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Young Children's Awareness and Understanding of Social Class Differences

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Abstract

Preschoolers' awareness and understanding of social class differences were examined in this study. Ninety-three preschoolers, half from low-socioeconomic-status (SES) and half from middle-SES families, sorted and described photographs of people depicted as either wealthy or poor. Spontaneous references to social class occurred rarely, but when specifically asked to identify rich and poor people, the subjects were quite accurate. Their concepts about the nature and causes of social class differences were limited and depended on concrete cues. Most children said that rich and poor people were more different than similar but were divided in their responses about whether members of the two groups could be friends. There were virtually no age or SES effects, but some sex differences were found. Girls appeared to be more aware of social class cues than boys.

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... those relating to differences in income or wealth) or of poverty have asked their participants about what being poor is like, what causes inequality or poverty and what people from certain socioeconomic groups are like (e.g. Betz and Kayser 2017;Hakovirta and Kallio 2016;Leahy 1990;Ramsey 1991) while, less frequently, children have also been asked how they think inequality or poverty might be addressed (e.g. Halik and Webley 2011;Leahy 1990). ...
... A substantial body of research suggests that children as young as pre-primary school age show a consciousness of the differences associated with socioeconomic status although children's beliefs about them become more complex as they get older (Bonn et al. 1999;Chafel and Neitzel 2005;Halik and Webley 2011;Leahy 1981Leahy , 1983aLeahy , 1983bLeahy , 1990Ramsey 1991). With regard to the latter point, Hakovirta and Kallio (2016), for example, report in their study of Finnish children aged 10-15 that the younger children in their sample found it difficult to be analytical about the causes of poverty and tended to accept poverty and inequality as things that are just the way they are, while more analytical answers emerged among the older children who associated their causes with education, (un-)employment and/or occupational hierarchies. ...
... The evidence on the effect of gender on children's views of inequality does not present any consistent patterns although some studies suggest that girls show more awareness of it than boys (e.g. Bombi 1995;Ramsey 1991). ...
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Despite the increasing recognition of the significance of children’s own perceptions of inequality and critical theorisations of, and much research on, the impact of inequality on human agency, there is a lack of empirical evidence on the impact of inequality on children’s agency. This paper contributes to addressing this gap by exploring how children’s perceptions of inequality impinge upon their perceptions of the efficacy of their agency with regard to their occupational choices. It uses questionnaire data from a sample of 862 South Korean school children aged 10–18 from diverse socioeconomic backgrounds and follow-up semi-structured interviews with 42 selected children. The findings suggest that, while most of the children held meritocratic beliefs about academic and economic inequalities, some subtle but significant relationships existed between the children’s perceptions of inequality, their socioeconomic status and their perceptions of their agency. The older children were significantly more likely both to be aware of their relative academic and economic positions and to have given up a desired occupation in response to their perceptions of the inefficacy of their agency. Across the sample as a whole, in the processes by which the children adjusted their future occupational ambitions, while their socioeconomic status (especially in terms of the father’s occupation) had a significant impact, the children’s awareness of their relative positions, especially their economic position, showed a more pervasive and significant relationship with their likelihood of having given up a desired occupation due to having perceived the inefficacy of their agency.
... Kiinnostus on kohdistunut lasten käsityksiin yhteiskuntaluokista sekä niiden muodostumista selittävistä tekijöistä sekä siihen, miten ja missä määrin lapset hahmottavat, ymmärtävät, hyväksyvät ja oikeuttavat yhteiskuntaluokkien ja tuloerojen olemassaolon (Leahy 1981;1983a;1983b). Vastaavasti on oltu kiinnostunei ta myös lasten köyhyyttä ja sen syitä ja seurauksia koskevista käsityksistä (Furnham 1982;Ramsey 1991;Bonn ym. 1999). ...
... Selkeimpänä esille nousivat lasten ul koisesti havaittavissa olevia materiaalisia tekijöitä, kuten lasten vaatteita ja tavaroita, koskevat huomiot. Näistä asioista lasten oli helppo puhua ja näiden on aikaisemmis sakin tutkimuksissa havaittu olevan sellaisia tekijöitä, joista lapset tunnistavat talou dellisten erojen olemassaolon (Ramsey 1991;Weinger 2000). Toisen ryhmän muodos tivat lapsen luonteeseen, olemukseen tai käytökseen liittyvät huomiot. ...
... Eri-ikäisten las ten välillä on tässä kuitenkin selviä eroja. Alakouluikäisten lasten voi olla vaikeampi ymmärtää taloudelliseen eriarvoisuuteen liittyviä syy-seuraus-suhteita, minkä vuoksi heidän käsityksensä eriarvoisuuden syistä voivat olla yksinkertaisempia ja suorempia (Brusdal 1990;Ramsey 1991). Iän karttuessa lasten ymmärrys eriarvoisuuden syistä kuitenkin kasvaa ja he kykenevät antamaan monipuolisempia ja moniulotteisempia selityksiä sille, miksi toiset ovat varakkaampia kuin toiset (Leahy 1981(Leahy , 1983aDickinson 1990;Ramsey 1991;Weinger 2000;LaBue ym. ...
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Mitä lapset ja nuoret käsittävät taloudellisella eriarvoisuudella ja miten he sen kokevat? Miten taloudelliset erot näkyvät lasten arjessa ja mitä seurauksia niillä voi olla? Minkälaisia keinoja ja toimintamalleja lapsilla on puuttua taloudelliseen eriarvoisuuteen omassa arjessaan? Taloudelliset erot lasten välillä ovat kasvaneet myös Suomessa, mutta niin aiheesta tehdyissä tutkimuksissa kuin julkisissa keskus- teluissakin kuuluu usein vain aikuisten ääni. Tässä tutkimuksessa taloudellista eriarvoisuutta tarkastellaan lapsuudentutkimuksen viitekehyksessä ja lasten näkökulmista käsin, tarjoten kosketus- pintaa lasten elämään ja kokemusmaailmaan. Tutkimusta varten haastateltiin kolmeakymmentä viides- ja kahdeksasluokkalaista lasta. Haastattelujen lisäksi lapsilta kerättiin eläytymistarinoita, joita lapset saivat halutessaan kuvittaa piirtämällä.
... The categorization of individuals according to wealth is another very important and common dimension of social categorization, and social stratification based on wealth is obvious in most countries (Leahy, 1981;Harvey and Bourhis, 2013). For example, children aged 3-5 years have been seen to understand the terms poor and rich and classify people as such (Ramsey, 1991), and those aged 6-11 years begin to believe that poor and rich people possess differences in certain traits such as intelligence and effort (Leahy, 1981). One of the largest perceptual differences between rich and poor involves differences in spatial size. ...
... Barsalou (1999) proposed that perceptual experiences were derived from multiple sources of direct experience, and perceptual symbols were developed through schematization of daily experience. Categorization of individuals according to wealth is a very important and common dimension of social categorization in daily life (Leahy, 1981;Ramsey, 1991;Harvey and Bourhis, 2013). One of the largest differences between the rich and the poor, which can be schematized as perceptual experience, could be represented by a difference in spatial size in traditional Chinese culture. ...
... In addition, experiences in childhood play an important role in the formation of perceptual experience. Previous research has shown that children aged 3-11 years were able to classify people as poor or rich and believed that they differed with respect to certain traits such as intelligence (Leahy, 1981;Ramsey, 1991). In their everyday lives, children often observe the difference between wealth and poverty according to the dimension of spatial size; for instance, rich people choose larger houses and cars. ...
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Previous research has shown that representation of certain social-category knowledge, such as that regarding gender, involves the process of perceptual simulation. The present research extended these findings and explored whether social categorization based on wealth, which is an important dimension of social categorization, involved perceptual simulation of spatial size. In Experiment 1, we used high- and low-income occupations as stimuli; categorization of high-income occupations presented in larger font was faster relative to that of those presented in small font, and vice versa for low-income occupations. In Experiments 2, 3, and 4, we used high-income occupations without social power and low-income occupations, names designated as those of rich and poor people, and idioms describing wealth and poverty as stimuli, respectively. All three experiments showed that responses to wealth-related stimuli in larger font were faster relative to those to the same stimuli in small font, and vice versa for poverty-related stimuli. These results suggest that social categorization based on wealth is grounded in perceptual simulation of spatial size.
... A small, but growing body of research has begun to investigate how children understand social class and their place in the distribution. Using interviews, and in some cases tasks such as categorizing or describing photographs (e.g., Naimark, 1981;Percy, 2003), these studies seek to learn directly from children about their views of poverty (Weinger, 1998;Ridge, 2002;Trzcinski, 2002;Fortier, 2006;Walker, Crawford, & Taylor, 2008;Hakovirta & Kallio, 2016;Farthing, 2016;see Attree, 2006 andRidge, 2011 for reviews) or of social class more generally (Leahy, 1981(Leahy, , 1983(Leahy, , 1990Ramsey, 1991;Weinger, 2000;Sutton, 2009;Sigelman, 2012). Research on subjective social status, for example, has examined how children perceive their social status and how it relates to their concepts of social class (Mistry, Brown, White, Chow, & Gillen-O'Neel, 2015). ...
... These studies offer critical insight into children's perceptions and suggest that children are acutely aware of class inequality and "know their place" in its distribution (Goodman et al., 2001;Mistry et al., 2015;Weinger, 1998). Further, evidence suggests that children's understanding of class differences may develop from a focus on observable characteristics to perceived psychological characteristics (Leahy, 1981(Leahy, , 1983(Leahy, , 1990Naimark, 1981;Ramsey, 1991). ...
... Second, studies that include children from both higher-and lowerclass families typically recruit children from two different locations (Ramsey, 1991;Leahy, 1981Leahy, , 1983Leahy, , 1990Backett-Milburn, Cunningham-Burley, & Davis, 2003;Sutton, 2009). This sampling method makes it hard to explain any apparent differences by class because contextual differences rather than class differences could account for observed differences in perceptions of social class. ...
Article
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Relative deprivation theory suggests that perceived socioeconomic standing has implications for multiple aspects of life. Early childhood is critical for later development and concern about effects of rising inequality on children has grown along with inequality in recent decades. However, one of the key requirements for relative deprivation to matter for child outcomes is that children must have a sense of social class and their socioeconomic standing. Because the voices of children are often lost among current debates, this paper poses two questions: 1) How do young children conceive of social class and their standing in the distribution in the context of high inequality; and 2) How do these conceptions develop over time? We conducted longitudinal, semi-structured interviews with 44 young children (ages 5–6), who attend the same three elementary schools in a small Midwestern city. By following the same children over two years, this study is uniquely able to shed light on how conceptions of class develop over time. We found that, as children got older, they increasingly associated money with differences in quality, became more likely to assign value judgements to money, and became less reliant on verbal proof of wealth. Although many children misreport their own socioeconomic standing, our findings suggest young children are aware of social class inequality and may therefore experience relative deprivation. Reducing inequality could mitigate potential implications of relative deprivation for child development.
... This study is consistent with earlier studies that children's understanding of the economic system that distinguishes the rich and the poor was obtained from their immediate environment and how social institutions like the home, school, and media hold discussions about wealth and poverty (Bullock, 1999;Ramsey, 1991). Children's concepts about their world are products of their interaction with more knowledgeable members of society (Vygotsky, 1978;1979). ...
... Almost all of the children's drawings in this paper depicted sad faces, an indication of how the children make sense of how people feel when they are hungry, homeless, sickly, or unable to walk due to disability. While the participants did not show any indication that they have experienced poverty themselves, this study affirms that children may learn about the world by observing, acting on objects, and interacting with people (Copple & Bredekamp, 2009;Halik & Webley, 2011;Ramsey, 1991;Vygotsky, 1978). ...
... While their concepts of poverty provide a picture of suffering and sadness, and their non-conventional views of being poor such as being differently-abled or sick do not automatically imply poverty, this study provides glimpses of their limited exposure and interactions with the poor. Meanwhile, children who are themselves poor have a way of making sense of their situation, which may be different from other children's standpoint (Bullock, 1999;Ramsey, 1991;Tafere 2012;Weinger, 1998). Vygotsky (1978) proposed that the more experienced members of society have an important role in assisting children understand the complexity of the social world. ...
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... Though limited and mostly dated, there is, however, research to suggest that young children are able to distinguish between different social class groups and do have some awareness of social class inequalities in the larger society as well as their own social class positions (e.g., Johnson & Hagerman, 2006;Naimark & Shaver, 1982;Stendler, 1949). Studies suggest that children as young as 6 make judgments about others' socioeconomic status based on physical appearance (Naimark, 1983) and that preschoolers notice and identify concrete attributes relating to poverty and wealth (Ramsey, 1991). ...
... Consistent with other studies on children's perceptions of social class (e.g., Ramsey, 1991), the children's drawings reflected a higher level of knowledge about class divisions in society with advanced age. More specifically, older children illustrated their perceptions with more detail, content, and images. ...
... Many of the same patterns documented in studies before the Great Recession of 2008 are evident here: The students in this study showed increasing complexity with advanced age and few significant differences when disaggregated for gender or income level. It also appears that, as previous research has shown (e.g., Ramsey, 1991), even very young students have ideas about class distinctions, and they have internalized or expressed negative connotations with poverty and positive connotations with wealth. ...
Article
Background/Context Though there has been attention to how class differences impact children's experiences in schools and how young people perceive racial and gender differences, very little research to date has examined how young people make sense of social class differences. Purpose In this article, the authors examine young children's conceptualizations of differences between the rich and the poor to better understand children's process of classmaking. Research Design To access young children's ideas about social class, the authors examined kindergartners’, third graders’, and sixth graders’ (N = 133) drawings depicting differences between rich and poor people and their corresponding explanations of their drawings. These children attended two schools, one public serving a majority working- class population, and one private serving a majority affluent population. Findings/Results Children understand social class to be inclusive emotions, social distinctions, and social status. Children's drawings and explanations show that perpetuated ideology-justifying status quo of poverty and economic inequality. Children have complex sociocultural insights into how social class operates that manifest themselves through four domains: material, intersectional, emotional, and spatial. Conclusions/Recommendations Educators should provide more opportunities for teaching about social class, and can do so in ways that engages students in processes of classmaking that do not reinforce stereotypes and that interrupts inequality.
... Interestingly, most developmental research with U.S. samples has conceptualized economic status on a dichotomized scale, assessing children's knowledge of wealth and poverty, for example. Previous research indicates that, from as early as 4-5 years of age, children categorize individuals as rich or poor based on external, observable characteristics like house size or clothing quality (Ramsey, 1991;Weinger, 2000;Horwitz et al., 2014). Children's conceptions of economic resources expand to include adult's occupational status and factors like family connections and inheritance by at least 10-12 years of age (Chafel and Neitzel, 2005;Mistry et al., 2015). ...
... In this study, we aimed to assess age-related changes in children's perceptions during a time in development when conceptions of economic status become increasingly complex (as outlined above). Children ages 5-6 and 10-11 years old participated in the current study, spanning a time in development when children's awareness of many cues to economic differences between individuals grows considerably (Ramsey, 1991;Weinger, 2000;Chafel and Neitzel, 2005;Horwitz et al., 2014;Mistry et al., 2015). ...
... The age groups chosen for this study (5-6 and 10-11 years) span a time of change in children's awareness of cues to economic status (Ramsey, 1991;Weinger, 2000;Chafel and Neitzel, 2005;Horwitz et al., 2014;Mistry et al., 2015), and thus we predicted that children's awareness of which racial groups are commonly represented at high, middle, and low levels of the economic spectrum would likewise increase with age. That is, we predicted that, between 5-6 and 10-11 years of age, children would increasingly associate targets of both races with indicators of middle economic status, reflecting their increasing awareness that the majority of the population occupies the middle of the economic spectrum. ...
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Age-related changes in children’s associations of economic resources and race were investigated. The sample (N = 308) included 5-6 year-olds (n = 153, M = 6.01 years, SD = .33 years) and 10-11 year-olds (n = 155, M = 11.12 years, SD = .59 years) of African-American (n = 93), European-American (n = 92), Latino (n = 62), Asian-American (n = 23), and multi-racial or multi-ethnic (n = 26) background. Participants matched pairs of target children (African-American and European-American) with visual indicators of low, middle, and high economic status. Children’s associations of economic resources with racial groups changed with age, and reflected different associations at high, middle, and low levels of the economic spectrum. Specifically, children associated targets of both races with middle economic status at a comparable rate, and, with age, increasingly associated targets of both races with indicators of middle economic status. By contrast, both younger and older children associated African-American targets with indicators of low economic status more frequently than European-American targets. Finally, children associated African-American targets with indicators of high economic status less frequently with age, resulting in a perceived disparity in favor of European-American targets at high economic status among older children that was not present among younger children. No differences were found by participants’ own racial or ethnic background. These results highlight the need to move beyond a dichotomized view (rich/poor) to include middle economic status when examining children’s associations of economic resources and race.
... As they grow older, children are indeed cognitively better able to decode, categorize and retrieve information, but they also have more personal experiences on which to base their judgements of others (Woods et al., 2005). Drawing on Leahy (1983) and Naimark's (1983) work, Ramsey (1991) states that: ...
... While there is ample research on children's perceptions of different social groups, and in particularly their (stereotypical) perceptions of the poor and the rich (Chafel, 1997b;Ramsey, 1991;Vandebroeck, 2020;Weinger, 1998Weinger, , 2000Woods et al., 2005), less attention has been paid to the ways in which children assess their own social position, whether or not in relation to others. Much of the scholarship on children's subjective social position has mainly approached children in predefined groups, such as 'poor children' or 'affluent children', to gauge their class-based experiences (e.g. ...
Thesis
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Antwerp children grow up in a society characterized by unprecedented diversity. This diversity is strongly reflected in primary schools, where about three-quarters of the pupils have a migration background. At the same time, the city has a large ethnic gap in its poverty rates and life chances are unequally distributed along ethnic lines as well. Yet, while there is much research on the dynamics and impact of these inequalities, little is known about children’s perceptions and how they navigate such inequalities. Building on insights from cultural sociology and the ‘New Sociology of Childhood’, this dissertation aims to add to the literature on symbolic boundary making by examining how children negotiate ethnic and social class boundaries in their super-diverse environment. Drawing on three rounds of in-depth interviews conducted over a two-school year period with children aged 11-14, and the parents and teachers of some of them, I discuss how children express a great deal of agency as they negotiate the unequal environment in which they find themselves. They do not passively draw on existing public repertoires to make sense of this environment, but they actively choose, combine and reconstruct those symbolic boundaries, repertoires and identity categories that support both their own perceptions and their self-concept.
... One cause of the aforementioned phenomenon may be that children's knowledge of wealth and those who possess it is relatively fragile and may require prompting to be elicited (paralleling a phenomenon that has been described with respect to other social categories; Dunham & Degner, 2013). In contrast to older children and adolescents, who possess sophisticated causal beliefs regarding wealth (Flanagan et al., 2014;Mistry et al., 2015;Sigelman, 2012), preschool and young school-age children know little about how wealth is attained (Danziger, 1958;Enesco & Navarro, 2003;Karniol, 1985;Leahy, 1981;Leahy, 1983;Ramsey, 1991;Short, 1991). Interview-based studies which query children's understanding of the "rich" and "poor" without using experimenter-provided descriptions of such terms find that young children refer to these groups primarily in terms of their possessions; they rarely make spontaneous references to their dispositional traits or likely behaviors (Karniol, 1985;Leahy, 1981). ...
... Thus, previous findings that children attribute dispositional traits to others on the basis of wealth may not necessarily extend to contexts in which wealth is not labeled (but for evidence that children favor the wealthy as friends and also view them as competent and popular, even without wealth labels, see Horwitz et al., 2014, andShutts et al., 2016). Ramsey (1991) provides convergent evidence, finding that children viewed wealth as less salient than other attributes. ...
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Previous research has found that even young children accurately assign wealth labels (e.g., rich or poor) to real-world wealth symbols, such as pictures of houses. However, it is unclear whether children spontaneously consider individuals’ wealth status when predicting how they will behave toward others. In Study 1, children (n = 100, ages 4–5 and 7–8) predicted that residents of “rich” houses would be likelier to share toys than residents of “poor” houses. This effect was driven by children who viewed rich-house residents as owning more toys. Study 2 (n = 50) suggested that such children were not merely associating attractive objects with attractive behaviors. Rather, it seems that they possessed a conceptual understanding of wealth, which they used to make behavioral predictions. The belief that the rich are likely to share may relate to broader wealth-based preferences and may be elicited more frequently in children who spontaneously notice others’ wealth status.
... Given the disparities between the rich and poor, children's awareness and understanding of poverty vary depending on their socioeconomic status: for example, children from low-income families learn about money and the economic world differently from children from affluent families (Crowley and Vulliamy 2002). At 6 or 7 years old, children have fairly clear and consistent ideas about social class differences, and even preschoolers can recognize concrete attributes related to wealth and poverty (Ramsey 1991). ...
... Examining the early conceptualization of the differences between being rich and poor is important, as it may be linked to the understanding of other important concepts such as social class, discrimination, inequality, and social justice (Chafel and Neitzel 2004;Ramsey 1991). However, the majority of the previous research has primarily focused on the impacts of poverty on the developmental outcomes of children living in poor families. ...
Article
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This interdisciplinary study explores the intersection of economic equality, bilingual discussion, and early literacy instruction by examining Korean kindergarteners’ discussions about poverty and wealth during read-alouds. As part of a larger qualitative study, the current study was conducted in a kindergarten classroom at the Korean Language School, in the midwest of the United States. The study focused on Korean–English bilingual children’s read-alouds of picture books that dealt with poverty and wealth issues. The data were collected across four months through multiple sources, including audio/video recordings, open-ended interviews, children’s artifacts, and observational field notes. The findings suggest that bilingual discussions about children’s books on poverty and human equality in early-childhood classrooms are a medium to help children develop critical perspectives about poverty, wealth, and economic equality from an early age.
... concerned with socioeconomic status (SES). Indeed, classic interview studies conducted by Leahy in the 1980s with children between 5 and 18 years suggested that young children have difficulty thinking about economic concepts: Most participants could not generate sensible explanations for wealth differences prior to 11 years of age ([3-5]; see also [6][7][8]). Further, when asked to describe "rich" and "poor" people, young children (unlike older children and adolescents) rarely mentioned psychological attributes; rather, they often said, "I don't know" or referenced money and possessions ([3]; see also [9]). ...
... Accordingly, for the "wealth preference task" in Study 1, 4-5-year-old participants viewed photographs of unfamiliar children who appeared to differ in wealth and were asked to indicate whom they liked. We used material possessions (houses and personal effects) to convey wealth differences, as previous research has shown that young children are sensitive to such visual markers [6,[20][21]. Such depictions are also ecologically valid, as wealthy families are, in fact, more likely than poor families to own material goods that are new and branded [22][23]. ...
Article
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Wealth differences between individuals are ubiquitous in modern society, and often serve as the basis for biased social evaluations among adults. The present research probed whether children use cues that are commonly associated with wealth differences in society to guide their consideration of others. In Study 1, 4–5-year-old participants from diverse racial backgrounds expressed preferences for children who were paired with high-wealth cues; White children in Study 1 also matched high-wealth stimuli with White faces. Study 2 conceptually replicated the preference effect from Study 1, and showed that young children (4–6 years) also use material wealth indicators to guide their inferences about people’s relative standing in other domains (i.e., competence and popularity). Study 3 revealed that children (5–9 years) use a broad range of wealth cues to guide their evaluations of, and actions toward, unfamiliar people. Further, biased responses were not attenuated among children whose families were lower in socioeconomic status. Often overlooked by those who study children’s attitudes and stereotypes, social class markers appear to influence evaluations, inferences, and behavior early in development.
... Although their perceptions of their own social status are often inaccurate at this age (Rauscher, Friedline, & Banerjee, 2017), by middle childhood, children from both low-and middle-income families are well aware of not only their own status in the social hierarchy but also the negative perceptions held about the poor (Weinger, 1998(Weinger, , 2000. Moreover, the indicators used by children to assess their own and others' social class may shift gradually over the course of development from an emphasis on external, observable characteristics (i.e., possessions as signals of wealth) to more abstract indicators such as societal prestige (Flanagan et al., 2014;Ramsey, 1991). ...
... Theories of cognitive development and cultural socialization both suggest that during middle childhood, children will shift toward more abstract, complex indicators for SSS. Although children as young as preschool show awareness of differences in wealth, the signals that they rely upon for evaluating social status are limited to concrete indicators such as clothing and possessions (Ramsey, 1991). As children's experience widens and their knowledge, memory, and information-processing abilities improve over middle childhood (Flavell, 1992), their indicators likely become more abstract, including factors that they come to realize are indirectly associated with wealth (Flanagan et al., 2014), such as references to a person's level of education or societal prestige. ...
Article
Children's perceptions of social status during middle childhood may play a role in their socioemotional development; however, these processes have not been fully examined within a cultural framework. The present study used an integrated conceptual framework (Mistry et al., 2016) to examine relations between perceptions of social status, social cognitions regarding race and status, and socioemotional well-being in elementary-age Chinese American children of immigrant parents (N = 109; 7-10 years old). Individual interviews, behavioral tasks, and parent- and child-completed questionnaires were used to assess children's perceptions of their social status, their racial associations with social status, and 2 indicators of their socioemotional well-being. Results from logistic regression models indicated that, compared with younger children, older children made more references to education as an indicator of social status and fewer references to purchasing power. Children also associated images of White children with positions of high social status at greater-than-chance frequencies. Finally, lower subjective social status in children was associated with children's self-reported social loneliness, even accounting for parent-reported measures of socioeconomic status. Our results suggest that Chinese American children's perceptions of their own and others' social status may reflect a growing awareness of cultural values and societal stereotypes of race and social status and may also be an important factor in their socioemotional well-being. We discuss implications of our findings for future research on perceptions of social status among ethnic minority and immigrant youth.
... For example, 3-yearolds are able to identify relational power asymmetry through cues of goal achievement; for example, when two children have different opinions on what to play, social relational power is attributed to the child whose goal is achieved (Gülgöz & Gelman, 2017;Rakoczy, Warneken, & Tomasello, 2007;Wellman & Miller, 2008;Wright Cassidy et al., 2005). Children show a similar sensitivity to wealth; by 3 years of age, children categorize people based on their wealth status (Olson, Shutts, Kinzler, & Weisman, 2012;Ramsey, 1991). More specifically, preschoolers categorize people as ''rich" or ''poor" based on differences in their possessions such as toys, clothing, and housing (Horwitz, Shutts, & Olson, 2014;Ramsey, 1991). ...
... Children show a similar sensitivity to wealth; by 3 years of age, children categorize people based on their wealth status (Olson, Shutts, Kinzler, & Weisman, 2012;Ramsey, 1991). More specifically, preschoolers categorize people as ''rich" or ''poor" based on differences in their possessions such as toys, clothing, and housing (Horwitz, Shutts, & Olson, 2014;Ramsey, 1991). Thus, by 3 years of age, children are already able to organize social categories based on social status cues. ...
Article
Asymmetries in social status, specifically social status related to wealth and relational power, appear to influence the ways in which children allocate resources. However, the impact of wealth and relational power status on children’s resource allocation decisions has yet to be examined among children developing within a Chinese cultural context. In addition, how children weight the relative importance of these factors when they exist concurrently is not well understood. In Study 1, we examined the impact of recipients’ wealth and relational power status on Chinese children’s (3- to 8-year-olds; N = 199) allocation decisions. We found that across both categories of social status, 3- and 4-year-olds gave more to high-status individuals, whereas 7- and 8-year-olds gave more to low-status individuals, despite younger children also showing a strong egalitarian preference when the resources could be allocated equally. In Study 2, we investigated how children (3- to 8-year-olds; N = 219) weigh the relative importance of these two types of social status in situations where the level of recipients’ wealth and relational power were either consistent or in conflict. When they needed to allocate the resources unequally, the youngest children were found to place greater emphasis on wealth over relational power and favored the high-status individual, whereas older children tended to favor the low-status individual and placed greater importance on relational power over wealth. Overall, we found a consistent age-related shift from favoring high-status individuals toward compensating low-status individuals, suggesting a developing concern for social equity.
... The association between the rich (poor) and high (low) vertical position the ages of 3 to 5 can understand the terms "poor" and "rich," and can classify people as such (Ramsey, 1991). Furthermore, children between the ages of 6 to 11 begin to develop beliefs that the poor and the rich have differences regarding certain traits, such as intelligence and motivation (Leahy, 1981). ...
... Barsalou (1999) indicated that the schematization of experiences is a vital source of information in the development of perceptual symbols. In the process of individual perception, wealth is a very common and important dimension of social categorization in everyday life (Harvey & Bourhis, 2013;Leahy, 1981;Ramsey, 1991). Extensive studies have found that both adults and children associate positive valence (such as positive emotions) with the rich, and associate negative valence (such as negative emotions) with the poor (Bjornsdottir & Rule, 2017;Piff & Moskowitz, 2018;Baldus & Tribe, 1978;Sigelman, 2012), while researchers focused on embodied cognition have found that abstract positive valence is relevant with high vertical positions, and abstract negative valence is relevant with low vertical positions (Meier, Hauser, Robinson, Friesen, & Schjeldahl, 2007;Meier & Robinson, 2004). ...
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This study explored whether vertical position affects social categorization of the rich and the poor. Experiment 1 used high- and low-income occupations as stimuli, and found participants categorized high-income occupations faster when they were presented in the top vertical position compared to the bottom vertical position. In Experiment 2, participants responded using either the “up” or “down” key to categorize high- and low-income occupations, and responded faster to high-income occupations with the “up” key and low-income occupations with the “down” key. In Experiment 3, names identified as belonging to either rich or poor individuals were presented at the top or bottom of a screen, and the results were the same as in Experiments 1 and 2. These findings suggest that social categorization based on wealth involved perceptual simulations of vertical position, and that vertical position affects the social categorization of the rich and the poor.
... These experiences may contribute to children's interpretation and evaluation of physical harm in particular. Additionally, children as young as 4 MORAL DEVELOPMENT IN CONTEXT 30 years of age demonstrate awareness of social inequality in economic and social resources based on external, observable characteristics such as house size (Elenbaas & Killen, 2016;Ramsey, 1991). As children become increasingly cognizant of resource inequities, asymmetries in their own experiences of inequality may influence their reasoning about fairness. ...
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Associations among moral judgments, neighborhood risk, and maternal discipline were examined in 118 socioeconomically diverse preschoolers (Mage = 41.84 months, SD = 1.42). Children rated the severity and punishment deserved for 6 prototypical moral transgressions entailing physical and psychological harm and unfairness. They also evaluated 3 criteria for assessing maturity in moral judgments: whether acts were considered wrong regardless of rules and wrong independent of authority, as well as whether moral rules were considered unacceptable to alter (collectively called criterion judgments). Mothers reported on their socioeconomic status, neighborhood characteristics and risk, and consistency of discipline; harsh maternal discipline was observed during a mother–child clean-up task. Structural equation modeling indicated that greater neighborhood risk was associated with less mature criterion judgments and ratings that transgressions were less serious and less deserving of punishment, particularly for children who were disciplined less harshly. Although harsh maternal discipline was associated with children’s ratings of moral transgressions as more serious and deserving of punishment, this effect for severity judgments was more pronounced when mothers were inconsistent versus consistent in applying harsh discipline. Preschoolers who received consistent harsh discipline had less sophisticated moral criterion judgments than their less consistently or harshly disciplined peers. Results demonstrate the importance of social contexts in preschoolers’ developing moral judgments.
... What we know from the small, but growing, body of research on children's and adolescents' conceptions of economic inequality is that children attend to issues of social class and economic stratification from an early age Crosby & Mistry, 2004;Leahy, 1981;Mistry, Nenadal, & Griffin, 2015;Sigelman, 2012) and, further, that their beliefs and attitudes become more complex and multifaceted over time (see Flanagan et al., 2014). Theoretical and empirical evidence indicates that children begin to reason about social group memberships (e.g., gender, race/ethnicity) as early as age 4 and show evidence of stereotypic reasoning about groups, including social class groups, prior to age 8 Ramsey, 1991;. By early-to mid-adolescence, they differentiate not only individuals and possessions (e.g., housing, clothing) by social status cues (Chafel, 1997;Emler & Dickinson, 1985;Jahoda, 1959;Leahy, 1981Leahy, , 1983Tudor, 1971) but also evaluate occupational status differences on the basis of economic status cues as well (e.g., Bigler, Averhart, & Liben, 2003;Cook et al., 1996;Simmons & Rosenberg, 1971). ...
... Ε̟ίσης υ̟άρχουν µελέτες στις ο̟οίες διερευνώνται οι α̟όψεις µικρών ̟αιδιών σχετικά µε ̟αράγοντες ̟ου σχετίζονται µε την κρίση, ό̟ως η κοινωνικοοικονοµική τάξη (Ramsey, 1991) ή η φτώχεια (Chafel & Neitzel, 2004· 2005. ∆εν βρήκαµε, ωστόσο, καµία έρευνα ̟ου να εξετάζει τις αντιλήψεις των ̟αιδιών για την κρίση και το ̟ώς αυτά ε̟εξεργάζονται µέσα τους τα όσα λαµβάνουν χώρα γύρω τους. ...
Article
Όλο και περισσότερα παιδιά ανά τον κόσμο βιώνουν τις αλλαγές που επηρεάζουν την καθημερινή τους ζωή ως αποτέλεσμα της οικονομικής κρίσης. Όσο καλύτερα κατανοήσουμε το πώς τα παιδιά αντιλαμβάνονται αυτά που συμβαίνουν γύρω τους και πώς επηρεάζουν τις συμπεριφορές τους, τόσο περισσότερο θα μπορέσουμε να τα βοηθήσουμε να τα αντιμετωπίσουν.Στην παρούσα μελέτη διερευνήθηκε από νηπιαγωγούς σε μία περιοχή της Βόρειας Ελλάδας, το πώς νήπια ηλικίας 4-6 ετών αντιλαμβάνονται την κρίση. Πιο συγκεκριμένα τα παιδιά ρωτήθηκαν το τι σκέφτονται όταν ακούν τον όρο «οικονομική κρίση», πώς αισθάνονται γι’ αυτή και τι νομίζουν ότι μπορούν να κάνουν σχετικά με αυτή. Συνολικά συλλέξαμε 276 απαντήσεις παιδιών από τις συζητήσεις που έκαναν μαζί τους 29 νηπιαγωγοί, ενώ ορισμένα παιδιά έδωσαν παραπάνω από μία απαντήσεις. Μερικά παιδιά, μάλιστα, ζωγράφισαν τις αντιλήψεις τους σχετικά με το θέμα.Τα αποτελέσματα της έρευνας αναλύονται στην εργασία αυτή και διατυπώνονται προτάσεις για εκπαιδευτικούς και γονείς σχετικά με το πώς μπορούν να βοηθήσουν τα παιδιά να αντεπεξέλθουν στις δύσκολες καταστάσεις που βιώνουν.
... For instance, a graduate student attending Ivy League schools probably would not consider working as a factory worker (i.e., downward mobility) because their educational efforts have already established a certain standing. Although most indices of social class are invisible or abstract, studies show that children at age 6 can start discerning social class differences by recognizing concrete cues that exist in their dailylives, such as materials and goods (Ramsey, 1991). ...
... For instance, a graduate student attending Ivy League schools probably would not consider working as a factory worker (i.e., downward mobility) because their educational efforts have already established a certain standing. Although most indices of social class are invisible or abstract, studies show that children at age 6 can start discerning social class differences by recognizing concrete cues that exist in their dailylives, such as materials and goods (Ramsey, 1991). ...
Article
This chapter explores social class myths, the Social Class Worldview Model, and suggestions for student affairs professionals to facilitate social class identity development.
... For instance, a graduate student attending Ivy League schools probably would not consider working as a factory worker (i.e., downward mobility) because their educational efforts have already established a certain standing. Although most indices of social class are invisible or abstract, studies show that children at age 6 can start discerning social class differences by recognizing concrete cues that exist in their dailylives, such as materials and goods (Ramsey, 1991). ...
Article
This chapter explores social class myths, the Social Class Worldview Model, and suggestions for student affairs professionals to facilitate social class identity development.
... Studies about poverty in childhood, using adults as target groups, show that children between 3 and 5 years-old are able to distinguish between rich and poor people based on observable and symbolic characteristics (e.g. clothes, material goods; Leahy, 1981;Ramsey, 1991). With age, children emphasize individual personality traits to explain those differences. ...
... Third, we did not directly assess children's understanding of economic disadvantage. There is, however, evidence that children as young as 3 understand basic differences between poor and wealthy individuals (Ramsey, 1991). Fourth, a portion of children did not provide codable reasons for their emotions, reducing our final sample, although our frequency of unelaborated reasoning is expected, especially among 4-year-olds (e.g., Malti, Gummerum et al., 2009). ...
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Economically disadvantaged children often lack the resources to purchase popular goods and participate in their preferred social groups’ activities, creating difficulty with fitting in. Meanwhile, children from middle socioeconomic status (SES) families may have additional influence over whether low SES children are included in such groups. We examined how a middle SES sample of 333 4- and 8-year-olds felt and reasoned about excluding a child who was economically disadvantaged (i.e., a needy child) versus a child who attends another school (i.e., a less needy child). We also examined whether children’s dispositional sympathy was associated with their negatively valenced moral emotions (NVMEs) after hypothetically excluding. Older children reported feeling more NVMEs for both targets of exclusion. Furthermore, unlike 4-year-olds, 8-year-olds differentiated between the targets of exclusion by reporting more NVMEs after excluding a child who was economically disadvantaged. Lastly, children’s sympathy was positively associated with their NVMEs after excluding a child who was economically disadvantaged, but not a child who attended another school. We conclude that with increasing sympathy and age, children likely become more sensitive to the needs of their disadvantaged peers—an effect with meaningful implications for improving peer relationships across socioeconomic spheres.
... The first stage, called peripheral, was present in children 6 years of age, and is characterized by tautological explanations for wealth and poverty, for example: "People are rich because they have money." Ramsey (1991) corroborated these results in preschool children. Here, children's explanations of wealth and poverty were limited to the concrete. ...
Chapter
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Our sense of self arises from our understanding that we are unique and different from others that are close to us, and that these other people have similarities and differences among themselves and in relation to us. Understanding the self and others as separate entities requires reasoning about the social world, including understanding people, interpersonal relations, institutions, and social structure. This chapter introduces the socio-developmental perspective in a didactic overview on the socio-cognitive self-development of children. It equips the reader with fundamental background knowledge that is useful for the understanding of reporting research results with children of different age. What this overview makes clear, among others, is how closely children’s self is intertwined from the beginning with the social world they live in, how fundamental the role of social categorization is for children’s understanding of the social world and themselves as part of it, how the notion of their position in social structure becomes more and more sophisticated over the course of their self-development, and how much children advance with age in the flexible mastering of complex, often contradicting social affordances within interpersonal, intergroup, and institutional contexts.
... However, younger children lack an understanding of how people come to differ in their wealth, how money works, and the connections between wealth, work, and merit (Danziger, 1958;Enesco & Navarro, 2003;Ramsey, 1991;Sigelman, 2013;Stendler, 1949). Preschoolers may tell you that poor people "forgot to go to the store to get their money," (Ramsey, 1991, pp. ...
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Young children show social preferences for resource-rich individuals, although few studies have explored the causes underlying such preferences. We evaluate the viability of one candidate cause: Children believe that resource wealth relates to behavior, such that they expect the resource rich to be more likely to materially benefit others (including themselves) than the resource poor. In Studies 1 and 2 (ages 4-10), American children from predominantly middle-income families (n = 94) and Indian children from lower income families (n = 30) predicted that the resource rich would be likelier to share with others than the resource poor. In Study 3, American children (n = 66) made similar predictions in an incentivized decision-making task. The possibility that children's expectations regarding giving contribute to prowealth preferences is discussed.
... 54 Certains travaux relèvent aussi comment les enfants perçoivent et parfois reproduisent les hiérarchies structurant le monde social (Lignier & Pagis, 2017). Ce « sens social »comme capacité à repérer les différences, opposition ou hiérarchies reliant les agents sociaux tout en les distinguant (Zarca, 1999) -s'observe dès la maternelle (Ramsey, 1991) notamment dans les manières dont les enfants distinguent physiquement « les riches » des « pauvres » par un classement proche de celui effectué par des adultes. ...
Thesis
La thèse interroge la configuration des relations de soin au sein de l’hôpital et de la famille, à partir du cas d’enfants de 6 à 14 ans atteints d’un diabète de type 1. Ce travail s’attache à étudier, par une approche qualitative – fondée sur des entretiens semi-directifs et sur l’observation ethnographique –, la forme que prennent ces relations telles que co-construites avec les enfants, leur diversité et leur possibilité d’évolution dans le temps. Les relations de soin donnent à voir des rapports sociaux plus larges et parfois inégaux, notamment d’âges et de générations. En investiguant le rôle et l’action des divers acteurs impliqués dans ces deux arènes d’action, l’enquête vise à saisir plus finement les manières dont ces asymétries sont reproduites, « mises en pratique » dans les soins ou modifiées. En plaçant au centre de l’analyse l’agentivité des enfants, elle étudie les manières dont ceux-ci se saisissent de ces asymétries, les interprètent, y participent ou les subvertissent en se réappropriant leur corps et la maladie, en négociant en situation et avec une pluralité d’acteurs leur place dans les soins et les liens qu’ils entretiennent aux autres.
... For one, class has fewer physical markers compared to race and gender, which makes it hard to identify another's class status (Ramsey & Dickson, 1991;Temple, Martinez, & Yokota, 2006;Van Galen, 2000). James Minor's (2012) observation of impoverished college students with middle class accoutrements like iPhones adds to this contention: An individual's class position is difficult to pinpoint when everyone owns an iPhone or some other ubiquitous marker of disposable income. ...
Article
Background Scholars of children's literature have been investigating portrayals of females and racial groups for several decades, yet few have examined depictions of social class. Research on social class depictions in children's literature is needed in order to identify books that affirm children's class identities and offer portrayals of socioeconomic diversity. Focus of the Study This study investigates portrayals of social class in 35 titles receiving the Batchelder Award or Honor between 2001 and 2013. The Batchelder Award recognizes outstanding translated books with international origins. International books for children were selected in this study because American titles are thought to be middle class in orientation; the researchers hypothesized that the international books might provide a more complex analysis of social class. Research Design The inductive approach to qualitative content analysis was utilized. At least two researchers read and coded each book in the sample. The researchers examined passages referencing social class as well as other cultural constructs such as race/ethnicity, gender, religion, and nationality. Findings The researchers identified several markers that served as indicators of social class status: living conditions, food, safety and protection, healthcare, leisure, education, occupation, residence, speech and mannerisms, clothing/dress, death rituals, and material possessions. Social class was often associated with other identities such as a character's religion or ethnicity. Characters from typically marginalized class groups, such as the poor and the working class, were portrayed sensitively and with dignity. Conclusions The markers of class identified in this study may serve as a framework for other researchers interested in examining class in children's literature or media. The findings may help teachers and teacher educators identify and select books that realistically and respectfully portray members of different social classes.
... For example, younger children tend to define individuals as wealthy or poor based on tangible observations or characteristics (e.g., "they live on the streets," Chafel & Neitzel, 2005;Leahy, 1981Leahy, , 1983Shutts et al., 2016). Around 11 years of age, children begin to explain economic inequalities as originating from psychological characteristics, such as effort and motivation (Leahy, 1983;Ramsey, 1991), and, by adolescence, they show some understanding of the role of societal structures and processes in economic hardship, describing poverty in terms of "sociocentric" categories (e.g., life chances, prestige; Leahy, 1981Leahy, , 1983. ...
Article
In this monograph, we argue for the establishment of a developmental science of politics that describes, explains, and predicts the formation and change of individuals' political knowledge, attitudes, and behavior beginning in childhood and continuing across the life course. Reflecting our goal of contributing both theoretical conceptualizations and empirical data, we have organized the monograph into two broad sections. In the first section, we outline theoretical contributions that the study of politics may make to developmental science and provide practical reasons that empirical research in the domain of politics is important (e.g., for identifying ways to improve civics education and for encouraging higher voting rates among young adults). We also review major historical approaches to the study of political development and provide an integrative theoretical framework to ground future work. Drawing on Bronfenbrenner's ecological systems model as an organizing scheme and emphasizing social justice issues, we describe how factors rooted in cultural contexts, families, and children themselves are likely to shape political development. In the second section of the monograph, we argue for the importance and utility of studying major political events, such as presidential elections, and introduce the major themes, rationales, and hypotheses for a study of U.S. children's views of the 2016 U.S. presidential election. In addition, we apply a social-justice lens to political thought and participation, addressing the role of gender/sex and race/ethnicity in children's political development broadly, and in their knowledge and views of the 2016 U.S. presidential election specifically. In interviews conducted within the month before and after the election, we examined two overarching categories of children's political attitudes: (a) knowledge, preferences, and expectations about the 2016 election, and (b) knowledge and attitudes concerning gender/sex and politics, particularly relevant for the 2016 election given Hillary Clinton's role as the first female major-party candidate for the presidency. Participants were 187 children (101 girls) between 5 and 11 years of age (M = 8.42 years, SD = 1.45 years). They were recruited from schools and youth organizations in five counties in four U.S. states (Kansas, Kentucky, Texas, and Washington) with varying voting patterns (e.g., Trump voters ranged from 27% to 71% of county voters). The sample was not a nationally representative one, but was racially diverse (35 African American, 50 Latinx, 81 White, and 21 multiracial, Asian American, Middle Eastern, or Native American children). In addition to several child characteristics (e.g., age, social dominance orientation [SDO]), we assessed several family and community characteristics (e.g., child-reported parental interest in the election and government-reported county-level voting patterns, respectively) hypothesized to predict outcome variables. Although our findings are shaped by the nature of our sample (e.g., our participants were less likely to support Trump than children in larger, nationwide samples were), they offer preliminary insights into children's political development. Overall, children in our sample were interested in and knowledgeable about the presidential election (e.g., a large majority identified the candidates correctly and reported some knowledge about their personal qualities or policy positions). They reported more information about Donald Trump's than Hillary Clinton's policies, largely accounted for by the substantial percentage of children (41%) who referred to Trump's immigration policies (e.g., building a wall between the United States and Mexico). Overall, children reported as many negative as positive personal qualities of the candidates, with negative qualities being reported more often for Trump than for Clinton (56% and 18% of children, respectively). Most children (88%) supported Clinton over Trump, a preference that did not vary by participants' gender/sex or race/ethnicity. In their responses to an open-ended inquiry about their reactions to Trump's win, 63% of children reported negative and 18% reported positive emotions. Latinx children reacted more negatively to the election outcome than did White children. Girls' and boys' emotional responses to the election outcome did not differ. Children's personal interest in serving as U.S. president did not vary across gender/sex or racial/ethnic groups (overall, 42% were interested). Clinton's loss of the election did not appear to depress (or pique) girls' interest in becoming U.S. president. With respect to the role of gender/sex in politics, many children (35%) were ignorant about women's absence from the U.S. presidency. Only a single child was able to name a historical individual who worked for women's civil rights or suffrage. Child characteristics predicted some outcome variables. For example, as expected, older children showed greater knowledge about the candidates than did younger children. Family and community characteristics also predicted some outcome variables. For example, as expected, participants were more likely to support Trump if they perceived that their parents supported him and if Trump received a greater percentage of votes in the children's county of residence. Our data suggest that civic education should be expanded and reformed. In addition to addressing societal problems requiring political solutions, civics lessons should include the histories of social groups' political participation, including information about gender discrimination and the women's suffrage movement in U.S. political history. Providing children with environments that are rich in information related to the purpose and value of politics, and with opportunities and encouragement for political thought and action, is potentially beneficial for youth and their nations.
... A small, but growing, set of scholarship has focused on the perceptions of poverty and economic inequality held by American youth (e.g., Dys et al., 2019;Elenbaas, 2019;Flanagan et al., 2014;Leahy, 1983). Children as young as four or five years old demonstrate a basic ability to recognize poverty by using symbols, such as clothing or housing, to classify individuals as rich or poor; however, it is more difficult for them to provide causal explanations for poverty (Goodman et al., 2001;Leahy, 1983;Mistry et al., 2016;Ramsey, 1991). Other researchers have found that youth in middle childhood demonstrate moral emotional reactions to social marginalization of children in poverty. ...
... The salience of social groups is reflected in children's early recognition of and reasoning about them (e.g., Liberman et al., 2017;Plötner et al., 2016;Rhodes, 2013;Rhodes & Baron, 2019;Weisman et al., 2015;Ziv & Banaji, 2012). Within the first years of life, children attend to different social group markers (e.g., gender, race, language, nationality, as well as intersectional identities; e.g., Bar-Haim et al., 2006;Diesendruck & HaLevi, 2006;Kinzler et al., 2007;Liben & Bigler, 2002;May et al., 2019;Perszyk et al., 2019;Quinn et al., 2002) and use group membership to reason about individuals' and groups' relative preferences (e.g., Liberman et al., 2016;Roberts et al., 2017;Shutts et al., 2013), abilities (e.g., Bian et al., 2017;Cvencek et al., 2011), and social rank (e.g., Charafeddine et al., 2020;Kinzler & DeJesus, 2012;Mandalaywala et al., 2020;Olson et al., 2012;Ramsey, 1991). ...
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Participants (N = 384 three‐ to ten‐year‐olds; 51% girls, 49% boys; 73% White, 18% multiracial/other, 5% Asian, and 3% Black; N = 610 adults) saw depictions of 20 individuals split into two social groups (1:19; 2:18; 5:15; or 8:12 per group) and selected which group was “in charge” (Experiment 1), “the leader” (Experiment 2), or likely to “get the stuff” (resources) in a conflict (Experiment 3). Whereas participants across ages predicted the larger group would “get the stuff,” a tendency to view smaller groups as “in charge” and “the leader” strengthened with age and when the smaller group was rarer. These findings suggest the perceived relation between numerical group size and hierarchy is flexible and inform theory regarding the developmental trajectories of reasoning about power and status.
... However, this is very unlikely firstly because additional explanations for each term (e.g., nice to friends) were presented. Secondly, the three adjectives have been used in prior studies (Thomas 2004;Ramsey 1991;Rutland et al. 2005) with preschool children. No evidence of issues related to children failing to understand the meaning of the adjectives was reported. ...
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This study investigates young Korean children’s attitudes toward three English varieties: American English (AmE), Singapore English (SiE), and Korean English (KoE). A total of 42 Korean children participated in this study. For data analysis purposes, the results were categorized according to the children’s age and their experience of exposure to formal English learning. In addition to this, 30 Singaporean children were also involved in the study, and their results were compared with the results of the younger group of Korean children. A mixed methodological approach, which included a modified verbal guise technique appropriate for use with children and semi-structured interviews, was also adopted. The results show that 5-year-old Korean and Singaporean children do not prefer one specific variety of English more than the other varieties of English. However, this was not the case for 12-year-old Korean children. These older Korean children preferred AmE and SiE more than KoE, and the “speaker’s pronunciation” was considered to be the critical feature in determining these attitudes. The findings suggest that Korean children’s developing attitudes toward a particular variety of English emerge sometime during their elementary school years.
... vezani na privilegije in moč (Derman -Sparks, 1989). To pa vpliva ne nazadnje tudi na otrokovo zaznavanje samega sebe in drugih (Derman -Sparks, 1989;Ramsey, 1990). Predsodki in stereotipi torej niso nekaj, kar se razvije v poznem otroštvu, ampak so, kot so pokazale raziskave, v eksplicitni obliki prisotni že pri treh letih (Aboud in Doyle, 1996;Vezzali idr., 2012), vsaj pri šestih letih pa ima otrok že razvita implicitna pristranska stališča do družbenih skupin (Vezzali idr., 2012). ...
Thesis
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Due to the increasing scale of migration, European society is becoming more and more multicultural. However, society itself seems not to know or is unable to cope with multiculturalism in a way that allows a respectful coexistence with the Others, based on mutual acceptance, will and commitment to enter into closer relationships. In the theoretical section the state of contemporary postmodern society is analysed, as well as the transition from modern to postmodern society. Furthermore, the position of an individual in this transition it analysed. Due to the variety of value systems in the postmodern society, this thesis questions human rights as a universal and commonly accepted principle of Western democratic societies. Because of the growing criticism of that concept, the thesis then analyses the concept of the global ethic, which, according to many, deepens or ethically complements the concept of human rights. The concept of tolerance as one of the fundamental concepts of Western democratic societies is also discussed. The study further examines the concept of recognition, which addresses a number of criticisms of the tolerance concept. The problems at the broader societal level are also reflected in the school environment, so the study examines whether the public elementary school can be based on human rights and the global ethic. The paper argues that schools should be developed into a coexistence environment, particularly coexistence with the Others. For that reason, this thesis presents the concepts and approaches that are fundamental in the development of a coexistence culture based on respect for the Other as different. The analysis of the situation in Slovene primary schools at both the systemic and the practical level shows deficiencies in the inclusion of pupils of non-Slovene origin, primarily deriving from tolerance and assimilation rather than respect tendencies. Before this theoretical background, a study is carried out to determine, in particular, whether among the teachers and pupils in the Slovene elementary schools the respect for ethnicities predominates only as a principle or as actual interpersonal behaviour, and whether there are differences in attitudes towards different ethnicities. The Empirical part I presents the results of the research carried out on a sample of 1037 pupils and 187 teachers from six Slovenian municipalities. Data were collected with a questionnaire, specially designed for the purpose of this research. Data were also collected via semi-structured interviews, which deepened meaning of the questionnaire data. The interviews were conducted on a sample of 26 pupils from one elementary school in the Ljubljana municipality and 15 teachers from three elementary schools in the Central Slovenia region. Data are presented through four sections, according to research questions. The main findings of these four research questions are summarized in the following. The main findings of the first section of research, related to pupils’ attitudes towards ethnicities, show that: girls have a more positive attitude compared to boys; historical rivalries between ethnicities have a bearing on pupils’ attitudes; younger students have a more negative attitude towards ethnicities than older students; bilingual politics can influence the attitude of pupils to one or the other traditional national minority; pupils have the most negative attitude towards students of Roma and Albanian background, and the most positive for Slovenes, English and Germans, as well as Croats. The study also shows that the degree of principle of respect is always higher than the degree of willingness to enter into closer relationships with different ethnicities. Furthermore, the attitudes towards ethnicities were also collected from the teachers. The results demonstrate that: the attitude of teachers to ethnicities is very good; male teachers are slightly more inclined to accept students from different ethnic groups in the class compared to female teachers; there is somewhat more negative attitude towards pupils of Roma and Albanian origin among teachers from different places. It is also noted that in comparison with teachers, pupils have a slightly more positive attitude towards Slovenes and English and a noticeably more negative attitude than teachers to Albanian and Roma students. The main findings of the second section of research, related to pupils’ opinion of pupils’ attitudes towards ethnicities, show that pupils perceive that the principle level of respect for pupils to other ethnic groups is higher than the degree of willingness to enter into closer relationships with them. Pupils of those ethnic origin that have a negative attitude to certain ethnicities themselves, are aware of the same negative attitude of other students; pupils of the lower years have a more positive opinion of pupils’ attitudes towards ethnicities compared to older pupils; pupils are aware of the poorer attitude of peers towards the pupils of Roma background. Furthermore, the results related to the teachers’ opinion on pupils’ attitudes towards ethnicities, demonstrate that female teachers have a better insight into the real attitudes of pupils to ethnicities than male teachers, as demonstrated in the first section of research. The research also found that pupils and teachers are aware of a more accepting attitude of pupils to ethnicities, which enjoy a more positive reputation in the Slovenian society than to those who have a lesser reputation. Teachers are aware of the problem of pupils’ negative attitudes towards ethnicities to a greater degree than pupils themselves. The main findings of the third section of the study, related to pupils’ opinion of teachers’ attitudes towards ethnicities, show that this variable is relatively good, and that pupils of those ethnicities that themselves have a more negative attitude towards certain ethnic groups, also experience the same attitude of teachers towards those ethnicities. The main findings related to teachers’ opinion on teachers’ attitudes towards ethnicities show that this is very good, and at the most negative, they indicate the attitude of teachers towards pupils of Roma and Albanian background. It was also found that pupils’ assessment of teachers’ attitudes to ethnicities is more positive than those of the teachers. The fourth section of the study examines by factor analyses the opinion on the presence and the effectiveness of approaches and activities at the level of the class and the school, which influence the development of respectful relations with fellow pupils of other ethnicities through the orientation of the school in the implementation of the equality of ethnic groups (1st factor) and school orientation in the preservation and development of ethnic identities (2nd factor). The main findings related to pupils’ opinion show that: Roma pupils (most of them coming from Lendava) and Hungarians have the more positive opinion on the 2nd factor whereas pupils from the ethnic groups of the former Yugoslavia have the most negative attitude towards the 2nd factor. Scoring more positively on the 2nd factor is also a defining characteristics of the teachers from Lendava. When comparing the opinions of students and teachers, it was found that teachers’ opinions on both factors are more negative than pupils’ opinions. On the basis of the obtained results and theoretical section, guidelines are developed for the educational work in schools, in which the emphasis is primarily on the attitudinal and educational dimensions in developing respectful relationships to the Others as different. The guidelines cover eight areas, namely the development of the intercultural and anti-biased ethos of the school, highlighting the importance of a reflected analysis of the school situation and education towards critical reflection and self-reflection using the Critical Incident Technique; developing intercultural sensitivity in pupils; promoting the ability and possibility of developing a positive identity; developing an understanding of the Other as different by proposing methods that empower understanding of the Other as different; pedagogical approach of dialogue and active listening of pupils; empathic and exotopic understanding of the Other; encouraging and facilitating contact with the Other as different – entering into quality interpersonal relationships; promoting and using collaborative learning, and in this context, in particular, group research. Since it was intended to check the necessity, usability and applicability, and consequently the effectiveness of the guidelines, action research was conducted at one of the elementary schools in Ljubljana. The findings are presented in Empirical part II. As part of the action research, four main activities are presented and analysed that were carried out at school, considering the school’s guidelines and needs. The results confirmed not only the necessity of these activities, but also their effectiveness, so it can be stated that the guidelines can help shape more respectful relationships to different ethnicities. There were positive changes in the relations between pupils from different ethnic backgrounds, as well as in the image, understanding and respect for other ethnicities; a noticeable appreciation of previously neglected ethnicities was established; students developed a desire to learn about other ethnicities, and above all the desire to get in touch with the Other and learn from him. Nevertheless, certain limitations or facts were identified that need to be addressed in the introduction of educational guidelines, and thus complement the elaborated guiding principles. The following recommendations are suggested: changing the school ethos is a long-term goal, so it should be pursued gradually; the application of the guidelines requires a long time, as it is a long-term process; teachers must be in favour of change and the establishment of an anti-biased and intercultural ethos at the school, and respect for different ethnicities; guidelines should be presented to teachers as concrete as possible; teachers first need to fathom the degree of own intercultural sensitivity; it is necessary to work on the implicit beliefs of teachers and break stereotypes, that are perceived by the teachers as natural and non-problematic, whereas they are not; schools need a “critical friend”. In the conclusion of this paper, based on the fundamental findings of the carried out work, suggestions are provided on changes in the education of teachers, which would enable them to acquire knowledge and insights to work in accordance with the guidelines, particularly awareness of their own attitudes towards diversity and self-development, as this is crucial for the effectiveness of further work of teachers towards developing respectful relationships between pupils.
... Most often, children associate differing wealth statuses with the quantity of monetary resources an individual possesses, as well as with differing quality of material items (such as houses and cars) and access to opportunities (such as education, vacations, and summer camps; Bonn et al., 1999;Driscoll, Mayer, & Belk, 1985;Elenbaas & Killen, 2018;Mistry et al., 2015). Children also make assumptions about an individual's wealth group membership using physical appearance and levels of education (Ramsey, 1991;Sigelman, 2013). ...
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Children and adolescents (N = 153, ages 8–14 years, Mage = 11.46 years) predicted and evaluated peer exclusion in interwealth (high‐wealth and low‐wealth) and interracial (African American and European American) contexts. With age, participants increasingly expected high‐wealth groups to be more exclusive than low‐wealth groups, regardless of their depicted race. Furthermore, children evaluated interwealth exclusion less negatively than interracial exclusion, and children who identified as higher in wealth evaluated interwealth exclusion less negatively than did children who identified as lower in wealth. Children cited explicit negative stereotypes about high‐wealth groups in their justifications, while rarely citing stereotypes about low‐wealth groups or racial groups. Results revealed that both race and wealth are important factors that children consider when evaluating peer exclusion.
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Over the past 30 years, postmodernism has established a firm foothold in the Arts, Literature, Architecture, and Philosophy. However, in Education, the adoption of the postmodernist paradigm into teaching and learning in educational settings is still in its infancy, especially in early childhood education and care where many argue that the ideas of postmodernism are most needed. Academics and some administrators now acknowledge that the social consequences arising from the Age of Modernity are adversely affecting humanity. A clarion call has been sounded for a radical re-alignment of the curriculum and pedagogy for young children to re-shape their social attitudes and behaviour. This chapter claims that the education of children in their early years needs to be informed and reformed by postmodernist ideas. In a recent publication, it was argued that the focus of early childhood education and care be shifted from a central focus on ‘the self’ to one where children learn to be located in social contexts where the emphasis is on greater critical awareness, social responsibility and social justice. After briefly contextualizing postmodernism, the chapter explores how a critical pedagogy for young children might emerge.
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Purpose – The study reported here analyzed the meanings that 8-year-old children of different demographic backgrounds constructed about poverty. Methodology/approach – Six children with different demographic profiles were selected from a larger study for closer examination of their conceptions of poverty (Chafel & Neitzel, 2004, 2005). Content analysis was used to arrive at an in-depth interpretation of the children's ideas expressed in response to a story about poverty and interview questions. Findings – The children communicated perspectives about poverty that appear to reflect their demographic profiles. Yet, they also shared a common ideology about the poor different from the dominant societal view. Research implications – By selecting typical children, recognizing the interrelatedness of sources of influence, and considering the data holistically, it was possible to achieve an in-depth understanding of the children's conceptions. Originality/value of paper – With insight into the more humane conceptions that children have about the poor, adults can take steps to nurture these ideas so that as they grow older children continue to oppose discrimination and challenge the status quo.
Chapter
Mixed methods research approaches are gaining traction across various social science disciplines, including among developmental scientists. In this chapter, we discuss the utility of a mixed methods research approach in examining issues related to equity and justice. We incorporate a brief overview of quantitative and qualitative monomethod research approaches in our larger discussion of the advantages, procedures, and considerations of employing a mixed methods design to advance developmental science from an equity and justice perspective. To better illustrate the theoretical and practical significance of a mixed methods research approach, we include examples of research conducted on children and adolescents’ conceptions of economic inequality as one example of developmental science research with an equity and justice frame.
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Persisting socioeconomic gaps in school readiness have inspired research examining aspects of the pre-K experience that could reduce these gaps. A strategy that deserves consideration is the socioeconomic diversity of classrooms. In this literature review, we use ecological theory as a framework to present outcomes of socioeconomic diversity in U.S. pre-K settings on children’s cognitive, language, and social-emotional skills, with language benefits being the most pronounced. We also evaluate parent, teacher, and peer contributions to children’s school readiness in socioeconomically diverse pre-K settings. Research shows that children from all income backgrounds benefit in socioeconomically diverse learning environments – in academic preparedness and in other ways that prepare them for success in a diverse workforce and society. Evidence suggests that children from low-income families benefit most, which may reduce income-based gaps in school readiness. We conclude with recommendations for further research and discuss policy implications of increased socioeconomic diversity within pre-K programs.
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This study evaluated the efficacy of an inquiry-based poverty curriculum unit on students’ beliefs about causes of poverty, economic mobility, and helping behaviors. Participants were 89 kindergarten, first- and second-grade students (mean age = 6.81 years, SD =.93) across two intervention and two control classrooms. Students in intervention classrooms participated in a 5- to 7-week curriculum unit focused on poverty. Preintervention results showed no differences in outcomes by condition. Postintervention results indicated that, compared to the control condition, students in the intervention were more likely to say that poverty is malleable over time and less likely to suggest giving money to poor families as a way to help. There were no differences, however, by condition in the types of causal attributions that students provided (i.e., individualistic, fatalistic, and structural). Implications for theory and educational practice regarding teaching about economic inequality and mobility are discussed. © 2016 The Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues
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In Western societies, we can observe a social order of knowledge between adults and children which involves the adults’ knowledge (e.g., on social matters) being investigated, made accessible, and distributed. Children’s knowledge, on the other hand, has not been studied in its own right. In this article, we therefore wish to focus on children’s social knowledge by analyzing passages from qualitative interviews with 15 elementary school children (age 8-10; different social backgrounds) on their understanding first, of differences in academic achievement, and second, of wealth and poverty, as well as their ideas on how these two topics are related and (therefore) their belief in meritocracy and knowledge about inequality. By exploring the children’s perspectives, we aim to get a better understanding of societal power structures and dynamics. Our findings reveal a distinct understanding of societal stratification issues on the part of children which is strongly linked to their position as children and not so much to their social class affiliation. Moreover, the results hint at children making a stabilizing contribution to the generational and social order of society.
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We tested whether preschool-aged children (N = 280) track an agents’ choices of individuals from novel social groups (i.e., social choices) to infer an agent’s social preferences and the social status of the groups. Across experiments, children saw a box containing two groups (red and blue toy cats). In Experiment 1, children were randomly assigned to Social Selection in which items were described as “friends” or to Object Selection in which items were described as “toys.” Within each selection type, the agent selected five items from either a numerically common group (82% of box; selections appearing random) or a numerically rare group (18% of box; selections violating random sampling). After watching these selections, children were asked who the agent would play with among three individuals: one from the selected group, one from the unselected group, or one from a novel group. Only participants who viewed Social Selection of a numerically rare group predicted that the agent would select an individual from that group in the future. These participants also said an individual from the selected group was the “leader.” Subsequent experiments further probed the Social Selection findings. Children’s reasoning depended on the agent actively selecting the “friends” (Experiment 2) and children thought a member of the rare selected group was the “leader” but not the “helper” (Experiment 3). These results illustrate that children track an agent’s positive social choices to reason about that agent’s social preferences and to infer the status (likelihood of being a “leader”) of novel social groups.
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Full-text available
We tested whether preschool-aged children (N = 280) track an agents’ choices of individuals from novel social groups (i.e., social choices) to infer an agent’s social preferences and the social status of the groups. Across experiments, children saw a box containing two groups (red and blue toy cats). In Experiment 1, children were randomly assigned to Social Selection in which items were described as “friends” or to Object Selection in which items were described as “toys.” Within each selection type, the agent selected five items from either a numerically common group (82% of box; selections appearing random) or a numerically rare group (18% of box; selections violating random sampling). After watching these selections, children were asked who the agent would play with among three individuals: one from the selected group, one from the unselected group, or one from a novel group. Only participants who viewed Social Selection of a numerically rare group predicted that the agent would select an individual from that group in the future. These participants also said an individual from the selected group was the “leader.” Subsequent experiments further probed the Social Selection findings. Children’s reasoning depended on the agent actively selecting the “friends” (Experiment 2) and children thought a member of the rare selected group was the “leader” but not the “helper” (Experiment 3). These results illustrate that children track an agent’s positive social choices to reason about that agent’s social preferences and to infer the status (likelihood of being a “leader”) of novel social groups.
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In the midst of growing levels of economic inequality in the United States, elementary school teachers play a critical role in teaching their students about wealth and poverty and what it means to be responsible and justice-oriented citizens. Inquiry-based learning, a student-centered, participatory, and collaborative instructional method, is one approach that can be used to talk with young students about societal issues, but it has not been systematically applied to the study of student learning about issues related to economic inequality. In this qualitative study, we examined the successes and challenges faced by a team of three elementary school teachers as they designed and implemented an arts-infused inquiry unit focused on wealth and poverty with kindergarten, first, and second grade students. Through a series of six interviews, teachers discussed how they planned and implemented the units and shared reflections on engaging in this novel work. Next steps for educational practice and research focused on supporting teachers in teaching about wealth and poverty are discussed.
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Does exposure to income inequality in adolescence relate to well-being in adulthood? In Studies 1 and 2 ( N = 888), individuals who grew up in U.S. counties with higher income inequality expected greater benefits of financial success as adults, were more likely to base their self-worth on money, and felt less happy and satisfied with their lives. Upward social comparisons may play a key role in this process. Participants who made upward (vs. downward) financial comparisons perceived greater economic disadvantage, which predicted greater expected benefits of financial success, basing self-worth on money, and lower well-being (Study 3, N=336). Together, these studies suggest that past exposure to income inequality may be linked to lower well-being in adulthood due to financial contingency of self-worth.
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This paper presents children’s experiences and perceptions of poverty. It draws on survey and qualitative data from the Young Lives study of poor children in Ethiopia. Through group exercises, discussions and interviews, children and young people aged 13-17 collectively and individually provided their perceptions of the causes, indicators and consequences of poverty in their communities. They felt that they were more victims of the consequences of poverty while they rarely contributed to its causes. Their poverty experiences suggest the multidimensional, contextualised and intergenerational nature ofchild poverty. The children and young people have also demonstrated their agency and resilience by providing their lived accounts and suggestions for tackling poverty and by practically contributing to family incomes. They identified what they believed to be the root causes of poverty and suggested what the Government, parents and children should do to reduce it. For example, they thought that child poverty could be addressed by changing some of the societal values that contribute to its perpetuation. The paper argues that children’s lived experiences of poverty place them in an optimum position to provide us with strong evidence to advance our knowledge of childhood poverty and develop apt policies to reduce it. Through this argument, this paper aims to provide both theoretical and practical contributions.
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Investigated the child's social ideas, namely notions about production means (factory, public transportation, farmland) and family influence on notion acquisition. 120 children of jive age groups (4 to 13 years) were clinically interviewed (sensu Piaget). Children's parents, workers and housewives of an Italian industrial centre, answered to questionnaires inquiring background information on parents and child and appraisal of child's level of understanding. Interview answers were classified on ten level sequences concerning father's job, home ownership, function and ownership of production means and produce. Correlational analyses and separate ANOVAs [5(age) × 2(sex) × 3(production mean)] in three subject areas (owner of production mean, of produce, and produce use) of interview answers reveal that children's ideas about different production means develop with differing rhythms through the same level sequences, which are clearly related to the general characterstics of intelligence described by Piaget. Questionnaires show that parents tend to furnish their children with the degree of information concerning jobs appropriate to the level of development at which the parents believe their children to be.
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This article presents the results of a longitudinal study of 80 subjects between the ages of 3 and 8 years old to determine their conceptions of money and its value. The research was conducted within the framework of Piagetian theory using the "critical method." A test was given and subsequently repeated after an interval of 12 months. The results demonstrate that the development of the notions under investigation proceeds in 6 definable stages.
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A specially devised pictorial technique to test the ability to perceive social differences, requiring a minimum of verbal instruction, was applied to a sample of 179 children systematically distributed according to age, sex and social status of parents. A performance test of intelligence and a vocabulary scale were also administered. An expected improvement with age was found with the social perception test, and there were significant sex and status differences. Analysis of covariance revealed that, except in the case of lower middle-class girls, all status differences were in fact a consequence of the association between intelligence level and status, disappearing when the former was held constant. In discussing the children's responses it is shown that an incipient class concept can exist without the facility for giving it any verbal expression. An examination of the ways in which children build up a conceptual framework regarding social differences indicates that occupational divisions tend to come first with all children; later these are linked with differences in wealth, income and in the case of middle-class children to some extent style of life. While a cognitive grasp of social differentiation is primarily dependent upon intellectual level, attitudes and feelings are largely determined by influences emanating from the child's particular social environment.
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A social-developmental psychologist and a social anthropologist describe what is known--and what needs to be investigated--concerning the development of race and color concepts in young children. The authors summarize the results of their fifteen-year research and integrate their findings with those of other investigators to provide, in a single source, a much-needed summary of the research literature and a more comprehensive theoretical analysis than has appeared previously.Originally published in 1976.A UNC Press Enduring Edition -- UNC Press Enduring Editions use the latest in digital technology to make available again books from our distinguished backlist that were previously out of print. These editions are published unaltered from the original, and are presented in affordable paperback formats, bringing readers both historical and cultural value.
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Studied the development of the inderstanding of elementary economic systems in 120 working class children of both sexes aged between 6 and 12. Methods employed included a procedure whereby children had to detect absurdities, a task in which the children played the role of shopkeeper, and semi-structured interviews. It was shown that the youngest children already had the basic idea of the wage-system, i.e. selling one's labour, but were confused about the monetary transactions in a shop and failed to appreciate that a shopkeeper has himself to pay for goods. When this began to be understood children thought that goods were bought and sold at the same price; hence they conceived of two parallel but unconnected systems, which led them to believe that the payment for shop assistants came from some external source. Grasp of the way the two systems intermesh was not reached until about 11, unless direct questioning triggered off earlier insight. Findings are discussed in the light of the modified Piagetian approach put forward by Furth et al. (1976).
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The present study tested a distinction between inferring new categories on the basis of property information (predicted to be difficult) and inferring new properties on the basis of category information (predicted to be easier). One group of preschoolers learned new properties for specific boys and girls and was asked to say which property a new child would have, given a gender label that conflicted with the child's appearance. Other children saw the identical stimuli but were to classify them as "boy" or "girl" when given a sex-linked property that conflicted with appearance. All children were also tested on gender constancy. As predicted, children performed poorly on gender constancy and the classification task but accurately inferred many sex-linked properties on the basis of category membership, ignoring conflicting perceptual information. Control conditions support the claim that these effects are not due to differential memory demands in the different conditions. Future research should distinguish between using a category as the basis for making property inferences and the developmentally later skill of classifying an object by using property information. Preschoolers can ignore conflicting perceptual information much more easily on the former than on the latter task.
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In this paper we argue that it is ill-advised to use impressionistic or outdated measures of SES in psychological research. After we critique such inappropriate measures, 2 occupation-based measures, the Duncan Socioeconomic Index and the Siegel Prestige Scale, are recommended as the best measures of the SES of individuals or household heads. Another strategy is described for measuring household or family SES where the household characteristics and composition vary.
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Children and adolescents from 4 social classes were asked to describe rich and poor people and to indicate how the rich and the poor are different and similar to each other. Responses were classified into categories of person description, including peripheral (possessions, appearances, and behaviors), central (traits and thoughts), and sociocentric (life chances and class consciousness) categories. Adolescents emphasized central and sociocentric categories more than younger children who, in turn, emphasized peripheral characteristics in their descriptions. Lower- and working-class subjects were more likely than upper-middle-class subjects to mention life chances and thoughts in describing the rich and the poor, while upper-middle-class subjects were more likely than subjects from other classes to mention the traits of the poor. Descriptions and comparisons of the rich and the poor were generally unrelated to sociological dimensions of social class. The findings were interpreted in terms of cognitive-developmental and functionalist theories of the development of social concepts.
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34 boys and girls between the ages of 4 and 9 were interviewed on their conceptions of positive justice and parental authority and then reinterviewed 1 and 2 years later. Despite a number of no-changes and reversals from year to year on each interview, by the end of 2 years the clear tendency was toward progressive, stepwise movement along an ordered sequence of reasoning levels. Children who were initially scored at lower reasoning levels than others the same age tended to catch up to their peers in subsequent years; and movements of great magnitude in 1 year tended to be compensated by lateral or downward movement in the next. In any year, scattered reasoning at levels above a subject's modal reasoning level was positively related to progressive change in the subject's modal score in the following year. This finding, upheld for both positive justice and authority, suggests that reasoning spread in an upward direction is a good predictor of a subsequent developmental transition, at least as regards concept acquisition within the social domain. It was concluded that even stagelike development in children's social reasoning proceeds gradually, with important continuities in children's social-cognitive performances from 1 year to the next.
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Duncan's Socioeconomic Index (SEI), a widely used indicator of occupational ranking, is based on education and income data from the 1950 census. The major purpose of this paper is to offer a more contemporary version of this index. There are several reasons for doing so. Not only has the occupational classificatory scheme been altered, but the educational and economic characteristics of the American labor force and of specific occupational groups have changed since 1950. The two decades may also have seen a shift in the relations between the educational and economic attributes of an occupational grouping and its social standing or prestige. Second, the construction of the original SEI rested on the characteristics of the male labor force, rather than those of the total labor force. Third, in the process of updating the index, we illustrate how certain arbitrary decisions (dictated by data limitations) in the construction of the Duncan SEI served to vest the socioeconomic index with some artifactual properties. In the production of an updated version of the socioeconomic index, we use three approaches. First, we experiment with differing measures of the income and educational criteria. Second, we reconstruct the dependent variable, occupational standing, to provide a better approximation of the prestige measure used by Duncan (1961). Third, we consider the attributes of both the male and total labor forces in generating contemporary indexes of occupational status. We also compare the performance of the new socioeconomic indexes in models of occupational attainment against the performance of the original Duncan index and subsequent occupational prestige measures. The paper appends new socioeconomic indexes for detailed occupational titles based on the 1970 census classification of occupations.
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This naturalistic study examined the relationships between possession episodes and other social behaviors. Twenty children were observed in 240 social interactions that occurred during free play in their preschool classroom. The interactions were analyzed for behaviors related to possession, affiliation, prosociability, and aggression. The findings suggest that possession episodes are positively associated with agonistic behaviors and negatively related to positive social responses both situationally and dispositionally. First, disputes following possession claims frequently resulted in the termination or disruption of the social interaction. Moreover, a comparison between children's behaviors in interactions that contained a possession episode and in those that did not revealed that more aggression and fewer prosocial and affiliative behaviors occurred in the possession interactions. Second, in an analysis of individual social patterns, children who frequently engaged in possession disputes engaged in more aggressive actions and fewer affiliative ones than did their less possession-oriented classmates.
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Summarizes results of 75 studies that reported accuracy for males and females at decoding nonverbal communication. The following attributes of the studies were coded: year, sample size, age of judges, sex of stimulus person, age of stimulus person, and the medium and channel of communication (e.g., photos of facial expressions, filtered speech). These attributes were examined in relation to 3 outcome indices: direction of effect, effect size (in standard deviation units), and significance level. Results show that more studies found a female advantage than would occur by chance, the average effect was of moderate magnitude and was significantly larger than zero, and more studies reached a conventional level of significance than would be expected by chance. The gender effect for visual-plus-auditory studies was significantly larger than for visual-only and auditory-only studies. The magnitude of the effect did not vary reliably with sample size, age of judges, sex of stimulus person, or age of stimulus person. (60 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
After a brief review of the literature on person perception (or impression formation), a study is reported in which children differing in age (7-15 yrs), sex, and IQ rated their impressions of various stimulus persons. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Questions of how young children use “age” groups to understand the social world led to 2 studies exploring the content of preschool children’s age group labels and categories. Study 1 included 32 children aged 2-4 years and determined spontaneous labels for both photographs and dolls representing the life span. Results indicated that children readily labeled all ages using a relatively limited set of terms, but showed less patterned labeling of stimuli representing adults than children. Girls’ labels were more structured than boys’. Older preschoolers showed more differentiated structures than did younger ones and used more kinship terms as labels. Study 2, on 84 children aged 3-5, was a photograph-sorting task that determined the points of transition between age categories as well as subjects’ own self-identification by age group. Results indicated that preschoolers used a nonadult method of dividing up the life span. Older children made fewer errors. Age self-identification was congruent with how children sorted photos of unfamiliar peers. However, younger boys and girls differed in their self-identification, perhaps reflecting differences in gender identification processes.
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Development of the understanding of class
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