highly correlated to social contexts.
Women’s ability to cope is another aspect of their
vulnerability to climate change-induced migration. Lambrou
and Piana (2006) argue that women’s ability to adapt to
climate change depends on their control over land and money;
access to credit and safeguards; low dependency ratios; good
health; personal mobility; and household entitlements. These
arguments are supported by ethnographic evidence which was
collected by ActionAid and the Institute for Development
Studies (IDS) in a report on the impacts of climate change
on poor South Asian women (India, Bangladesh and Nepal)
and their adaptation needs and priorities (Mitchell et al 2007).
The study, which was conducted in the Ganga river basin in
the aftermath of massive riparian flooding, also finds that poor
women particularly from Nepal were forced to migrate locally
due to their low adaptive capacity (Mitchell et al 2007, p 16).
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Furthermore, studies and surveys conducted in post-Hurricane
Katrina New Orleans find that poor women who lacked home
or renter’s insurance were the ones who not only lost their
shelter but also were not re-housed during the post-disaster
reconstruction process thus making it difficult for them to
return (Enarson 2006).
2.2. Conceptualizing climate change-induced migration
Climate change-induced migration, both voluntary and
forced, is a gendered and socially embedded process. To
examine the linkages between climate change, migration
and gender more formally I propose a gender-sensitive
vulnerability assessment framework. Drawing upon previous
literature on vulnerability to climate change, I define
vulnerability to climate change-induced migration as the
exposure and sensitivity of groups or individuals to stress as a
result of the impacts of climate change which in turn make
them susceptible to migration due to their low levels of or
absence of capacity to adapt (Adger 1999, IPCC 2001, Brooks
et al 2005, Adger 2006, Chambers 2006, O’Brien et al 2008).
In terms of exposure the value attributes of the hazard,
that is, its magnitude, frequency, duration and areal extent will
be important determinants of who will be affected and thus,
who will most likely be confronted with migration choices,
when and for how long. For instance, if the climatic disaster is
sudden and high in magnitude, there might be a sudden spike
in climate change-induced migration from that particular
affected region, but it may only be temporary. However, if
the climate change impact is gradual and irreversible such as
rising temperatures or sea levels over a relatively large area,
then migration might occur over a period of time and may be
permanent, with those having the capacity moving first and
the poorest being left behind.
Similarly, in terms of sensitivity, certain regions and
communities would be more sensitive to climate change-
induced migration as compared to others. For instance,
communities settled around river banks might be less sensitive
to climate change-induced migration as compared to those
settled in low-elevation coastal zones (LECZs). And in terms
of adaptive capacity, communities, which have traditionally
devised ways and methods to adapt to climate change, or
which are constantly and proactively adapting themselves,
might be less likely to migrate.
2.3. Framework to examine gender and vulnerability to
climate change-induced migration
Previous studies have used the indicator approach to
operationalize the three dimensions of vulnerability to
climate change (Yohe and Tol 2002, Brenkert and Malone
2005, Brooks et al 2005, Hanh et al 2009). I follow
a similar approach and draw upon the literature to
propose a framework to operationalize and examine gender
and vulnerability to climate change-induced migration.
Figure 1lists these indicators and potential gendered
impact. A crucial advantage of the indicator approach is
that it takes into account the multi-dimensional nature
of vulnerability. The framework also specifies the phase
during which women are most likely to be vulnerable.
For instance, when a high-intensity environmental disaster
strikes, women in culturally conservative societies could
be more vulnerable before or during migration because
they might feel ashamed to leave the house or are less
likely than men to know how to swim (Nelson et al
2002). Further, women might be more vulnerable post-
migration due to lack of education or livelihood-generating
skills.
3. Gender dimensions of the process of climate
change-induced migration
There is very little research done on how women are
affected during the actual process of climate change-induced
migration. However, some understanding can be gained from
the limited literature and research conducted in developed
countries. The main issues facing women during climate-
induced displacement are security and adequate emergency
relief (Gururaja 2000, Enarson 2006, Mitchell et al 2007,
Brown 2008, Brody et al 2008).
Brown (2008, p 34) states that just like other internally
displaced women, climate-induced women migrants are at a
greater risk of sexual and gender-based violence. Evidence on
this can be found in the ActionAid and IDS report (Mitchell
et al 2007 p 10), where many women state lack of safe
shelters upon being evacuated or forced to migrate as one
of their primary concerns. There are also other issues of
safety and security arising from women’s health status and
disintegration of social networks. Mitchell et al (2007, p 10)
observe that women suffer from psychosocial impacts of
natural disasters to a greater degree as compared to men.
The extra burden of looking after their family members
even when they themselves were in great distress resulted
in many women to suffer from anxiety and post-traumatic
stress. Further, the breaking of social ties and separation of
families also had a severe impact on these women. Similar
signs of stress were also observed among the women who
were displaced by Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans (Enarson
2006). In addition to these, often women are not allowed direct
access to relief aid because they are not the ‘head of the
household’ (Spring 2008). Such exclusion is likely to make
them more vulnerable.
A related issue is that of providing timely and adequate
emergency relief to women who have been displaced due
to climate change. A study by Enarson (1999) conducted
in-depth interviews and focus groups sessions with women
who were displaced due to two major natural disasters in
the US—Hurricane Andrew that hit Miami in 1992, and
the 1997 Red River Valley flood. She found that temporary
trailer camps provided by emergency relief workers were not
designed for the needs of women and children. There were
no provisions for their safety, and mental and reproductive
health (Enarson 1999, p 16). Another qualitative survey of
African American women displaced by Hurricane Katrina
found that they had difficulties in receiving timely emergency
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Figure 1. Framework to operationalize and examine vulnerability to climate change-induced migration and their gender dimensions.
aid suggesting that gender interacts with race to make some
women even worse off (Murakami-Ramalho and Durodoye
2008, as cited in Hunter and David 2009).
Though there is yet no research on this, a potential
problem pertaining to security and emergency relief is
international climate change-induced migration and the
debate over whether climate migrants need to be given
‘refugee’ status. There is a clear division amongst the
development and human rights community. One side favors
the inclusion of climate migrants in the 1951 Refugee
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Convention in order to provide them with protection similar
to that provided to refugees. While the other side argues that
the existence of ‘environmental migrants’ itself is exaggerated
and their need for refugee-like protection is politically
motivated (Stavropoulou 2008, p 11). This debate can have
serious repercussions for women who are already facing the
adverse consequences of climate change-induced migration
and not receiving enough relief aid.
To understand the potential gravity of the problem let
us take the example of the India–Bangladesh migration
corridor. A report by the US National Intelligence Council on
climate change and cross-border migration (US Office of the
Director of National Intelligence 2009) predicts that people
affected by climate change in Bangladesh will most likely
migrate to India. Currently, there are about 15–20 million
people who have migrated to India from Bangladesh, most
of them being illegal immigrants. India’s anti-immigration
position and the fact that it has not ratified the 1951 Refugee
Convention, exposes the entire climate migrant population
and particularly the women to high personal security risks.
There are numerous cases where illegal women migrants from
Bangladesh have been ‘sold’ as wives or trafficked because
they were not provided any protection due to their illegal
status (Ramachandran 2005, p 7–8).
Thus, women are differentially impacted during the
process of climate change-induced migration. There are
safety and security issues pertaining to internal as well
as international migration. Climate change policy aimed at
climate migrants needs to be sensitive to these issues and also
incorporate legal and human rights frameworks necessary to
assist women climate migrants.
4. Gender dimensions of the outcomes of climate
change-induced migration
Climate change will result in different migration outcomes
depending on the degree of vulnerability. Specifically,
there would be temporary versus permanent climate
change-induced migration. Even within these there are
variations in adaptive strategies such as internal (local)
versus international, and rural–rural versus rural–urban.
An important sub-component of these from a gendered
perspective is out-migration of men. Less is known about
climate change as a push factor for these migration outcomes,
and even less is known about their gender dimensions. Again
however, we can draw upon the limited literature, case studies,
and experiences of countries in other regions.
Hunter and David (2009, p 21) argue that migration
outcomes are not uniform across men and women. This
is especially true when the effects of climate change are
felt gradually and a member of the family, usually a male
member, migrates in search of alternative livelihoods. Even
when women are not the ones who are forced to migrate
in search of livelihoods, climate change-induced migration
has an impact on them. In a study conducted in the Sonora
state of Mexico, where many communities are engaged in
processing fruits and vegetables, it was found that declines in
water availability due to climate change reduced the prospects
in the food processing industry forcing a lot of men in the
community to migrate. However, this increased the workload
of women, as many of them had to care for their families
in addition to working part time in the food processing
industry (Buechler 2009, p 51). Similarly, in Nepal, as more
and more males migrate from mountainous regions and rural
areas to newly developed cities, more and more women are
becoming heads of households, remaining in areas prone to
flooding and are therefore most vulnerable to climate-related
disasters (UNFPA 2009, p 33). A study on climate change and
migration in Somalia and Burundi by Kolmannskog (2009)
found that men in many pastoral families migrated in search of
work due to severe drought conditions. Consequently, women
who were left behind faced increasing risks of expulsion
from their families and communities, and sexual violence.
In contrast, drawing upon the literature on gender and
migration, Brown (2008, p 34) posits that male out-migration
due to climate change can also have positive impacts such
as increased autonomy and decision-making power for the
female members of the family.
Women who are forced to migrate due to climate
change with their families or by themselves also face unique
problems. It was found that women from poor families in rural
Bangladesh, who migrate to cities such as Dhaka are often
forced into long hours and low-paying jobs such as domestic
servants and sweatshops due to their lack of education and
skills (Kakissis 2010). Similar observations were made in the
Philippines where women from the fishing communities, who
were grappling with the harsh impacts of climate change,
migrated locally to work as domestic helps for affluent
families (UNFPA 2009, p 3). In a report titled Katrina and
the Women of New Orleans, Willinger (2008) combined data
from the US Census and the American Community Survey to
find that post-Katrina there was a decrease of approximately
60% in the number of female-headed households, especially
of those who were African American and had children under
age 18. She further finds that the main reasons due to which
many of them could not return were affordability of housing
and health care, and lack of employment opportunities.
Thus, climate change-induced migration can potentially push
women into a poverty trap or permanently displace them from
their homes.
Drawing upon the broader literature on gender and
international or cross-border migration, it can be said that
overcoming cultural barriers while maintaining their identities
will be a significant problem for women climate migrants.
Ramachandran (2005, p 9) finds that many women who
migrated to India from Bangladesh had to or were forced to
assume Hindu religious markers, such as vermillion on their
forehead, to evade detection and deportation. The increasing
threat of climate change in Bangladesh and tightening of
the immigration policy in India will only intensify these
problems. Concerns regarding loss of culture and identity
were also observed among women in Kiribati, where
inhabitants are increasingly facing the risk of resettlement due
to sea-level rise (UNFPA 2009, p 30).
Thus, migration outcomes of climate change are also
gendered. On one hand they may seem to be empowering
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Figure 2. Analytical framework to examine gender and climate change-induced migration decisions.
women, while on the other they may actually exacerbate
their socio-economic status and make them worse off.
Gender distinctions in vulnerabilities not only determine who
migrates, but also, for who is it easier to return and restore
their lives.
The framework in figure 2links vulnerabilities with
migration outcomes and serves as a guide to examine
gender and climate change-induced migration decisions. For
instance, women facing high exposure but having very
low adaptive capacities are likely to be forced to migrate
permanently such as the women affected by Hurricane
Katrina, who were not able to return due to lack of housing,
relief aid, and employment opportunities. Most migration
decisions are likely to be internal or within country because
of the lack of resources to undertake international migration
following a climate change disaster, and social and economic
ties (Bohra-Mishra and Massey 2010).
5. Conclusion
In conclusion it can be said that the experiences, needs,
and priorities of climate migrants will vary by gender and
these differences need to be accounted for if policies are
to be inclusive. Governments, donor organizations, and the
civil society should shoulder the responsibility to initiate
efforts that promote women’s education, health, agricultural
knowledge and rights that will reduce the impact of
climate change on women. In thinking about vulnerability
to climate change-induced migration in developing countries,
researchers should focus on women as being one of the
most vulnerable groups. Inter-disciplinary studies on climate
migrants explicitly delineating the experiences of and effects
on men and women are required for a more nuanced
understanding of the gender dimensions. The frameworks
proposed in this paper are intended to provide a way forward.
Acknowledgments
I would like to thank the Regional and Sustainable
Development Department at the Asian Development Bank for
their support in conducting this research and their valuable
feedback.
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