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In recent years interest has increased toward mental exercise as a way to promote healthy cognitive aging. Consistent findings have shown that declines in working memory performance are associated with aging. Sudoku is a popular puzzle game that has task demands similar to working memory processes. Younger and older adults completed a battery of tests and solved Sudoku puzzles. The results showed that Sudoku performance had a significant relationship to working memory. This suggests that Sudoku has the potential to become a new focus in the study of mental exercise and cognitive aging.
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Sudoku and Working Memory
Performance for Older Adults
Jeremy W. Grabbe
a
a
Psychology Department, State University of New York, Plattsburgh,
Hultsch, NY
Available online: 20 Sep 2011
To cite this article: Jeremy W. Grabbe (2011): Sudoku and Working Memory Performance for Older
Adults, Activities, Adaptation & Aging, 35:3, 241-254
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Activities, Adaptation & Aging, 35:241–254, 2011
Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 0192-4788 print/1544-4368 online
DOI: 10.1080/01924788.2011.596748
Sudoku and Working Memory Performance
for Older Adults
JEREMY W. GRABBE
Psychology Department, State University of New York, Plattsburgh, Hultsch, NY
In recent years interest has increased toward mental exercise as a
way to promote healthy cognitive aging. Consistent findings have
shown that declines in working memory performance are associ-
ated with aging. Sudoku is a popular puzzle game that has task
demands similar to working memory processes. Younger and older
adults completed a battery of tests and solved Sudoku puzzles. The
results showed that Sudoku performance had a significant rela-
tionship to working memory. This suggests that Sudoku has the
potential to become a new focus in the study of mental exercise
and cognitive aging.
KEYWORDS Sudoku, working memory, compensation
Can mental exercise enhance cognitive abilities that are associated with
working memory? Studies have shown that cognitive engagement preserves
cognitive functioning in older adults (Hultsch, Hertzog, Small, & Dixon,
1999). Studies of plasticity and aging have shown that older adults can
improve performance and reduce age-related differences in cognitive ability
(Hultsch et al., 1999), or at least reduce the rate of decline. Much of the work
on plasticity focuses on mental exercise. An important step in the study of
mental exercise is examining for a possible connection between the form of
mental exercise and a cognitive domain. If a form of mental exercise has a
relationship to a specific domain of cognition then the next step is to exam-
ine if this mental exercise can be used to offset or slow age-related changes
in cognition as noted in the use-it-or-lose-it hypothesis (Schooler, 2007).
Recently, Ackerman, Kanfer, and Calderwood (2010) found that mental exer-
cise on a Nintendo Wii resulted in some improvements in domain-specific
cognitive performance. This study examined if the popular game Sudoku
Received 30 November 2010; accepted 27 May 2011.
Address correspondence to Dr. Jeremy W. Grabbe, Psychology Department, SUNY
Plattsburgh, 101 Broad Street, Plattsburgh, NY 12901. E-mail: jgrab001@plattsburgh.edu
241
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242 J. W. Grabbe
has a relationship with measures of fluid intelligence abilities such as work-
ing memory. Age-related declines in working memory have been observed
in numerous studies (Allain et al., 2007; Zeintl & Kliegel, 2007).
Working memory involves executive function such as planning and
supervision of attention. Key processes of working memory involve the
maintenance and manipulation of visual information. Working memory has
been characterized as a facet of fluid intelligence (Blair, 2006). Fluid intelli-
gence consists of areas of cognition that are innate and not learned such as
problem solving and inductive reasoning (Klauer, Willmes, & Phye, 2002).
Fluid intelligence, although innate, is largely thought to be responsive to
training (Bond, Wolf-Wilets, Fiedler, & Burr, 2000). Mental exercise is a form
of cognitive training that seeks to ameliorate age-related declines in cogni-
tive performance. Some studies have found advantages for mental exercise
(Paggi & Hayslip, 1999; Bond et al., 2000) while others have cast doubt on
mental exercise’s effectiveness (Salthouse, 2006). One possible suggestion
to reconcile these findings is that mental exercise may be domain-specific
(Salthouse, 2006). Although working memory does show some plasticity, the
extent of the plasticity is unknown. To examine new possibilities of answer-
ing this question I looked at a task (Sudoku) as a domain-specific (working
memory) form of mental exercise.
Studies examining working memory in older adults have found that
older adults have diminished working memory performance (Emery, Hale,
& Myerson, 2008). Given the pivotal role working memory plays in activities
of daily living (ADL) and other tasks; it is of particular concern if Sudoku
presents a possible way in which to exercise working memory, thus possibly
reducing the age-related declines in working-memory performance. Given
that one of the most glaring age-related differences in cognition comes
from older adults’ poorer performance on working memory tasks (Zeintl
& Kliegel, 2007), the study of how mental exercise may relate to working
memory is of great importance.
Sudoku, a popular Japanese game involving the correct placement of
nine nonrepeating digits, has recently become popular in the United States.
Sudoku has great potential for those wishing to study mental exercise, par-
ticularly mental exercise related to working memory. One criticism of mental
exercise is that it can be monotonous. A factor in the popularity of Sudoku
is that many find it very enjoyable. Many of the forms of mental exercise
that may be regarded as fun may not possess attributes that relate to the
functions of working memory. Sudoku is exciting to the field of mental
exercise because the cognitive demands involved in playing Sudoku require
the maintenance of several numbers in memory at once. Also involved is the
use of logic, planning, and manipulations (e.g., mental rotation, rehearsal,
planning, etc.). These mental processes fall w ithin the domain of working
memory. The added bonus is that Sudoku is enjoyable and popular, which
makes people more interested in using Sudoku as a form of mental exercise.
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Sudoku and Working Memory 243
Studies of age and mental exercise have examined games such as chess
(Roring & Charness, 2007). In this study Sudoku performance was evalu-
ated and compared to a battery of working-memory measures. This study
sought to take the crucial step of assessment for any potential form of men-
tal exercise—to determine if the exercise has a relationship with a specific
domain of cognition (working memory). Because the task demands required
to play Sudoku are similar to working-memory processes, it was predicted
that Sudoku-playing performance and working-memory test performance
will share a significant relationship.
METHOD
Participants
Forty-seven participants were recruited for this experiment. Twenty-eight
younger adults (mean age = 29.6 years, SD = 8.8 years; 5 males, 23 females)
who were undergraduates at SUNY Plattsburgh at Queensbury volunteered
for course credit. Nineteen older adults (mean age = 72.2 years, SD = 7.3
years; 7 males, 12 females) were recruited from the community through
social groups as well as through a subject pool from previous research not
related to this study. The mean years of education for younger adults was
14.9 while older adults reported a mean of 13.5. A self-report of familiarity
with Sudoku for younger adults indicated that 16 had never played, 5 had
played less than three times in their lives, and 6 played at least once a month.
Thirteen older adults reported never playing Sudoku, three reported playing
less than three times in their lives, and three reported playing at least one
game per week. This finding showed that both age groups were comparable
in ratio of novices-to-experienced Sudoku players. The low rate of people
highly familiar with Sudoku made an analysis of expertise unwarranted.
Procedure
Participants completed informed consents and then were presented with a
series of cognitive tests and Sudoku puzzles. Specific instructions for each
task were given at the time of task administration. Once the subjects com-
pleted the cognitive task they went on to play Sudoku. All participants were
instructed on how to play regardless of their prior experience with the
game. After receiving instructions on how to play, participants completed
an instructional Sudoku during which the experimenter assisted the partic-
ipants when asked. During this time the instructor would also point out
errors. When the participant completed the instructional Sudoku they then
began the regular Sudoku trials. Participants were instructed to never guess
at any point. If they believed that they had to guess in order to complete
the game, the participant was required to stop. Participants completed the
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244 J. W. Grabbe
puzzles in pencil and were allowed to erase errors only if that error was
not caused by another error. That is, if the participant made an error (e.g.,
placed a 4 in a row that already had a 4 in it) and discovered that this error
was made because of a previous error they had made and had not corrected,
they would have to stop.
Participants started with easy and then moved on to medium-difficulty
Sudoku puzzles. Performance on Sudoku puzzles was recorded by the
number of hits and number of errors. Hits were recorded when a num-
ber was correctly placed; an error was when a number was incorrectly
placed. Participants completed the study in one session lasting approxi-
mately 90 minutes in a laboratory at the Plattsburgh campus. Regular breaks
were given to prevent fatigue.
Materials
Materials were from a test battery used by Hedden and Yoon (2006). These
tests represent a broad and exhaustive array of measures of working memory
and cognition.
P
LUS-MINUS TASK
The plus-minus task consisted of three separate trials that involved the pre-
sentation of random two-digit numbers. The participants’ task was to add
three to the target number on the first block of trials. On the second block
of trials participants had to subtract three from the target number. The
third block involved alternating between adding three to the target num-
ber on one trial and subtracting three from the target number on the next
trial. Participants had to keep track of whether they were to add or sub-
tract on each trial. No external cues were given to participants. Participants
responded by pressing one of four keys that spatially corresponded to four
possible answers presented on the screen below the target number.
L
ETTER MEMORY
The letter memory task involved the presentation of a string of letters in
which the last four letters must be recalled. Participants wrote down their
response. The four different lengths of letter strings were 5, 7, 9, and 11.
Each particular length was presented three times for a total of 12 lists. Letters
were presented on a computer screen one at a time for 2,000 milliseconds
per letter. Then the word recall appeared and participants wrote down the
last four letters.
B
ACKWARD DIGIT SPAN
For the backward digit span (BDS) task participants heard the experimenter
speak a series of digits. Digits were spoken at a rate of one per second.
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Sudoku and Working Memory 245
Participants then had to repeat the digits they just heard in the opposite
order. Blocks consisted of two trials, and each trial consisted of two to eight
digits. When the participant failed to successfully repeat the digits in both
trials of the same block the task was terminated. The number of correct trials
was the dependent variable.
S
TROOP TASK
A traditional Stroop task, adapted from Hedden and Yoon (2006), was per-
formed on a computer. Participants had to press one of four corresponding
keys on a keyboard to respond to the color of a stimulus: red, green, blue,
or yellow. In 72 neutral trials, only asterisks were shown. In addition, in 72
word trials a word appeared (BLUE, RED, GREEN, or YELLOW). In 60 of
these word trials the color would be incongruent; the remaining 12 trials
were congruent (e.g., BLUE was colored blue). The dependent variable was
reaction time and accuracy.
D
IGIT SYMBOL SUBSTITUTION
Participants completed the digit symbol substitution task from the Wechsler
Adult Intelligence Scale-Revised (WAIS-R). Participants had 90 seconds to
match symbols under corresponding digits. The dependent variable was the
number of correct substitutions.
L
ETTER COMPARISON
The letter comparison task consisted of presenting on a computer pairs of
letter strings to the participant. The participants’ task was to determine if
the letter strings, which were 3, 6, or 9 letters in length, matched or were
different. Participants pressed one of two keys to respond if the strings
were different or the same. The dependent variable was derived by tak-
ing the number of correct trials and subtracting the number of incorrect
trials.
V
OCABULARY
Participants’ vocabulary was assessed using the WAIS-R vocabulary subscale.
S
EMANTIC FLUENCY
For the semantic fluency task participants had 60 seconds to write down as
many animals as they could. Participants responded by writing down the
names of animals on an answer sheet.
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246 J. W. Grabbe
SUDOKU
Participants had two easy Sudoku puzzles to complete that were timed for a
maximum of 5 minutes each. Medium-difficulty Sudoku puzzles were timed
for a maximum of 5 minutes each. Participants also completed one easy and
one medium untimed Sudoku puzzle.
RESULTS
Data were subjected to a canonical correlation analysis. The significance
level was set at p < 0.05 two-tailed. The correlation matrix is presented in
Table 1. There was no missing data because all 47 participants completed
all measures of the experiment.
Comparison of Sudoku and Working Memory
Digit-symbol performance had a strong relation to Sudoku performance
(see Table 1). Digit symbol was negatively correlated with easy error,
r(47) =−.395, p < .05; easy timed error, r(47) =−.320, p < .05; and untimed
error, r(47) =−.301, p < .05. A strong positive correlation existed for digit
symbol with medium hits, r(47) = .355, p < .05; easy timed hits, r(47) = .344,
p < .05; and untimed hits, r(47) = .317, p < .05.
Looking at the relation between Sudoku and traditional measures,
a negative correlation existed between percentage of errors in untimed
Sudoku puzzles and percentage of correct responses in a traditional
Stroop task: r(47) =−.473, p < .01 (see Table 2). Increased reaction
time for the Stroop task had a significant positive correlation with
mean medium hits for timed Sudoku puzzles, r(47) = .290, p < .05.
A strong association between Sudoku and Stroop-task performance was
found. Significant negative correlations were found between accuracy
and error for easy Sudoku puzzles, r(47) =−.495, p < .05; medium
error, r(47) =−.460, p < .01; easy timed error, r(47) =−.303, p < .05;
and medium timed error, r(47) =−.360, p < .05. This demonstrated
that increased accuracy on the Stroop task was correlated with fewer
errors on Sudoku. Curiously, there was a significant negative correla-
tion between Stroop-task accuracy and medium timed hits, r(47) =−.347,
p < .05. This may indicate the possibility that participants’ sacrificed speed
to retain accuracy on the Stroop task (this would explain why accurate
people had less errors on a timed puzzle but not enough time to mark
many correct hits). Furthermore, higher levels of error in easy Sudoku puz-
zles, r(47) = .330, p < .05, and medium timed Sudoku puzzles, r(47) = .290,
p < .05, were positively correlated with increased Stroop-task reaction time.
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TABLE 1 Sudoku Performance, Age, Vocabulary, Digit Symbol, Semantic Fluency, Backward Digit, and Letter Memory C orrelations
Age
Digit
symbol
Semantic
fluency
Backward
digit
Letter
memory
5 digits
Letter
memory
7 digits
Letter
memory
9 digits
Letter
memory
11 digits
Mean easy hits 0.064 0.283 0.010 0.107 0.301
0.098 0.080 0.173
Mean easy error 0.462
∗∗
0.395
∗∗
0.431
∗∗
0.176 0.063 0.128 0.255 0.033
Mean medium error 0.482
∗∗
0.267 0.403
∗∗
0.153 0.123 0.241 0.259 0.052
Mean medium hits 0.072 0.355
0.198 0.057 0.358
0.218 0.109 0.142
Mean easy timed hits 0.056 0.344
0.125 0.205 0.189 0.329
0.220 0.243
Mean easy timed error 0.281 0.320
0.267 0.082 0.049 0.019 0.086 0.021
Mean untimed error 0.499
∗∗
0.301
0.423
∗∗
0.288 0.157 0.300
0.371
0.071
Mean untimed hits 0.013 0.317
0.106 0.183 0.337
0.111 0.087 0.125
Mean medium timed hits 0.281 0.027 0.212 0.004 0.151 0.043 0.165 0.001
Mean medium timed error 0.344
0.176 0.311
0.124 0.110 0.082 0.079 0.009
p < 0.05.
∗∗
p < 0.01.
247
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248 J. W. Grabbe
TABLE 2 Sudoku Performance and Letter Memory Correlations
Stroop
accuracy Stroop RT
Plus-Minus
task RT
Plus-Minus task
accuracy
Mean easy hits 0.081 0.122 0.038 0.120
Mean easy error .495
∗∗
.330
.518
∗∗
0.232
Mean medium error .460
∗∗
0.244 .505
∗∗
0.236
Mean medium hits 0.084 0.027 0.097 0.099
Mean easy timed hits 0.051 0.015 0.166 0.108
Mean easy timed error .303
0.275 .339
0.269
Mean untimed error .473
∗∗
0.220 .547
∗∗
0.163
Mean untimed hits 0.137 0.044 0.061 0.144
Mean medium timed hits .347
.290
0.195 0.089
Mean medium timed error .360
0.188 .353
0.212
p < 0.05.
∗∗
p < 0.01. RT = Reaction Time.
Significant positive correlations were also identified between reaction
time for the plus-minus task and mean error for Sudoku puzzles: easy error,
r(47) = .518, p < .01; medium error, r(47) = .505, p < .01; easy timed error,
r(47) = .339, p < .05; untimed error, r(47) = .547, p < .01; and medium timed
error, r(47) = .353, p < .05. This suggests that poorer reaction-time perfor-
mance was associated with high error rates. However, the error rates on
the plus-minus task were not related to the error rates for Sudoku puz-
zles. Because four of the five Sudoku measures were timed (e.g., easy
timed error) or untimed (e.g., medium error) combined with time that
was correlated with the plus-minus task reaction time, this might indicate
poorer performance when under time constraints. Speed has been a fac-
tor in age-related performance (Salthouse, 1984). Processing speed appears
to be a factor in this finding. There was a significant negative correlation
between semantic fluency and mean error for both easy, r(47) =−.431,
p < .05, and medium, r(47) =−.403, p < .05. Semantic fluency also had
a negative correlation with untimed error rate, r(47) =−.423, p < .05, and
with medium timed error, r(47) =−.311, p < .05. This demonstrated that
as we see an increase in fluency the error rate decreases. This suggests
that accurate Sudoku performance involves the ability to inhibit contra-
vening information. Semantic fluency measures the inhibition executive
function of working memory (Hedden & Yoon, 2006), therefore, part of
playing Sudoku involves knowing where not to misplace a digit. This is
very interesting in terms of relating working memory performance to work-
ing memory process. A significant positive correlation exists between letter
memory (5 digits) and mean easy hits, r(47) = .301, p < .05; with mean
medium hits, r(47) = .358, p < .05; and with untimed hits, r(47) = .337,
p < .05. Examining letter memory (7 digits) had a significant positive
correlation with easy timed hits, r(47) = .329, p < .05, and a significant neg-
ative correlation with untimed error,
r(47) =−.300, p < .05. Letter memory
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Sudoku and Working Memory 249
(9 digits) had a negative correlation with untimed errors for Sudoku puzzles,
r(47) =−.371, p < .05.
The results of letter comparison and Sudoku were interesting because of
the parallel in task demands between the two. There was also a significant
positive correlation between reaction time on letter comparison (3 digits)
and error for easy Sudoku puzzles (see Table 3), r(47) = .328, p < .05, as
well as for untimed error, r(47) = .374, p < .05. However, the error rates
for Sudoku were not significantly correlated to error rates for letter compar-
ison (3 digits). There was a significant negative correlation between mean
medium overall hits for Sudoku and letter comparison (9 digits) reaction
time, r(47) =−.320, p < .05. Another significant negative correlation was
found for mean easy timed hits for Sudoku and letter comparison (9 digits)
reaction time, r(47) =−.319, p < .05. These results are interesting because a
greater level of accuracy on Sudoku is associated with the ability to scan and
compare nine digits. All Sudoku rows, columns, and three-by-three boxes
contain exactly nine digits. The ability to quickly process nine digits for
error would facilitate better performance on Sudoku puzzles. Individuals
who would not be able to scan nine digits easily would have a more difficult
time making hits.
From the r esults, so far we see that speed (plus-minus task), inhibi-
tion (semantic fluency), and span (letter comparison) correlate to Sudoku
performance. These results demonstrate that there is a relationship between
Sudoku and working memory, which was the goal of this study. If Sudoku
could become a form of mental exercise for the aging, what is the role of
age in Sudoku and working memory? In the following section the effects of
age are reported.
Age-Related Findings
Although age did correspond to significantly higher levels of error on some
Sudoku puzzles, it was not related to the number of hits. There were several
significant positive correlations between age and error rate for Sudoku (see
Table 1). When looking at measures of working memory it was revealed
that older adults performed more poorly on measures of working memory
(see Table 4). A trend also showed poorer performance on the more difficult
letter memory tasks as age increased. Age showed a strong relationship to
increases in reaction time and decreases in accuracy for the Stroop task
and the plus-minus task. Age showed no significant effect on accuracy for
the letter comparison task, despite a significant increase in reaction time
associated with age. Although some of the correlations were not as strong,
they still demonstrated a previous relationship between Sudoku and working
memory. These age effects also provide enough evidence to warrant future
studies examining aging and expertise in Sudoku.
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TABLE 3 Sudoku Performance, Stroop Task, and Plus-Minus Task Correlations
Letter
comparison
3RT
Letter
comparison
3 accuracy
Letter
comparison
6RT
Letter
comparison
6 accuracy
Letter
comparison
9RT
Letter
comparison
9 accuracy
Mean easy hits 0.006 0.188 0.045 0.114 0.152 0.146
Mean easy error .328
0.087 0.164 0.123 0.289 0.017
Mean medium error 0.289 0.114 0.143 0.105 0.199 0.018
Mean medium hits 0.090 0.190 0.072 0.011 .320
0.156
Mean easy timed hits 0.137 0.085 0.131 0.074 .319
0.053
Mean easy timed error 0.142 0.025 0.078 0.102 0.206 0.128
Mean untimed error .374
0.151 0.226 0.109 0.248 0.106
Mean untimed hits 0.013 0.226 0.007 0.098 0.195 0.216
Mean medium timed hits 0.211 0.027 0.133 0.092 0.104 0.003
Mean medium timed error 0.136 0.023 0.041 0.106 0.077 0.158
p < 0.05. RT = Reaction Time.
250
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TABLE 4 Age Comparison Among Measures of Working Memory
Vocabulary
Semantic
fluency
Backwards
digit
Letter
memory
5 digits
Letter
memory
7 digits
Letter
memory
9 digits
Letter
memory
11 digits
Plus-minus
task RT
Plus-minus
task
accuracy
Age .292
.581
∗∗
0.237 0.127 0.249 .488
∗∗
.361
.663
∗∗
.355
Letter
comparison
3RT
Letter
comparison
3 accuracy
Letter
comparison
6RT
Letter
comparison
6 accuracy
Letter
comparison
9RT
Letter
comparison
9 accuracy
Stroop
accuracy Stroop RT
Age .745
∗∗
0.017 0.266 0.214 .709
∗∗
0.099 .568
∗∗
.675
∗∗
p < 0.05.
∗∗
p < 0.01.
251
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252 J. W. Grabbe
DISCUSSION
This study examined whether Sudoku has a relationship with traditional
measures of working memory. Furthermore, the role that age plays in
this possible relationship was studied. The results show that Sudoku has
a significant relationship with various measures of working memory. This
relationship is centered around a consistent finding that increased error on
Sudoku is r elated to poorer performance on measures of working memory.
Age is also associated with poorer working memory and Sudoku perfor-
mance. The current body of research on mental exercise has called attention
to a domain-specific focus of mental exercise (Hertzog, Kramer, Wilson, &
Lindenberger, 2009; Paggi & Hayslip, 1999; Salthouse, 2006; Schooler, 2007).
This study completed the crucial step in bringing a new tool to the focus
of mental exercise by demonstrating that the tool (Sudoku) does have some
form of relationship to working memory.
A relevant issue in the study of mental exercise is that not all forms
of mental exercises are universal preservative of all facets of cognition but,
rather, are domain specific (Salthouse, 2006). The data suggest a domain-
specific relationship for Sudoku. It is not only a fluid-intelligence domain
but also one that has been established to have plasticity (Bond et al., 2000)
and is known to decline with age (Emery et al., 2008; Holtzer, Stern, &
Rakitin, 2004). This brings a popular and fun game to the attention of mental
exercise, which is related to a critical component of cognition: working
memory. There is now the potential as well as the need to examine if Sudoku
can be used as a tool to promote working memory performance in older
adults.
The aim of this study is also one of its limitations. This study did not
establish that Sudoku improves working memory performance. The goal
was to examine if a relationship exists between Sudoku and working mem-
ory. The results show that a relationship does exist, but what the specific
relationship looks like requires further research. One aspect of this study
is that Sudoku errors were more often related to poorer performance on
measures of working memory than Sudoku hits. This may give some insight
for future studies in that perhaps a monitoring aspect of executive func-
tion has a role in this relationship. Another limitation of this study was
that the effect of expertise was not studied. Again, the precursory nature
of this study prohibited a closer examination of expertise. Furthermore,
although there were some people who had significant experience playing
Sudoku, there were not enough expert subjects to allow the study of exper-
tise. A focus for future research should be the role of expertise in Sudoku.
The study of expertise has often examined the limits of transfer and speci-
ficity (Karbach & Kray, 2009). Future studies of expertise and Sudoku could
elucidate on the possibility of transfer of Sudoku expertise and working
memory.
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Sudoku and Working Memory 253
The results of this study now inject a relationship between working
memory and a popular puzzle game into the mental exercise literature. It is
essential to establish a relationship between mental exercise and a specific
cognitive domain (Karbach & Kray, 2009; Schooler, 2007), which is what has
been done in this study. The next logical step for future studies is to exam-
ine if extensive training in Sudoku can lead to improved working memory
performance.
The findings are novel for the study of mental exercise in that various
measures of working memory (digit symbol, plus-minus task, Stroop task,
letter memory, and letter comparison) are related to a widely popular puzzle.
Sudoku is a new element in the study of mental exercise, which can help
to expand the range of interest researchers can devote to the interaction
between aging and mental exercise. Given the need to promote measures to
preserve cognitive performance in older adults, this study shows an encour-
aging possibility for a popular puzzle to become a new focus in the study
of mental exercise.
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... Their results indicated that based on gameplay, the group with MCI could be discerned from the healthy control group. Regarding Sudoku, another popular game amongst older adults, Grabbe [55] showed that performance in the game was significantly related to measures of working memory. Using a set of smartphone-based puzzle games, which also contained Sudoku, Thompson et al. [56] explored smartphone-based games as a means of portable cognitive assessment and monitoring. ...
... Across the previously mentioned studies, different lines of reasoning are given to justify the game of choice as suitable for neuropsychological evaluation. Grabbe [55] analyzed components of Sudoku and linked them to working memory based on his own analysis. Jimison et al. [10] chose FreeCell because it was the most popular game in their focus group. ...
Preprint
BACKGROUND Mild Cognitive Impairment, the intermediate cognitive status between healthy cognitive decline and pathological decline, is an important clinical construct for signaling possible prodromes of dementia. Unfortunately, there is an underdetection of this condition. To provide monitoring and screening, commercial off-the-shelf video games may be of interest. They maintain player engagement over a longer period of time and support longitudinal measurements of cognitive performance. OBJECTIVE This paper aims to explore how player actions of Klondike Solitaire relate to cognitive functions and to which extent they are indicative of Mild Cognitive Impairment. METHODS Eleven experts in the domain of cognitive impairments were asked to correlate 21 player actions to eleven cognitive functions. Expert agreement was verified through intraclass correlation, based on a two-way fully crossed design with type consistency. RESULTS All intraclass correlations for player actions and cognitive function scored above 0.75, indicating good to excellent reliability. Further scrutinizing of the results revealed that all player actions had at least one cognitive function which was on average moderately to strongly correlated to a cognitive function. Similarly, each cognitive function had at least one player action which was on average moderately to strongly correlated. Similarities and patterns were found amongst player actions, providing insight into the mechanics of Klondike Solitaire gameplay. CONCLUSIONS Together, these results suggest that Klondike Solitaire has potential as a complementary tool for screening and monitoring cognition, warranting further research which analyses Klondike Solitaire gameplay data of older adults with mild cognitive impairment.
... Sudoku task had been used for the study of mental exercise and cognitive aging. It involves executive function such as planning and supervision of attention (Grabbe, 2011). As a result, it is appropriate to use the Sudoku with ASMR sound. ...
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... Sudoku task had been used for the study of mental exercise and cognitive aging. It involves executive function such as planning and supervision of attention (Grabbe, 2011). As a result, it is appropriate to use the Sudoku with ASMR sound. ...
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Approximately one in three people in the aging population have hearing problems. This article examines that the (ASMR) sounds can be used as a trigger in autonomous sensory meridian response older users as an auditory-tactile sense. The authors conducted a survey with 45 subjects and asked them to report the location the tingling sensation after listening 16 ASMR sounds. Then 40 elderly subjects participated in the performance experiment with Sudoku puzzle. From the survey, the results show that all ASMR sounds affect the upper part of the human body. There is no significant difference in reaction time, hit rate, and miss rate among the three representative sounds. The ASMR is effective in terms of alert since the average hit rates of all subjects are very high compared to the miss rate. The electric toothbrush and liquid sound were the most alertness and pleasantness, respectively.
... Sudoku contains skills such as strengthening and exercising memory, attention, planning, reasoning (Altun, Hazar & Hazar, 2016;Grabbe, 2011). According to Johnson-Laird (2010), a cognitive scientist known for his studies of reasoning, sudoku is based on pure deduction and contains reasoning processes. ...
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Mempelajari aksara Jawa atau Hanacaraka memang tidak punya manfaat pragmatis bagi kebanyakan orang, sehingga minat mempelajarinya rendah, terutama anak SD dan SMP yang mendapat materinya di sekolah. Padahal melestarikan aksara Jawa memiliki banyak keuntungan seperti membangun karakter kebangsaan yang kuat. Upaya meningkatkan minat belajar aksara Jawa perlu dilakukan, salah satunya dengan menggunakan cara persuasif melalui media yang menyenangkan untuk anak-anak. Warisan Hanacaraka, aplikasi permainan puzzle Sudoku, hadir sebagai media pembelajaran. Dengan pendekatan kualitatif, tulisan ini akan mengurai ide perancangan Warisan Hanacaraka yang menggunakan design thinking dengan panduan game design yang disesuaikan dengan jenis permainan Sudoku. Warisan Hancaraka dapat menjadi variasi permainan Sudoku yang belum pernah ada, apalagi dengan memasukkan unsur budaya tradisi yang khas seperti batik, dongeng, dan candi yang dikombinasikan secara konseptual pada UI UX, gameplay dan cerita. Tidak hanya menjadi solusi potensial untuk meningkatkan minat belajar aksara Jawa, namun juga dapat menjadi alternatif penggunaan smartphone yang positif karena memiliki manfaat mengembangkan segi kognitif dan afektif. Kata Kunci: hanacaraka; aplikasi; permainan; sudoku
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Chapter
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In this article, I call into serious question Salthouse's (2006) conclusions evaluating and disparaging the validity of the "use it or lose it" hypothesis regarding mental exercise and mental aging. I do so, in some part, by using data not discussed by Salthouse. The core of my argument relies heavily on a critical assessment of the conclusions that Salthouse derived from both his theoretical reasoning and his review of the literature. The more judicious conclusion I reach is that, although the whole story regarding cognitive function and aging is not known, at some level and to some degree, "using" it often delays the eventuality of "losing" it. © 2007 Association for Psychological Science.
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We investigated the training effects and transfer effects associated with 2 approaches to cognitive activities (so-called brain training) that might mitigate age-related cognitive decline. A sample of 78 adults between the ages of 50 and 71 completed 20 one-hr training sessions with the Nintendo Wii Big Brain Academy software over the course of 1 month and, in a second month, completed 20 one-hr reading sessions with articles on 4 different current topics (order of assignment was counterbalanced for the participants). An extensive battery of cognitive and perceptual speed ability measures was administered before and after each month of cognitive training activities, along with a battery of domain-knowledge tests. Results indicated substantial improvements on the Wii tasks, somewhat less improvement on the domain knowledge tests, and practice-related improvements on 6 of the 10 ability tests. However, there was no significant transfer of training from either the Wii practice or the reading tasks to measures of cognitive and perceptual speed abilities. Implications for these findings are discussed in terms of adult intellectual development and maintenance.
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It has been hypothesized that older adults are especially susceptible to proactive interference (PI) and that this may contribute to age differences in working memory performance. In young adults, individual differences in PI affect both working memory and reasoning ability, but the relations between PI, working memory, and reasoning in older adults have not been examined. In the current study, young, old, and very old adults performed a modified operation span task that induced several cycles of PI buildup and release as well as two tests of abstract reasoning ability. Age differences in working memory scores increased as PI built up, consistent with the hypothesis that older adults are more susceptible to PI, but both young and older adults showed complete release from PI. Young adults' reasoning ability was best predicted by working memory performance under high PI conditions, replicating M. Bunting (2006). In contrast, older adults' reasoning ability was best predicted by their working memory performance under low PI conditions, thereby raising questions regarding the general role of susceptibility to PI in differences in higher cognitive function among older adults.
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In this monograph, we ask whether various kinds of intellectual, physical, and social activities produce cognitive enrichment effects—that is, whether they improve cognitive performance at different points of the adult life span, with a particular emphasis on old age. We begin with a theoretical framework that emphasizes the potential of behavior to influence levels of cognitive functioning. According to this framework, the undeniable presence of age-related decline in cognition does not invalidate the view that behavior can enhance cognitive functioning. Instead, the course of normal aging shapes a zone of possible functioning, which reflects person-specific endowments and age-related constraints. Individuals influence whether they function in the higher or lower ranges of this zone by engaging in or refraining from beneficial intellectual, physical, and social activities. From this point of view, the potential for positive change, or plasticity, is maintained in adult cognition. It is an argument that is supported by newer research in neuroscience showing neural plasticity in various aspects of central nervous system functioning, neurochemistry, and architecture. This view of human potential contrasts with static conceptions of cognition in old age, according to which decline in abilities is fixed and individuals cannot slow its course. Furthermore, any understanding of cognition as it occurs in everyday life must make a distinction between basic cognitive mechanisms and skills (such as working-memory capacity) and the functional use of cognition to achieve goals in specific situations. In practice, knowledge and expertise are critical for effective functioning, and the available evidence suggests that older adults effectively employ specific knowledge and expertise and can gain new knowledge when it is required. We conclude that, on balance, the available evidence favors the hypothesis that maintaining an intellectually engaged and physically active lifestyle promotes successful cognitive aging. First, cognitive-training studies have demonstrated that older adults can improve cognitive functioning when provided with intensive training in strategies that promote thinking and remembering. The early training literature suggested little transfer of function from specifically trained skills to new cognitive tasks; learning was highly specific to the cognitive processes targeted by training. Recently, however, a new generation of studies suggests that providing structured experience in situations demanding executive coordination of skills—such as complex video games, task-switching paradigms, and divided attention tasks—train strategic control over cognition that does show transfer to different task environments. These studies suggest that there is considerable reserve potential in older adults' cognition that can be enhanced through training. Second, a considerable number of studies indicate that maintaining a lifestyle that is intellectually stimulating predicts better maintenance of cognitive skills and is associated with a reduced risk of developing Alzheimer's disease in late life. Our review focuses on longitudinal evidence of a connection between an active lifestyle and enhanced cognition, because such evidence admits fewer rival explanations of observed effects (or lack of effects) than does cross-sectional evidence. The longitudinal evidence consistently shows that engaging in intellectually stimulating activities is associated with better cognitive functioning at later points in time. Other studies show that meaningful social engagement is also predictive of better maintenance of cognitive functioning in old age. These longitudinal findings are also open to important rival explanations, but overall, the available evidence suggests that activities can postpone decline, attenuate decline, or provide prosthetic benefit in the face of normative cognitive decline, while at the same time indicating that late-life cognitive changes can result in curtailment of activities. Given the complexity of the dynamic reciprocal relationships between stimulating activities and cognitive function in old age, additional research will be needed to address the extent to which observed effects validate a causal influence of an intellectually engaged lifestyle on cognition. Nevertheless, the hypothesis that an active lifestyle that requires cognitive effort has long-term benefits for older adults' cognition is at least consistent with the available data. Furthermore, new intervention research that involves multimodal interventions focusing on goal-directed action requiring cognition (such as reading to children) and social interaction will help to address whether an active lifestyle enhances cognitive function. Third, there is a parallel literature suggesting that physical activity, and aerobic exercise in particular, enhances older adults' cognitive function. Unlike the literature on an active lifestyle, there is already an impressive array of work with humans and animal populations showing that exercise interventions have substantial benefits for cognitive function, particularly for aspects of fluid intelligence and executive function. Recent neuroscience research on this topic indicates that exercise has substantial effects on brain morphology and function, representing a plausible brain substrate for the observed effects of aerobic exercise and other activities on cognition. Our review identifies a number of areas where additional research is needed to address critical questions. For example, there is considerable epidemiological evidence that stress and chronic psychological distress are negatively associated with changes in cognition. In contrast, less is known about how positive attributes, such as self-efficacy, a sense of control, and a sense of meaning in life, might contribute to preservation of cognitive function in old age. It is well known that certain personality characteristics such as conscientiousness predict adherence to an exercise regimen, but we do not know whether these attributes are also relevant to predicting maintenance of cognitive function or effective compensation for cognitive decline when it occurs. Likewise, more information is needed on the factors that encourage maintenance of an active lifestyle in old age in the face of elevated risk for physiological decline, mechanical wear and tear on the body, and incidence of diseases with disabling consequences, and whether efforts to maintain an active lifestyle are associated with successful aging, both in terms of cognitive function and psychological and emotional well-being. We also discuss briefly some interesting issues for society and public policy regarding cognitive-enrichment effects. For example, should efforts to enhance cognitive function be included as part of a general prevention model for enhancing health and vitality in old age? We also comment on the recent trend of business marketing interventions claimed to build brain power and prevent age-related cognitive decline, and the desirability of direct research evidence to back claims of effectiveness for specific products.
Article
Based on a prescriptive theory of inductive reasoning, a training program to foster inductive reasoning has been developed. Children from 12 first-grade classes, mean age about 7 years, N = 279, participated in a training experiment. The children of 6 classes were trained to apply a strategy to reason inductively while the children of the remaining classes continued their regular classroom activities. It was expected that trained children would outperform the untrained children with respect to Raven's Coloured Progressive Matrices but not with respect to a vocabulary test, thus indicating convergent and discriminant or domain-specific training effects. Results confirmed this expectation. Moreover, it was expected that training would improve performance on the inductive subtests of Cattell's Culture Fair Test 1, but not influence subtests that did not involve inductive reasoning. Considerable transfer to both kinds of subtests was found on the immediate transfer task. However, with a delayed posttest 6 months later, the expected differential training effect could be observed. Finally, a LISREL model analysis confirmed the hypothesis that training children to reason inductively improved fluid but not crystallized intelligence.
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Although executive functions can be improved by training, little is known about the extent to which these training-related benefits can be transferred to other tasks, or whether this transfer can be modulated by the type of training. This study investigated lifespan changes in near transfer of task-switching training to structurally similar tasks and its modulation by verbal self-instructions and variable training, as well as far transfer to structurally dissimilar 'executive' tasks and fluid intelligence. Three age groups (8-10; 18-26; 62-76 years of age) were examined in a pretest-training-posttest design. We found near transfer of task-switching training in all age groups, especially in children and older adults. Near transfer was enhanced in adults and impaired in children when training tasks were variable. We also found substantial far transfer to other executive tasks and fluid intelligence in all age groups, pointing to the transfer of relatively general executive control abilities after training.