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The findings suggest that stressed individuals feel significantly better after exposure to nature scenes rather than to American urban scenes lacking nature elements. Compared to the influences of the urban scenes, the salient effect of the nature exposures was to increase Positive Affect — including feelings of affection friendliness, playfulness, and elation. The increase in positive affect produced by the nature scenes is consistent with the finding that the nature exposures also significantly reduced Fear Arousal. According to psychological theories, a reduction in arousal or activation produces pleasurable feelings if an individual is experiencing stress or excessive arousal (Berlyne, 1971, pp. 81–82). In contrast to the nature scenes, the urban views tended to work against emotional well‐being. The major effect of the urban scenes was to significantly increase Sadness. There was also a consistent but non‐significant tendency for the urban scenes to‐aggravate feelings of Anger/Aggression, and for the nature scenes to reduce such feelings. The urban exposures also held the attention of subjects somewhat less effectively than the nature exposures. These findings were stable across sexes, and applied to subjects who had grown up in either rural or urban environments.
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landscapes and psychological well-
Landscape Research
1 7-23.
Visual Landscapes and Psychological Well-Being
Department of Geography University of Delaware
The notion that exposure to nature is psychologically
healthful is very old, and has appeared in many cultures.
A more specific form of this hypothesis, advanced by
numerous writers through history, is the idea that
contact with plants, water, and other nature elements
can calm anxiety and help people cope with life's
an example, the renowned American
landscape architect Frederick Law Olmsted strongly
believed that urban dwellers find nature relaxing, and
wrote that nature reproduced in urban settings brings
'tranquility and rest to the mind' (1870, p. 23). Today
this idea is frequently heard in subjective arguments
favouring, for example, city parks and the provision of
urban fringe wilderness areas. Given the persistence and
importance of the 'nature tranquility hypothesis',
surprising that this notion has remained virtually
untested by researchers.
The research described here is intended as a step towards
the evaluation of this hypothesis for the specific case of
visual contact with outdoor environments. Two principal
questions are addressed:
what effects, if any, does
visual perception of nature have on feelings of anxiety;
and 2) how do these effects compare with those
produced by views of urban environments lacking nature
elements? Environmental perception is of course multi-
sensory, and is not restricted to vision. If some types (as
opposed to levels) of environmental content or stimuli
do effect anxiety
is possible that senses such as hearing
or smell are also of importance. Nonetheless
is not
artificial to focus on visual aspects of landscapes. Vision
is by far our most important sense in terms of yielding
information about outdoor environments. Moreover,
features of life in modern societies
such as heavy
relipce on the automobile
have further heightened
the Importance of vision relative to other senses. The
individual. for example, who sits in an air-conditioned or
heated room and gazes outdoors through a double-paned
window, experiences the outside world almost entirely
in visual terms. In this example,
would be of interest
to planners as well as behavioral scientists to know
whether the type of landscape visible through the
window influences the individual's psychological well-
The basic design of the experiment involved showing
coloured slides of outdoor environments to two groups
of mildly stressed subjects. One group was shown 50
slides of unspectacular nature scenes dominated by green
vegetation. The other group viewed 50 urban scenes
lacking nature elements. The 'affect states' or feelings
of the subjects, defined primarily in terms of anxiety
emotions, were measured both immediately before and
after the slide exposures. Comparisons of the results for
different times' make possible inferences
concerning the anxiety reducing effects of the nature
and urban scenes. The principal hypothesis prior to the
data collection was that the anxiety levels of both
groups would decline during the slide viewings, but that
the group shown nature scenes would report
significantly lower post-slide levels than the group
exposed to urban views. More detailed discussions follow
concerning the procedures for selecting the slides, and
the methods of the experiment.
Selection of Slides
Given the major role of slides in the experiment,
should be pointed out that more than a score of studies
have supported the use of slides and photographs as
surrogates for 'real' environmental views (e.g. Shafer
and Richards, 1974; Zube, Pitt, and Anderson, 1974;
Sorte, 1975; Clamp, 1976.) Also, theories of psycho-
physiological arousal assign major importance to visual
properties of environments as factors affecting
psychological activation (e.g. Berlyne, 1971; Kuller, in
press). The notion that visual properties such as stimulus
complexity and colour affect a person's level of
'activation or arousal is generally accepted.
is a
reasonable assumption that such properties are
accurately simulated by colour slides. Most importantly,
the fact that responses and feelings related to visual
properties of environments are of salient concern
supports the validity of using slides as a simulation
The collections of nature and urban scenes were selected
from a larger group of more than 300 slides taken in
Delaware, Pennsylvania, and Maryland. The slides were
taken in September, which meant that green vegetation
was the dominant content in the nature views. Insofar as
possible, the slides were taken under similar lighting and
sun-angle conditions. All slides were taken from the
ground; an attempt was made to avoid composing the
views. No people or animals were visible in either the
nature or urban collections. The absence of people
probably increasedthe pleasantness levels of the urban
as well as nature scenes (McClelland and Auslander,
1 976; Carls, 1974; Sorte, 1978).
Although the nature sample excluded built features,
many of the views in this collection were obviously man-
influenced. For example, several scenes in the final
sample of 50 slides showed parts of cultivated fields. The
urban scenes primarily depicted commercial landscapes,
and to a lesser extent industrial areas. The urban slides
excluded residential areas, churches, funeral agencies,
police stations, fire stations, and hospitals, because of
the possibility that emotional associations would bias
the results. The urban collection also excluded scenes
containing litter, graffiti, and other blight.
The final samples of
nature and
urban views were
selected to represent diversity in terms of elements such
as vegetation and building types. Also, each sample
presented a range of values for depth and complexity
(Ulrich, 1974, 1977). Complexity was an important
consideration in selecting the samples because the
complexity level of a visual display is known to affect
the perceiver's state of psycho-physiological arousal or
activation (Berlyne and McDonnell, 1965; Baker and
Franken, 1967). If slide samples had been chosen that
varied markedly in terms of complexity, this difference
alone could have produced significant variation in the
anxiety levels of the groups of subjects
obscuring findings concerning the influences of the
nature and urban content. With this point in mind, a
panel of judges procedure (Craik, 1970; Kaplan, 1972)
was utilized to obtain complexity ratings for each slide.'
On the basis of the judges' scores, the final samples were
chosen so that the overall complexity levels of the
nature and urban collections were similar (Table 1
practice, the balancing of the samples was achieved by
selecting urban slides with complexity values in the
lower ranges. and choosing nature scenes having scores
in the higher ranges.
These selection procedures meant that the sample of
nature slides
compared to most nature landscapes in
the northeastern United States
was unrepresentatively
high in complexity. The high complexity of the slides
was in many instances produced by rough textures and
coarse vegetation, and consequently many of the nature
scenes appeared 'scruffy' and comparatively unaesthetic.
(Figure 1). By contrast the urban sample
compared to
most American urban landscapes
was unrepresenta-
tively low in complexity, and included a dispropor-
tionate number of 'clean', neat urban views. Indeed, a
conscious attempt was made to include a large number
of attractive scenes in the urban sample. (Figure 2).
These characteristics of the samples meant that the
experiment was a conservative test of the psychological
effects of nature versus urban scenes.
Complexity Levels of Urban and Nature Scenes
General Nature Scenes Urban Scenes
Complexity Level (n
50) (n
Examples of Landscape Scenes-Nature Dominated by Vegetation
Examples of Landscape Scenes-Urban
Methods of Experiment
The subjects were
students in an introductory
geography course at the University of Delaware. The
students' fields of concentration were diverse, ranging
from the humanities to natural sciences. The subjects
had taken a one-hour course examination prior to the
experiment, and were therefore experiencing some
anxiety and elevation of arousal. Immediately upon
completing the exam the subjects were divided into two
groups and seated in identical windowless rooms.
the first step in the data collection, both groups were
asked to answer
questions of the Zuckerman
lnven tory of Personal Reactions (ZIPERS) Zuckerman,
1977). The ZIPERS is a broad affect test that measures
an individual's emotions and anxiety state at the
particular time the test
taken. The ZIPERS assesses
feelings on five factors: fear arousal, positive affect,
angerlaggression, attentiveness-coping, and sadness. The
respondent indicates on a
point scale the degree to
which each itern describes the way he feels 'now'.
Examplas of the items are:
I feel sad', and 'I feel
affectionate or warrr~hearted'.
Following the ZIPERS test, both groups witnessed slide
presentations that were procedurally identical. The
subjects were instructed to 'pay attention to the slides',
and were requested to rate the scenes relative to one
another on a 5-point aesthetic preference scale The
purpose of obtaining preference ratings was simply o
assure that the subjects paid attention to the slides.
Before commencing the ratings, the subjects were briefly
shown the first
slides from the collection in order to
reveal the range of content in the sample, and thereby
assist the individuals in making relative preference
judgements. Each group was then shown its sample of
nature or urban slides at intervals of
seconds. (An
second exposure time was chosen after trial runs of the
experiment. This interval proved of sufficient length to
permit unhurried perception of a scene, but at the same
time was not excessively long so as to allow the subject's
attention to wander). The entire slide procedure took
minutes. Upon cornpletion of the slide
presentation, the groups answered the ZIPERS items for
a second time. Lastly, the subjects were asked to provide
background information that included sex and the
general type of environment lived in before coming to
the University (rural area, small town, suburb, or city)
The data collections for both groups were synchronised
time-wise as they proceeded through the various stages
of the experiment. Thus, the single difference in the
groups' experiences stemmed from the variation in
content between the two collections of slides. This
meant that if the groups' anxiety levels changed in
different ways during the slide viewings, the variation
could be attributed to the nature versus urban content
difference of the slides.
Pre-Slide Affect Scores
A series of nonparametric Mann-Whitney U tests-
identified no statistically significant differences between
the groups' scores for the ZIPERS items prior to the
slides. These results indicate that affect levels, or feelings
and moods, were similar across groups prior to the slide
presentations. The mean values for the pre-slide ZIPERS
scores (Table 2) suggest that anxiety levels had indeed
been somewhat elevated by the examination prior to the
experiment. Compared to ZIPERS ratings obtained
during normal class sessions,the subjects' scores at the
beginning of the experiment indicated higher levels of
Fear Arousal and AngerlAgression, and lower levels of
Positive Affect. Levels of Sadness and Attentiveness
were similar to scores on normal class days.
Results: Effects of Urban Versus Nature Scenes
the first step in analysing the effects of the slide
exposures, each group's post-slide Z IPE RS scores were
compared with its scores at the beginning of the
experiment. A nonparametric test, Wilcoxon signed
ranks analysis (Siegel, 1956). was used in these within-
group comparisons to identify significant differences.
Unexpectedly, the results suggest that the group shown
urban scenes felt somewhat worse after the siide viewing
(Table 2). Although the urban group's post-slide scores
indicate some improvement (not significant) on the Fear
Arousal factor, the results reveal a pattern for the
subjects' emotional states to deteriorate in terms of the
other dimensions. While most of the differences between
the pre and post-slide scores are not significant, there is a
clear trend in the changes towards lower levels of
psychological well-being.
Of particular note is the significant increase in Sadness
(p<.025). Thus, exposure to the urban views appears to
have more aggravated than mitigated the subjects'
Affect Scores Before and After Slide Presentations
Affect Factor
Fear Arousal
Anger and Aggression
Positive ~ffect
Feel fearful
Heart is beating faster
Breathing faster
Feel angry or defiant
Feel like getting outof this
situation or avoiding
Feel like hurting or 'telling off'
Feel sad
Feel carefree or playful
Feel affectionate or warmhearted
Feel elated or pleased
Feel like acting friendly or
Feel attentive or concentrating
psychological states. The sharp decline in Attentiveness
(p<.01) can be interpreted as an indication that the
urban views were not effective in maintaining the
subjects' attention and interest.
In sharp contrast are the results for the nature scenes
(Table 2). The post-slide scores reflect a consistent
pattern of improvement in well-being, and the changes
for two factors are statistically significant. All four
individual items in the Positive Affect dimension show
marked increases, and the change
terms of the factor
as a whole is highly significant (p<.005), indicating that
the subjects had higher levels of positive feelings after
viewing the nature scenes. Likewise, the change in the
Fear Arousal factor is highly significant (p<.005), with
the declines in item scores indicating lower levels of
fearfulness and arousal or activation. In contrast to the
results for the urban group, the post-slide decline in
Attentiveness is not significant. Whereas the changes in
the Sadness and AngerIAgression factors are not
should be noted that the direction of
change for every item is toward improvement of well-
being. Overall the results strongly suggest that exposure
to the nature scenes had mitigating influences on the
subjects' anxiety states.
A direct comparison of the effects of the nature and
urban scenes is made in Table
The table lists the
magnitude and direction of change between pre and
post-slide Z IPERS scores.for both groups of subjects.
The 'change' figure for each item was calculated by
subtracting the mean pre-slide score from the post-slide
value. The 'difference between groups' for each item was
computed by subtracting the change of one group from
the change of the other. The 'difference between groups'
figure therefore represents the total change in a given
ZIPERS item directly,attributable to the effects of the
nature and urban scenes. A series of Mann-Whitney U
tests we're performed to determine if the differences
were statistically significant.
The results in Table
clearly support the conclusion
that the nature and urban slides had different effects on
the subjects' emotional states. The most salient
difference is in terms of the Positive Affect factor; a
Mann-Whitney test of the variation attributable to slide
content was highly significant (p=,002), indicating that
the effects of the nature and urban scenes on levels of
positive feelings were very different. Inspection of the
Urban Group Nature Group
Before After Before After
Slides Slides Slides SI ides
1.83 1.52 1.57 1.30 (p<.005
2.09 1.74 1.98
for factor)
1.83 1.57 1.45 1.17
1.78 1.65 1.87 2.35 (p<.005
1.96 2.00 1.94 2.65 for factor)
2.09 1.87 1.87 2.44
Comparison of Effects of Nature and Urban Slides on Affect States
Affect Factor
Fear Arousal
Anger and Aggression
Positive Affect
Feel fearful
Heart is beating faster
Breathing faster
Feel angry or defiant
Feel like getting out of this
situation or avoiding
Feel like hurting or 'telling off'
Feel sad
Feel carefree or playful
Feel affectionate or warmhearted
Feel elated or pleased
Feel like acting friendly or
Feel attentive or concentrating
data in Table
reveals that the variation in Positive
Affect arose primarily because exposure to the nature
scenes produced higher levels of positive feelings such as
friendliness and playfulness. A smaller component of
the variation was the tendency of the urban scenes to
reduce such feelings.
There was also a significant difference between the
urban and nature scenes in terms of effects on Sadness
(p=I)l). This variation arose primarily from the increase
in feelings of sadness produced by the urban scenes, and
not from the weak therapeutic influence of the nature
scenes. The results for the AngerlAggression factor
suggest mild improvement in well-being associated with
the nature exposures, and a tendency for the urban
scenes to aggravate feelings on this dimension. The
variation in terms of AngerlAggression is most marked
for the single item: 'I feel like hurting or telling off
someone' (p=.04). However, when the groups were
scaled on the basis of their changes for the entire factor,
the difference reached only p=.11. The results therefore
do not permit firm conclusions regarding differential
effects of the nature and urban scenes on feelings of
anger and aggression.
The variations between groups for the Fear Arousal and
Attentiveness factors are not significant. However,
be recalled that the within group decline in Fear Arousal
was significant for the individuals shown nature scenes,
but not for the group shown urban scenes. Also, there
was a significant decline in Attentiveness associated with
the urban slides, but not with the nature slides. This
implies that the nature scenes were somewhat more
effective than the urban scenes both in maintaining
attention and reducing fear arousal:.
Background Variables and Affect Scores
The final phase of the analysis tested whether the
subjects' affect states and affect changes differed as a
function of 1) sex or 2) the type of environment in
which they had grown up. The group shown nature
scenes included 10 males and 13 females; the group
shown urban scenes was comprised of 1 1 males and 12
females. A series of Mann-Whitney
tests revealed no
significant sex differences. These results are consistent
with a study by Zuckerman (1977), who found little
variation between sexes in state anxiety for a wide range
Change in
Urban Group
(from pre to
post-sl ide states)
Change in
Nature Group
(From pre to Difference
post-slide states) Between Groups
-.76 .41
-.28 .02
-.I8 .31 (p=.ll
for factor)
-26 .35
13 .60 (p=.Ol)
+.48 .61
+.71 .67
-.22 +.57 .79 (p=.002)
for factor)
of stress situations.
The subjects were also stratified on the bases of whether
they had grown up in a rural area (n=8), small town
(n=8), suburb (n=26), or city (n=4). Tests revealed no
significant differences in affect states or affect changes
as a function of these background environments. Similar
results were obtained when the subjects were stratified
into two larger groups (rural area and small town versus
suburb and city). Thus, the earlier findings concerning
differential effects of the nature and urban scenes apply
to both sexes in the study, and to subjects who had
grown up in different environments.
The findings suggest that stressed individuals feel
significantly better after exposure to nature scenes
rather than to American urban scenes lacking nature
elements. Compared to the influences of the urban
scenes, the salient effect of the nature exposures was to
increase Positive Affect
including feelings of affection
friendliness, playfulness, and elation. The increase in
positive affect produced by the nature scenes is
consistent with the finding that the nature exposures
also significantly reduced Fear Arousal. According to
psychological theories, a reduction in arousal or
activation produces pleasurable feelings if an individual
is experiencing stress or excessive arousal (Berlyne,
1971, pp. 81-82). In contrast to the nature scenes, the
urban views tended
work against emotional well-
being. The major effect of the urban scenes was to
significantly increase Sadness. There was ,also a
consistent but non-significant tendency for the urban
scenes to aggravate feelings of AngerlAggression, and for
the nature scenes to reduce such feelings. The urban
exposures also held the attention of subjects somewhat
less effectively than the nature exposures. These findings
were stable across sexes, and applied to subjects who had
grown up in either rural or urban environments.
The urban and nature scenes produced different changes
in psychological states despite the fact that the
complexity levels of the slide samples were similar.
Largely on the basis of laboratory studies by
psychologists using 'non-landscape' stimuli, complexity
has received considerable emphasis as a variable
influencing emotional activation. The findings hers
suggest the possibility that other visual properties
related to nature versus man-made differences
are also
of importance. It should also be pointed out that the
sample of urban scenes, compared to most American
urban landscapes, contained a disproportionately large
number of nonblighted, relatively aesthetic views. For
example, the urban collection included only one slide of
a roadside strip development; 'strips' are one of the most
common, as well as visually blighted, features in
American urban areas. The nature sample, on the other
hand, contained an unrepresentatively large number of
high complexity scenes that were 'scruffy' and relatively
unaesthetic in appearance. This meant that the
experiment was a conservative test of the effects of
nature versus urban scenes. If the slide collections had
been selected using a geographical sampling technique
rather than a procedure that favoured the urban scenes,
is likely that the differences among the effects of the
nature and urban scenes would have been even more
The findings have a number of implications for
environmental planning and design. At the most general
level, the results suggest that outdoor visual
environments can influence individuals' psychological
well-being, and therefore should be given explicit
attention in planning and design decisions. Most planners
have some sensitivity for aesthetic aspects of
environments, and in fact there exists some direct
empirical evidence showing that aesthetic benefits can be
of considerable importance (e.g. Ulrich, 1974; Shafer
and Mietz, 1969). The findings here imply that the
importance of visual landscapes is by no means limited.
to aesthetics, but also includes a range of influences on
emotional states. More specifically, an individual's
experiences in terms of his degree of visual contact
with nature or urban scenes may influence his feelings,
and in some instances have distinctly positive or negative
effects on his well-being. Although the findings clearly
favour nature scenes vis-a-vis American urban views, the
results should not be construed as an indictment on
psychological grounds of urban landscapes in general. It
is likely that the differences between the effects of the
two landscape categories would have been less if the
urban scenes had contained large amounts of nature
elements, and perhaps if the forms and materials of the
built structures were different. For planners, the results
support the notion that the benefits of providing
landscaping or nature-like views in urban areas extend
beyond aesthetics to include such psychological
'payoffs' as higher levels of positive affect. A related
implication is that location and design decisions for
some activities and institutions
such as high stress
workplaces and hospitals
should assign considerable
importance to providing 'through the window' contact
with nature. Does a pre-operative hospital patient
experience less anxiety if his window overlooks a park
rather than, say, a motorway or vegetationless parking
lot? Do school children feel more anxious in windowless
classrooms than in classrooms having window views of
nature? Does an individual recuperate more quickly at
home after a stressful workday if, for example, his
apartment complex has been planned to allow visual
contact with a forest or lake? The potential of visual
landscapes to reduce or heighten anxiety, and to
influence other aspects of emotional states, should be
considered in attempts to achieve more holistic
evaluations of planning effects. In
t.his regard there will
likely emerge a demand for landscape researchers to
develop procedures for assessing the psychological, as
well as aesthetic, 'resources' of visual landscapes.
This study has been intended as an exploratory first
step, and many research questions remain. To what
extent do the results apply to people of different ages,
levels of education, culture, etc? Do the differences
which characterise psychological response to nature and
urban views vary seasonally? How do people respond to
scenes containing water? Are nature views more
therapeutic than urban scenes for individuals
experiencing boredom and understimulation rather than
anxiety and high arousal? Is a scene's aesthetic value
related to its influence on emotional well-being? What
man-made forms, textures, and materials evoke
responses similar to those to nature elements? These and
other unresolved questions underline the fact that the
general issue of differential human response to nature
and built elements is of central importance to landscape
research and planning.
1 The panel of judges consisted of two geographers, a
psychologist, a landscape architect, and a layman. The
judges worked independently, and rated each nature and
urban scene on a five-point complexity scale.
Complexity was judged in a phenomenal, subjective.
sense; this criterion insured that the measure had
psychological relevance.
2 The fact that the subjects rated the slides for
preference relative to one another, rather than on an
absolute scale, reduced the possibility that the rating
procedure might influence the groups' emotional states
in different ways. The mean rating on the 5-point scale
for the nature scenes was 2.96, and for the urban scenes,
2.72. The difference between the means is not
significant. This'suggests that if the rating procedures per
se had any effects on the subjects' feelings, the influences
on the two groups were similar.
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Part of this research was presented as a paper at the annual
meeting of the Environmental Design Research Association.
Tucson. Arizona, April
... Recognising the interconnection between social systems and the environment seems to be the main challenge, which requires overcoming the inherent division that refers, on the one hand, to the sphere of governance and, on the other, to the community "selfrules" that see the different compo-Dalla metà degli anni '90 lo scenario scientifico internazionale si è rivolto alle interazioni tra salute, sviluppo e ambiente mettendo in relazione le persone e le loro azioni con i contesti esistenti. Le basi teoriche e l'implementazione pratica di questi approcci sono riassunte, tra gli altri, da Elmqvist (2003), Ulrich (1979), Maas (2006), Sullivan (2004), Thwaites (2005). Basandoci sulla definizione di ambiente come «una delle dimensioni della società corrispondente a un insieme di relazioni» (Lévy and Lussault, 2013), ciò che empiricamente emerge è come esso non sia una semplice base dove si svolge la quotidianità, tantomeno un riflesso incondizionato della società, bensì "luogo decisivo" nella costruzione sociale. ...
... Since the mid-1990s, the international scientific scenario addresses the interactions between health, development and the environment by relating people and their actions to existing contexts. The theoretical basis and practical implementation of these approaches are summarised, among others, by Elmqvist (2003), Ulrich (1979), Maas (2006), Sullivan (2004) and Thwaites (2005). Based on the definition of the environment as "one of the dimensions of society corresponding to a set of relationships" (Lévy and Lussault, 2013), what emerges empirically is that it is not a simple basis where everyday life takes place, let alone a total reflection of society, but rather a "decisive place" in the social construction. ...
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The research refers to the eco-social theory and environmental accessibility principles towards inclusive strategies and it targets public spaces used as a requirement for an autono- mous and independent life. The contri- bution, referring to the 2030 Agenda, presents the experiment applied to the Municipality of Udine, a medium-size Italian city. While drafting the PEBA, the research focuses on urban itinerar- ies, adopting and updating the regula- tory tools in force. The administration, supported by the university, commuted the drafting process into a strategic opportunity of knowledge of the con- text defining the relationships between citizens and urban habitat. The research provides the possibility to qualify some strategic objectives and identify poten- tial actions for an increasingly people- friendly city.
... According to Ulrich, the theory is focused on emotional and psychological reactions, emphasizing that the healing perception is based on emotion [16]. It is the first direct response when people interact with the environment; the healing effect of the environment will be improved through positive emotion so that stress can be reduced, rather than the direct attention can be restored [1,17]. ...
Healing perception is considered to increase visitors’ place attachment and loyalty. This research employed structural equation modeling (SEM) to examine the structural relationship between healing perception, place attachment, environmental design, and visitors’ loyalty to a place. The study investigated a metropolitan park in Gaoxiong, Taiwan, and collected 431 valid questionnaires on the site. The results showed that the environmental design affected the human perception of healing and place attachment, which substantially affected the visitors’ loyalty toward the place. The healing perception powerfully impacted loyalty (0.76), which contained an indirect effect through place attachment and enhanced the direct impact of healing perception. Moreover, the environmental design had a capable direct effect (0.62) on visitors’ loyalty through two full mediation paths: healing perception and place attachment. The study sheds light on designing a healing park that could enhance visitors’ place attachment and strongly affect their loyalty to the park.
... The reduction in magnitude of negative affect invites a parallel to Stress Recovery Theory (Ulrich, 1979(Ulrich, , 1981Ulrich et al., 1991). There indeed may be an emotional component to Stress Recovery Theory, a finding which supports the proposed affective/arousal response model of Ulrich (1983). ...
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The biophilia hypothesis posits an innate biological and genetic connection between human and nature, including an emotional dimension to this connection. Biophilic design builds on this hypothesis in an attempt to design human-nature connections into the built environment. This article builds on this theoretical framework through a meta-analysis of experimental studies on the emotional impacts of human exposure to natural and urban environments. A total of 49 studies were identified, with a combined sample size of 3,201 participants. The primary findings indicated that exposure to natural environments had a medium to large effect on both increasing positive affect and decreasing negative affect. This finding supported the anticipated emotional dimension of the biophilia hypothesis and lends credibility to biophilic design theory. Evidence was revealed in support of the affective/arousal response model. Immersion in environments indicated a larger effect size than laboratory simulation of environments. Methodological recommendations for future experimental research were few, however the Positive and Negative Affect Schedule (PANAS) outcome measure was recommended as a measure of both positive and negative affect for further studies. A combination measurement of stress related outcome variables was proposed to further explore the affective/arousal response model and its potential relationship to the biophilia hypothesis. The meta-analysis provides evidence for fundamental theories regarding human-nature connection, while revealing gaps in current knowledge.
... 2015, Dongying ve Sullivan 2016),  Var olan alerjik hastalıkların iyileştirilmesinde ve yenilerinin oluşmasının önlenmesinde (Björksten 2004, Lovasi vd. 2008),  Var olan psikolojik sorunların iyileştirilmesinde ve yenilerinin oluşmasının önlenmesinde(Ulrich 1979, Ulrich vd. 1989, Hartig vd. ...
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The aim of this thesis study is to propose a method that will set an example for all cities, and that will enable the multi-storey mass housing structures in the city of Ankara to be produced with living spaces more related to nature and to contribute positively to the existing urban environment. In order to achieve this aim, the historical process of the production of "housing" and "open and green spaces in buildings" in cities around the world and in Ankara has been examined in detail from technical and theoretical perspectives. Following this examination, the open and green spaces system in low-density city settlements was used as an example model, and a theoretical idea was developed to produce an open and green spaces system that could be included in the multi-storey mass housing buildings in the city of Ankara. The theoretical idea developed was applied on three multi-storey mass housing examples in Ankara, and the open and green spaces system proposal for multi-storey mass housing structures in the city of Ankara was revealed as a finding. Then, the system that emerged as a finding was examined and compared with the components that make up the open and green spaces system in low-density city settlements and selected examples in cities around the world. Subsequently, the changes that need to be made in the design method while the system in question was put into practice were revealed. As a final step, changes that need to be made in the field of legislation and policy proposals that need to be developed in order to put all these studies into practice were put forward. As a result, the effects of the emerged open and green spaces system on nature and people were evaluated. As a result of the evaluation, it has been observed that the system in question has revealed the potential to create positive effects on nature and people, which can be a turning point.
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The health benefits of exposure to trees and plants is a rapidly expanding field of study. Research has shown that exposure is associated with improvements in a wide range of health outcomes including cardiovascular disease, birth outcomes, respiratory disease, cancer, mental health and all-cause mortality 1. One of the challenges that these studies face is characterizing participants' exposure to trees and plants. A common approach is to use the normalized difference vegetation index, a greenness index typically derived from satellite imagery. Reliance on the normalized difference vegetation index is understandable; for decades, the imagery required to calculate the normalized difference vegetation index has been available for the entire Earth's surface and is updated at regular intervals. However, the normalized difference vegetation index may do a poor job of fully characterizing the human experience of being exposed to trees and plants, because scenes with the same normalized difference vegetation index value can appear different to the human eye. We demonstrate this phenomenon by identifying sites in Portland, Oregon that have the same normalized difference vegetation index value as a large, culturally significant elm tree. These sites are strikingly different aesthetically, suggesting that use of the normalized difference vegetation index may lead to exposure misclassification. Where possible, the normalized difference vegetation index should be supplemented with other exposure metrics.
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ABS TRACT: Our modern society is filled with s tressful s timuli that impact our daily lives, and lead to problems that eventually threaten our mental and psychological wellbeing. Expanding urban life and urbanizing people's interactions have dras tically increased and resulted in more s tressful circums tances. Unfortunately, the role of nature and nature-based design in our urban societies as an alternative in reducing the impact of unhealthy and s tressful situations produced by our modern and urbanized life s tyle has been neglected. Considering the fact that human beings are social creatures and their surroundings affect them both mentally and psychologically; hence, the s tudy of psychological impacts of nature and nature-based design is both essential and necessary in our fas t evolving urban societies. This research inves tigates nature-based design and the short-term observational impacts and benefits of urban societies' interaction with nature on different aspects of human psychology including perceived res toratives', mental health and vitality and creativity. The participants in the two sample groups observed two different urban areas. One was a building complex in Isfahan city center and the other was an urban park in Isfahan. In the end, the participants filled out a comprehensive psychological ques tionnaire assessing the effects environment on different dimensions of human psyche. Our results demons trate that even short-term interaction with nature and nature-based designs had positive effects one's psychological wellbeing, and therefore, our finding show that urban designs and architecture intertwined with nature were crucial in protecting and improving human mental health and wellbeing.
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Various lines of evidence have shown that nature exposure is beneficial for humans. Despite several empirical findings pointing out to cognitive and emotional positive effects, most of the evidence of these effects are correlational, and it has been challenging to identify a cause-effect relationship between nature exposure and cognitive and emotional benefits. Only few of the published studies use psychophysiological methods to assess the biological correlates of these positive effects. Establishing a connection between human physiology and contact with natural settings is important for identifying cause-effect relationships between exposure to natural environments and the positive effects commonly reported in connection to nature exposure. In the present study, we recorded physiological indexes of brain activity (electroencephalography) and sympathetic nervous system (electrodermal activity), while the participants were presented with a series of videos displaying natural, urban, or neutral (non-environmental, computerized) scenes. Participants rated the scenes for their perceived relaxing value, and after each experimental condition, they performed a cognitive task (digit span backward). Participants rated natural videos as the most relaxing. Spectral analyses of EEG showed that natural scenes promoted alpha waves, especially over the central brain. The results suggest that experiencing natural environments virtually produces measurable and reliable brain activity markers which are known to be related to restorative processes.
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Even though the COVID-19 pandemic has discouraged travel and people’s movements, the number of visitors to forests near cities which are easily accessible by private vehicle is increasing in Korea. This study aims to investigate the relationship between stress, perceived restorativeness, forest recreation motivation, and the mental well-being of forest users. A survey of forest users was conducted at three recreational forests near Seoul in the summer of 2020. A total of 1196 forest users (613 males and 583 females) participated in the study. As a result of the data analysis, it was found that stress had a negative correlation with perceived restorativeness, forest recreation motivation, and mental well-being; perceived restorativeness had a positive correlation with mental well-being, and forest recreation motivation had a positive correlation with mental well-being. For the relationship between stress and mental well-being, the fitness index that was mediated by the perceived restorativeness and the forest recreation motivation found that the model was statistically suitable. Through this study, a research model was derived that, if the stress of forest users is reduced, direct or indirect effects on perceived restorativeness, forest recreation motivation, and mental well-being are increased. Further, a multi-group analysis found that the effect of perceived restorativeness and forest recreation motivation on the mental well-being of the male group was higher than the effect on the female group. Using this research model to find ways to promote health in forests can be utilized for forest management or forest healing.
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The importance of creating a better living environment that is conducive to public health has become increasingly prominent in the post-epidemic era. The restorative potential of urban streets has been emphasized recently, as these spaces of our everyday lives may provide people with restorative experiences. However, there is still no efficient way of delivering restorative street design, because no specific standard has been set to indicate the form such streets should take. A street has limited spaces but multiple uses; hence, the delivery of restorativeness is largely restricted by street contexts. This research proposes that this standard should be determined by the balance between street functions and restorative benefits. An expectation-current approach that involves street functions, street typologies, restorative evaluations and users’ expectations was developed in conjunction with its application to four pairs of streets. Each pair included one typical street type determined by its inherent function, and one corresponding case-study street. The restorative expectations and the streets’ current levels of restorativeness were evaluated, and their differences were used to indicate how and to what degree street-related restorative benefits should be optimized. Restorative design implications of the four case-study streets were then summarized accordingly. The expectation–current approach not only serves as a rigorous and sustainable method by stressing the balance between street functions and restorativeness, but also has the potential for application in broader assessment studies, especially when multiple environmental qualities need to be considered, with the advantage of the extensive involvement of people.
A landscape preference study, originally conducted in the United States, was replicated in Scotland. Ranked preference values for black and white photographs of natural landscapes were very similar for the two studies. Therefore the landscape preference equation, developed from data in the initial study, would have predicted quite accurately the landscape preferences of people in Scotland. Study results strengthen the predictability and versatility of the initial equation.