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Vote Winner or a Nuisance: Email and Elected Politicians' Relationship with Their Constituents
Abstract
MPs have traditionally relied on the organisation and image of their national Party for the bulk of their voter support, but constituency service is probably more relevant for electoral success than at any other time in history. So far, however, new technology has had a very limited impact on the constituency role of MPs. The emergence of email represents potentially a ‘killer app’ which might revolutionize the way MPs approach re-election. One of the main effects of email is to encourage MPs to consider techniques and terms in common business usage, such as direct marketing and segmentation of their key audiences. By looking at how MPs use email to support their constituency role, this article assesses whether MPs use email as part of a relationship marketing strategy, a traditional transitory marketing approach or ignore marketing altogether. The marketing approach taken, combined with the resources available, will determine whether MPs use email only because they think they should or because they have grasped the campaigning opportunities it represents.
... While adopting different approaches to the use of websites during the 2001 election, all three major UK political parties-Conservative, Labour, and Liberal Democrats-nevertheless provided opportunities for user interactivity (Bowers-Brown 2003). Jackson (2005) subsequently investigated the use of e-mails by political actors as part of a relationship marketing approach. Despite the potential benefits of the communication medium, notably its ability to facilitate two-way discourse between electors and the elected, Jackson's (2005) research reported limited use of emails by MPs. ...
... Jackson (2005) subsequently investigated the use of e-mails by political actors as part of a relationship marketing approach. Despite the potential benefits of the communication medium, notably its ability to facilitate two-way discourse between electors and the elected, Jackson's (2005) research reported limited use of emails by MPs. The apparent reticence of MPs to utilize emails was, according to Jackson (2005), based on the following explanations: ...
... Despite the potential benefits of the communication medium, notably its ability to facilitate two-way discourse between electors and the elected, Jackson's (2005) research reported limited use of emails by MPs. The apparent reticence of MPs to utilize emails was, according to Jackson (2005), based on the following explanations: ...
This paper explores the key challenges of social media use by politicians in relation to political relationship marketing. Utilising a case study of the online footprint left by Welsh politicians and their attitude towards social media based on three business based rationales – engagement, level of control, and return on investment – the paper offers an expanded conception of the perceptions and fears influencing the use of social media by politicians in terms of political relationship marketing. The article concludes with some critical thoughts regarding the understanding of relationship marketing principles by politicians. 2015
... Initially, however, political elites were not too eager to exploit the full potential of technology. Instead, they were rather halfhearted about the new technology, and did not try to change existing practices (Coleman, 2004(Coleman, , 2005Jackson, 2005). Only with the advent of social media the opportunities to increase transparency were more fully acknowledged. ...
... The use of email, along with the increase in budget allocations for MP constituency expenditures (compare Ward, 2000, at £50 000, to Independent Parliamentary Standards Authority, 2016, allows for more frequent contact, as well as a larger quantity of contact (House of Modernisation Committee, 2007, ev. 74;Jackson, 2003;Korris, 2013, p.20). A final limitation of Rawlings's study is that it does not attempt to address live and in-person interaction, which is what this thesis will analyze (see Chapters 3-6). ...
This thesis examines a previously unstudied site of interaction: the constituency office. At the constituency office, Members of Parliament (MPs) hold 'MP surgeries', during which they help constituents to solve their personal difficulties. This thesis provides the first analysis of interactions at the constituency office. It is the only place where ordinary citizens can meet their MP; as such, it also provides the first analysis of face-to-face, unmediated interactions between politicians and their constituents. For this study, 12.5 hours of interactional data were recorded at the office of an MP in the United Kingdom, comprising over 80 encounters between office staff, the MP, and their constituents. The MP was of the majority ('government') party at the time of recording. The data were analyzed using conversation analysis (CA), in order to investigate how the social activities of the constituency office were accomplished through interaction.
The first analytic chapter reveals the overall structure of constituency office encounters, as well as examining what constituents say when they call or visit the office, and how they express that they are in need of assistance. This chapter finds that constituents avoid making direct requests of their MP, and instead use narrative descriptions. These descriptions manage interactional challenges including the ‘unknown’ nature of the institution (Stokoe, 2013b), contingency and entitlement (Drew & Curl, 2008), reasonableness and legitimacy (Edwards & Stokoe, 2007; Heritage & Robinson, 2006), and recruitment (Kendrick & Drew, 2016). The second analytic chapter examines how the staff use different offer designs to index different nuances in the offering action, such as asking for permission or confirming a plan. Both the first and second analytic chapters show that systematic deployment of offers help control the direction of the encounters and tacitly instruct constituents as to what services are available.
The third analytic chapter investigates the ostensibly ‘political’ context of the constituency office, and how the MP and constituents raise political topics in conversation. The MP initiated political topics in explicit references to government, in order to provide evidence that the government was aligned with constituents’ interests. The constituents initiated political topics in indirect references to recent policy changes, and avoided implicating the MP in any criticisms. The findings suggest that constituents privilege interactional norms (such as not criticizing a co-present interlocutor) over any potential interest in making political critiques. The final analytic chapter assesses the concept of ‘rapport’, as it is an important concept for MPs who regularly attempt to build relationships to garner ‘personal votes’ with citizens. The chapter shows that it is difficult for both participants and analysts to determine long-term outcomes from local, interactional occurrences in interaction. The chapter also shows that rapport is important for constituents as well, in order to receive good service, but that such ‘client-side’ rapport has never been considered in previous studies.
This thesis supports and enacts recent calls for a nuanced approach to action description (Kendrick & Drew, 2014; Sidnell & Enfield, 2014). The thesis also contributes to the political discourse literature by demonstrating that constituents’ activities at the constituency office are strongly influenced by interactional norms, rather than political attitudes. Finally, overall, this thesis provides a first look inside the ‘black box’ of constituency office encounters, finding them to be primarily a site of service interaction.
... Some scholars, also, assert that with the arrival of new media such as internet, web TV or e-mail, the distribution function of political marketing will increase in complexity (Henneberg, 2002: 119). Similarly, Jackson infers from his research, in which he studies the members of parliament in United Kingdom in 2002, that email so far has not stimulated a relationship marketing approach (Jackson, 2005: 105). In addition to these studies, some directly work on new social media instruments. ...
... A small number of studies have explored British parliamentarians' use of email (e.g., Jackson, 2005;Williamson, 2009a). Here, email has been regarded by elected members as a double-edged sword: while it is seen as a useful tool for engaging with, and providing a better service to, their constituents, it can also create unrealistic expectations about members' response times. ...
Purpose
– The purpose of this paper is to explore the use of Twitter by Members of the Scottish Parliament (MSPs) for the provision of constituency-related information, or in support of their constituency service work.
Design/methodology/approach
– Content analysis of 10,411 tweets sent by the 105 MSPs on Twitter during four weeks in early-2014.
Findings
– While there was some evidence of MSPs on Twitter acting as a promoter of local community interests and as a conduit for information on local policy issues and events, their tweets were dominated by the wider, national, political agenda and by the Scottish independence debate. Compared with their online behaviour as parliamentary candidates three years earlier, MSPs placed an even greater emphasis on the one-way broadcast of information to their followers. They were reluctant to respond to contentious local policy questions, or to enter into any visible, meaningful, political debate with their constituents.
Research limitations/implications
– Although the research was conducted seven months before the Scottish independence referendum on 18 September 2014, the independence debate still dominated proceedings on Twitter. It might, therefore, be appropriate to revisit MSPs’ use of Twitter at some point during a truer “peacetime” period.
Originality/value
– This is the first systematic content analysis of tweets sent by all MSPs on Twitter. It allows the authors to compare their actual Twitter use with that envisaged by the Scottish Parliament, as a way of MSPs communicating about their work and engaging with their constituents.
... Some scholars, also, assert that with the arrival of new media such as internet, web TV or e-mail, the distribution function of political marketing will increase in complexity (Henneberg, 2002: 119). Similarly, Jackson infers from his research, in which he studies the members of parliament in United Kingdom in 2002, that email so far has not stimulated a relationship marketing approach (Jackson, 2005: 105). In addition to these studies, some directly work on new social media instruments. ...
Leaders and political parties which are one of the products of political marketing are the political products. Social issues and the requirements that are the result of these issues determine the route map of leaders and the party programme. It is hard for a party and for a leader that do not embrace neither their grassroots nor the needers of the grassroots of other parties, to protect their position. Social media being used as a instrument of political marketing plays a crucial role in especially affecting young electorate at the present time. This instrument have been begun to be used by politicians actively in Turkey recently. Till the enact of the Law No. 5678 which made an amendment in 1982 Constitution in 2007, the President of Turkey had been elected by the votes of the parliamentarians in Turkish Grand National Assembly. As a result of the amendment in 1982 Constitution in 2007, Turkish citizens have become enable in electing the President of Turkey via referendum. From a different point of view, this amendment also, hereinafter, enables candidates to make their own propaganda in order to increase their votes. In this paper, 2014 Presidency Election in Turkey in which there were three candidates Recep Tayyip ERDOĞAN, Ekmeleddin Mehmet İHSANOĞLU and Selahattin DEMİRTAŞ, is considered in terms of using social media. The aim of the paper is to present the differences of the propaganda instruments of the candidates that they used in election process, and how these instruments affected the results of the elections. It is also sought that how the usage of social media and number of followers affect the results of the elections. © 2015, Mediterranean Center of Social and Educational Research. All rights reserved.
... It is interesting to note that even if Israel has not the same institutional framework or political culture than France; expectations of citizens are the same in both countries. MPs are used as a last-chance administrative shelter which becomes more and more virtual (Jackson 2003) 3 . Le Lidec (2008) also pointed the increasing number of emails received by MPs which is concomitant with the socio-economic changes 4 . ...
In France, scholars have pointed a paradox about trust in the Parliament (Costa et al. 2012). On one hand, citizens have distrust in the parliamentary institution. On the other hand, trust in their MP is rather high. The objective of this paper is to understand this paradox by investigating MPs district work, namely the contacts between citizens and their MP. Our results show that MPs' constituency work is rather disconnected of national political debate. MPs are close to their constituents by meeting them in surgeries or during local celebrations. Issues discussed are mainly individual-related and oriented toward individual needs (housing, employment, etc.). In addition, citizens are considered by MPs as a source of information. District work is thus divided between the resolution of individual problem and the compilation of information. Top-down patterns may also be observed but their frequency is low. Human relations constitute thus the core of constituency work. This proximity may explain the paradox introduced above. However, not all MPs are equal: MPs with party or legislative office and members of local government favor important social events when surgeries are in hands of their collaborators.
... However, as a direct form of communication e-newsletters have been under-utilized by political communicators. Research found that only four out of 100 respondents provided an e-newsletter (Jackson 2003b) and out of 51 registered political parties, 1 only eight parliamentary and one nonparliamentary party claimed to provide a freely available e-newsletter or collect email addresses (Jackson 2004). Following interviews with party e-campaigners, Jackson (2004) suggests that the motivation for providing an e-newsletter is to develop a closer relationship with internal audiences such as members and supporters. 2 However, at the same time parties did not completely ignore potential external audiences. ...
Political parties are increasingly attempting to communicate to sections of the electorate directly, in order to relay targeted messages. E-newsletters are one key communication mode that facilitates this strategy, and previous research indicates that these, like many communications using information and communication technology, offer much potential for the sender. This research focuses on the receiver, explicitly taking a uses and gratifications approach to understanding the function of e-newsletters for the UK electorate. Our findings suggest that the majority of receivers are committed party members who desire to receive information directly from the party that will help them in their campaigning and activist roles. There is, however, a minority of less-active, politically interested, subscribers who also use e-newsletters to aid their voter choice. The data suggest that e-newsletters are able to encourage subscribers to develop and build relationships with a political party, possibly becoming more active in their support than simply offering a vote at election times.
The relationship between stakeholders and political advertising has always been an important one but in the digital age that relationship is under threat from stakeholders with Machiavellian motives. This chapter outlines an actor-to-actor stakeholder-based conceptual model of value exchange in political marketing, which can be used to explain actor or stakeholder behaviour in any political system.
The emergence of the Web as a political campaigning tool has challenged social researchers to develop innovative methods of data capture that can account for unique aspects of web campaigning including personal websites, social media and campaign emails. This chapter sets out a mixed-methods methodology for measuring candidates’ online web campaigns by form and interactivity at the 2010 UK general election. The methodology uses a quantitative content analysis of both Web 1.0 and Web 2.0 campaigning materials and combines this with a qualitative analysis of email responses sent by the candidates themselves during the campaign. These three datasets can be used to provide different perspectives on supply-side online campaigning and can be used to compare whether drivers of engagement are the same or different for Web 1.0 and Web 2.0 types of campaigning. The purpose of this chapter is not to present any results from the study, but to highlight a proposed methodology for capturing data which is applicable to an area of study which is often overlooked — that is, candidate-level online campaigning. This methodology aims to improve upon past studies into these areas with an updated approach that is more appropriate for the development and expansion in online technology in political campaigning recent years.
The interface between politicians and the electorate is a vital component of the infrastructure of democracy and politicians now have many more tools available to communicate and engage with the electorate. Direct contact between politicians and the electorate is associated with increased levels of civic engagement. In this article, we examine the responsiveness of politicians in the UK by conducting: (i) an innovative test of responses to an undecided voter's email and (ii) follow-up interviews with electoral candidates. We found that a majority of electoral candidates had an identifiable email address and more than half responded to our undecided voter's email. However, there were considerable differences in the content relevance of the responses. There were also very few follow-up emails or further contact from the electoral candidates, suggesting only limited evidence of an integrated communication strategy. Electoral candidates also expressed concerns about communicating in a way that was ‘on record’. The findings provide a unique insight into the dynamics of communication between politicians and the electorate and the changing nature of the representation interface. Whilst the Internet has the scope for more personalized and two-way communication and for electors to hold politicians to account, it seems that politicians are more focused on campaign advantage rather than renewing the representation interface.
This chapter discusses the role and effectiveness of UK parliamentary public information services in both servicing the needs of the general public for information about government and also in communicating positive messages about the work of government. The authors argue that there is tension between both roles in terms of service philosophy and that this tension may have resulted in neither function being adequately achieved. Research results suggest that present practice, particularly in terms of web service delivery, is failing to engage the public in the political process and that government must rethink strategies for attracting users to their websites.
This article discusses the results of an exploratory study, funded by the Economic and Social Research Council, which investigated the impact of technology on the communication of parliamentary information to the general public in the United Kingdom. As Stage 1 of the project, interviews were conducted with representatives of the public information services of the UK Parliament, the Scottish Parliament, the National Assembly for Wales and the Northern Ireland Assembly. Stage 2 consisted of interactive, electronically-assisted interviews, delivered in a roadshow environment, where members of the public were given the opportunity to explore, and provide critical feedback on, parliamentary websites.
This book offers a critical re– thinking of the way in which traditional market logic – derived from mainstream economics and managerial marketing– has for decades commonly been applied in the theoretical understanding of democratic politics within influential quarters of political science and in later years also the relatively new but rapidly expanding field of political marketing. Such approaches are founded on the assumption that all markets are driven exclusively by exchange dynamics and this has in turn rendered the most basic workings of co–production and participation–oriented party–centred political systems theoretically invisible. The author starts by providing a thorough and wide–ranging critical assessment ofthe theoretical underpinnings ofthe contemporary political marketing literature and its market–based political science antecedents. Using a relationship marketing perspective the author goes on to offer a re–conceptualisation of these political spheres in terms of 'markets' which addresses the theoretical inadequacies of prior research. She closes by examining some of the most important practical implications that this alternative approach to party–centred politics may have for the marketing efforts of contemporary membership parties.
This review of the literature on political marketing and the party most associated with it in the UK, New Labour, suggests that the relationship is not straightforward. Politicians are, for example, hesitant to use marketing language in public. The relationship is problema-tised along the three dimensions of: partial or total import into some or all of politics; functional or instrumental use by leading politicians, and the roles of transformer of politics, or transfer agent for techniques. The results suggest two responses. The first is more fieldwork into political marketing outside of electoral campaigning and inside policy making. The second is a reconceptualising of the relationship away from the transformation or transfer dimension, and towards political marketing as a methodology for understanding a very different, and very separate activity, namely politics.
Proposes a prescriptive model for political marketing based loosely on the Six Markets Model of relationship marketing. The rationale for this is to be found in an analysis of the historical treatment of political marketing, from within both disciplines. Argues that many of the conventional axioms of marketing are inappropriate in politics, and observes how in political science, as in marketing itself, there is a questioning ofthe fundamental rational foundations of anumber of key theoretical constructs. In proposing a multiple markets model for politics, cites as evidence the fact that many of the approaches advocated appear already to have been adopted during the 1997 general election campaign of the British Labour Party.
Discusses the nature and sometimes negative consequences of the dominating marketing paradigm of today, marketing mix management, and furthermore discusses how modern research into, for example, industrial marketing and services marketing as well as customer relationship economics shows that another approach to marketing is required. This development is supported by evolving trends in business, such as strategic partnerships, alliances and networks. Suggests relationship marketing, based on relationship building and management, as one emerging new marketing paradigm of the future. Concludes that the simplicity of the marketing mix paradigm, with its Four P model, has become a strait-jacket, fostering toolbox thinking rather than an awareness that marketing is a multi-faceted social process, and notes that marketing theory and customers are the victims of today’s mainstream marketing thinking.
Proposes a prescriptive model for political marketing based loosely on the Six Markets Model of relationship marketing. The rationale for this is to be found in an analysis of the historical treatment of political marketing, from within both disciplines. Argues that many of the conventional axioms of marketing are inappropriate in politics, and observes how in political science, as in marketing itself, there is a questioning ofthe fundamental rational foundations of anumber of key theoretical constructs. In proposing a multiple markets model for politics, cites as evidence the fact that many of the approaches advocated appear already to have been adopted during the 1997 general election campaign of the British Labour Party.
The notion that political marketing occurs only during formal campaign periods is discarded in the political marketing literature. Political campaigns, rather than being periodic, are “permanent”. Accordingly, the attention of political marketers must increasingly turn to the analysis of how and when politicians serve their communities or constituencies. Indeed, the kinds of services commonly associated with political influence and constituency activity indicate a convergence of politics and public sector service provision. In this essay, the nature and effects of constituency-focused service delivery are examined as an integral part of political marketing.
Argues that relationship marketing is not a complete paradigm shift. Without effective use of technology, relationship marketing is not an effective strategy. Hence, relationship marketing, based on technological advances, can be considered as a new paradigm. It is demonstrated that everything companies do to build consumer loyalty is affected by technology. It is shown that traditional, relationship, and technologicalship marketing are fundamentally different. The technologicalship marketing allows for different types of synergy effects, solutions, different customers, and different types of interactions and relationships.
The 2001 General Election generated considerable interest and also much criticism of politicians' use of the Internet. Via content analysis, search engines and database material, this article examines candidates' and local constituency parties' on-line activity in three areas: first, the extent of Internet use by candidates and local parties—who and how many candidates had live websites for the election?; second, the pattern of on-line activity at the local level—where were parties/candidates on-line?; and third, what were candidates doing on-line—did candidates experiment with interactivity, or use the new media as another top-down communication tool?
The survey indicates that use of the Internet was patchy and websites often acted as little more than static on-line leaflets. Moreover, the overall impact of the Internet on electoral outcomes was minimal and use of the technology by itself is unlikely to herald the coming of e-democracy. However, we also argue that some of the criticism levelled at parties is misplaced and that there are good reasons why parties have so far behaved cautiously.
MPs have not previously been assigned a major role in electoral campaigning, being considered only one element of a political party's ‘marketing’ tools for winning votes. Evidence now suggests that the relationship between MPs and their constituents is changing. The concept of ‘constituency service’ implies that individual MPs can have a much greater influence on local voters and so possibly buck national trends. At the same time the concept of the ‘permanent campaign’ is transforming political campaigning whereby the political elite needs ever-greater control of the tools used to provide messages to voters. The internet is a potential battleground between MPs who want greater control of their own local campaigning and the party elite who want to ensure a consistent, coherent and controlled message.
The Internet is a new addition to the campaigning armoury, yet the focus so far has been on e-government, e-democracy and election campaigns. By concentrating on how and why MPs use their websites this paper considers whether MPs have fully understood and utilised this new medium.
Key questions include whether their websites are ‘sticky’, interactive and a means of creating a targeted message.
The findings of this detailed study of MPs' websites show that apart from a few pioneers, MPs have not progressed beyond using the Internet as ‘shovelware’ — the vast majority view their website as an electronic brochure and not a new form of two-way communication. Copyright
Discusses the nature and sometimes negative consequences of the dominating marketing paradigm of today, marketing mix management, and furthermore discusses how modern research into, for example, industrial marketing and services marketing as well as customer relationship economics shows that another approach to marketing is required. This development is supported by evolving trends in business, such as strategic partnerships, alliances and networks. Suggests relationship marketing, based on relationship building and management, as one emerging new marketing paradigm of the future. Concludes that the simplicity of the marketing mix paradigm, with its Four P model, has become a straitjacket, fostering toolbox thinking rather than an awareness that marketing is a multi-faceted social process, and notes that marketing theory and customers are the victims of today′s mainstream marketing thinking. By using the notion of a marketing strategy continuum, discusses a number of consequences of a relationship-type marketing strategy for the focus of marketing, pricing, quality management, internal marketing and intraorganizational development. Briefly comments on the possibility of developing a general marketing theory based on the relationship building and management approach.
Marketing theory and practice have focused persistently on exchange between buyers and sellers. Unfortunately, most of the research and too many of the marketing strategies treat buyer-seller exchanges as discrete events, not as ongoing relationships. The authors describe a framework for developing buyer-seller relationships that affords a vantage point for formulating marketing strategy and for stimulating new research directions.
Los autores de esta obra ofrecen una serie de consejos para que la migración hacia una empresa digital sea exitosa y conveniente, de acuerdo al perfil de cada organización.
This article was published in the journal, Journal of marketing management [© Elsevier]. Labour’s second landslide victory of 2001 seemed inevitable given the almost continuous public support for the government through its first term. This paper considers the ways in which the party attempted to maintain and cultivate the electorate’s backing during the last four weeks or ‘short’ campaign. Perhaps fearing apathy more than the Conservatives Labour launched ‘Operation Turnout’ in order to mobilise its core supporters. Though this attempt failed to boost electoral participation the party nevertheless achieved another major victory. In this so-called ‘apathetic landslide’ Labour was able to strategically outmanoeuvre their principal opponents the Conservatives. Interestingly the more telling and potentially compromising criticisms of government policy and party procedure came from sympathisers. These and other points will be examined with recourse to a marketing analysis of the Labour campaign.
Companies that want to improve their service quality should take a cue from manufacturing and focus on their own kind of scrap heap: customers who won't come back. Because that scrap heap can be every bit as costly as broken parts and misfit components, service company managers should strive to reduce it. They should aim for "zero defections"--keeping every customer they can profitably serve. As companies reduce customer defection rates, amazing things happen to their financials. Although the magnitude of the change varies by company and industry, the pattern holds: profits rise sharply. Reducing the defection rate just 5% generates 85% more profits in one bank's branch system, 50% more in an insurance brokerage, and 30% more in an auto-service chain. And when MBNA America, a Delaware-based credit card company, cut its 10% defection rate in half, profits rose a whopping 125%. But defection rates are not just a measure of service quality; they are also a guide for achieving it. By listening to the reasons why customers defect, managers learn exactly where the company is falling short and where to direct their resources. Staples, the stationery supplies retailer, uses feedback from customers to pinpoint products that are priced too high. That way, the company avoids expensive broad-brush promotions that pitch everything to everyone. Like any important change, managing for zero defections requires training and reinforcement. Great-West Life Assurance Company pays a 50% premium to group health-insurance brokers that hit customer-retention targets, and MBNA America gives bonuses to departments that hit theirs.
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