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The Trend of Class, Race, and Ethnicity in Social Media Inequality: Who Still Cannot Afford to Blog?
Abstract
Blogs were the original poster child of digital democracy as an egalitarian public forum. Some scholars have challenged this theory of equality based on race and ethnicity, but no empirical analysis of American adults has questioned a class-based divide over time. Blogs, as a form of digital content production, appear to mirror other technological innovations in which a small elite group of users begin to incorporate them in their daily living after which the innovation spreads quickly to the general population, as with basic Internet access. However, the author argues that unlike this consumptive practice, blogging fits into a productive framework that requires more resources. Furthermore, most studies on blogging and inequality, in general, derive from samples of college students, which make it difficult to understand class issues. By drawing on 13 national surveys of American adults from 2002 to 2008, this study incorporates class differences and finds that an educational gap in blogging persists, rather than narrows, even among people who are online. Race and ethnicity do not have a relationship with class in accounting for the inequality.
... (L. Robinson et al., 2015;Schradie, 2012;van Dijk, 2020). In our review, we ask how the inequality dimensions of ethnicity, gender, and age are examined in digitization research and what changes in social inequality dynamics through digitization can be detected in the process. ...
... These studies show that when multiple inequality dimensions are considered, the importance of ethnicity recedes into the background. For example, Talmud (2011), Cleary et al. (2006) or also Schradie (2012) highlight that ethnic differences in Internet use can be partially explained by differences in occupation or class. Correspondingly, Schradie (2012) argues in her study of blog posts in the U.S., that ethnicity loses importance, especially in the production of online content, but that a person's class affiliation and educational level are particularly relevant (Schradie, 2012: 569). ...
... For example, Talmud (2011), Cleary et al. (2006) or also Schradie (2012) highlight that ethnic differences in Internet use can be partially explained by differences in occupation or class. Correspondingly, Schradie (2012) argues in her study of blog posts in the U.S., that ethnicity loses importance, especially in the production of online content, but that a person's class affiliation and educational level are particularly relevant (Schradie, 2012: 569). ...
The digitization process has triggered a profound transformation of modern societies. It encompasses a broad spectrum of technical, social, political, cultural and economic developments related to the mass use of computer- and internet-based technologies. It is now becoming increasingly clear that digitization is also changing existing structures of social inequality and that new structures of digital inequality are emerging. This is shown by a growing number of recent individual studies. In this paper, we set ourselves the task of systematizing this new research within the framework of an empirically supported literature review. To do so, we use the PRISMA model for literature reviews and focus on three central dimensions of inequality - ethnicity, gender, and age - and their relevance within the discourse on digitization and inequality. The empirical basis consists of journal articles published between 2000 and 2020 and listed on the Web of Science, as well as an additional Google Scholar search, through which we attempt to include important monographs and contributions to edited volumes in our analyses. Our text corpus thus comprises a total of 281 articles. Empirically, our literature review shows that unequal access to digital resources largely reproduces existing structures of inequality; in some cases, studies report a reduction in social inequalities as a result of the digitization process.
... Firstly, we will look at how socio-democratic factors such as age, gender, and education correlate with political activity on social media. Previous research indicates there are significant inequalities between the population groups represented in the public discourse on social media [31,38,60]. In this study, we focus on how citizens from different population groups participate in political discussions as well as processes of content production and dissemination on social media. ...
... Earlier research shows that, with the continuation of digitalization, divisions in social media use in terms of access have lessened, but the differences in beneficial use practices, such as civic and political participation, have grown among population groups in Finland [41]. Moreover, a common assumption is that younger, highly educated, and wealthier population groups tend to have more experience with technology and thus a better ability to take advantage of new platforms [17,60,69,75,77]. The first hypothesis we set out to test in our material is thus: ...
... Our main interest was to analyze the role of education in terms of online political activity. In general, well-educated individuals are more actively taking part in different participatory practices both offline and online [34,38,41,60]. This has been explained by looking more closely at how education translates into digital skills, or more specific, the correlation between education and diverse types of digital skills. ...
Social media platforms have become significant media for participating in society. This, and society’s digitalization overall, has resulted in concerns regarding access and inclusion. By combining theories of social media participation and digital inequality, we explore issues regarding the prerequisites of participating through social media platforms, focusing especially on education. Through an analysis of data from a representative survey study in Finland (N = 3724), we illuminate the ambiguity of the perceived obstacles to both digital skills and political participation. We further build on the concept of digital capital to show the significant mediating effect of digital skills on education and participation. By utilizing the ISS (Internet Skills Scale), we break down digital skills into operational, information navigation, social, creative and mobile skills, and show how the operational skills have most significant mediator between education and political participation in social media. In studying digital inequality, we claim that the concept of digital capital is a valuable tool to illuminate the mechanisms for overcoming digital divides through the transaction of other forms of capital into digital capital, and digital capital to other forms of capital, in this case political capital.
... Blank's other results, however, represent a break from American digital inequality literature, including Correa's (2010), Hargittai and Walejko's (2008) 1 and my (Schradie 2011(Schradie , 2012) studies of digital content creation. He contends that social class, via education and income, does not matter among Internet-using British who post what he calls 'skilled content'. ...
... In other words, one survey during one time period also has drawbacks, which Blank should interrogate since his findings are so different from other studies. Again, rather than my work being 'ambiguous', as Blank claims, my findings of inequality are robust, and are substantiated in another paper (Schradie 2012), which reports similar findings. ...
... Diffusion may be part of the answer as to why he finds less inequality. While this may be possible, my study (Schradie 2012) of blogging over this same time period found consistent and persistent digital production inequality based on social class. Nonetheless, this complexity of changes over time requires examination of if and how digital production inequality reinforces or challenges class differences. ...
... Research on digital inequity goes beyond Internet penetration and online access. A host of socioeconomic factors impacts who uses digital technologies and participates online and who does not (Harlow, 2017;Schradie, 2011Schradie, , 2012Schradie, , 2013Schradie, , 2015Schradie, , 2018. Drawing on survey data, Schradie (2011) found a class-based gap among online participants with digital content, an issue that can lead to underrepresentation of working people online, creating an imbalance in perspectives (pp. ...
... Nonetheless, social media use more than doubled in a five-year period in India from 8% of adults in 2013 to 20% in 2017 (Poushter et al., 2018). Digital divide theory suggests that the gap will eventually dissipate and that the phenomenon is only an early adopter lagged effect related to those with elite backgrounds and eventually other groups will catch up (Schradie, 2012). ...
... As scholars have noted (Schradie, 2011(Schradie, , 2012(Schradie, , 2013(Schradie, , 2015(Schradie, , 2018Van Laer, 2010), it is important to question whether the Internet has exacerbated or reinforced inequalities inside movements. Although movement activists often work directly with marginalized individuals, many of these movement participants do not read or write, much less post to social media. ...
This research studied the dynamics of online and offline activism among networks of organizations and social activists across India involved in the globally recognized Right to Information movement. Our overarching research question examined how a network of organizations and activists grew global, national, and local collective action strength, outreach capacity, and recognition for their grassroots innovations online and offline in a landscape of digital inequality. This qualitative study, which used a purposive sample of activists and organization representatives (N = 72) and supplementary data, found that online activism increased in recent years; yet, the movement conducted most of its campaigns offline, with social media used to exercise geographic reach, amplify messaging, and pressure government and corporate interests. The movement built collective strength online and offline through unifying cross-cutting campaigns, innovations, and cross-network alliances with diverse constituents. It also sustained initiatives that built broad-based inclusive relationships across Indian society that became known around the world.
... For instance, in a study of Twitter usage behaviour among US Congressmen, Mousavi and Gu (2019) discovered that congressmen who use Twitter were more likely to vote in line with the prevailing opinions of their constituents. Additionally, social media usage might help eliminate "class" in favour of equality (Schradie, 2012), ensuring that all or more stakeholders are heard and regarded equally. ...
... These findings suggest that social media penetration significantly enhances democratic institutions. Social media improves democracy by promoting electoral competition, facilitating citizens' and organizations' participation in political process and public decision-making, promoting equality in rights and freedoms, and decentralization of political power ( for instance, seeLorenz-Spreen et al., 2023; Mousavi & Gu, 2019;Schradie, 2012). These findings support Jha and Kodila-Tedika's (2020) empirical finding that social media has a significant positive relationship with Polity IV. ...
We examine whether social media enhances democracy using cross-sectional data from 145 countries. We used Facebook penetration as a proxy for social media. Also, based on the complex definition of democracy, high-level indices, such as egalitarian, participatory, liberal, electoral, and deliberative democracies, were used to capture democracy. Our endogeneity-corrected results documented that high social media penetration, on average, enhances all forms of democracy. In descending order, social media penetration has contributed more to enhancing democracy in high-income economies, followed by lower-middle and upper-middle income economies. In low-income economies, social media penetration has a negative effect on democracy indices. We also documented heterogeneity in the findings based on regions. Marginal analysis also revealed that the positive effect of social media on democracy is higher in countries with higher internet penetration. We suggest that with appropriate interventions, policymakers could leverage social media to enhance democratic institutions.
... Yet there is evidence suggesting the opposite. Research finds that the wealthy and better educated are more likely to participate online in general (Oser et al., 2013) and on social media in particular (Schradie, 2012;Theocharis & van Deth, 2018). While there is less empirical work on political inequality on social media among youth, Thorson et al. (2018) found that among adolescents, parental education was indirectly related to political activity on social media, suggesting that political inequality on social media extends to younger age groups. ...
... Given the remarkably consistent evidence of SES-based stratification of both traditional and online political participation (Schlozman et al., 2010(Schlozman et al., , 2018Schradie, 2012), it is important to consider a range of possible explanations for our findings. First, perhaps younger cohorts are simply disengaged overall and therefore their SES makes less of a difference (i.e., a floor effect). ...
Despite evidence that social media are transforming American political life, fundamental questions remain about their influence on political inequality among the next generation of citizens. This study examines whether youth political behavior on social media is stratified by socioeconomic status (SES) and if political interest is the primary mechanism. Analyzing two nationally representative surveys of young Americans (18–34), we find youth political behavior on social media is less stratified by SES than voting or offline campaign participation. In one case, social media political expression is counter-stratified. While the relationship between SES and youth political behavior on social media can be partially explained by political interest, general political knowledge and positive perceptions of Facebook for politics also emerged as potential mechanisms. Findings suggest that SES-based youth political inequality persists on social media, but it is less severe than for offline forms of participation, and is likely explained by a range of factors beyond political interest.
... While family wealth has been the center of unchosen circumstances under investigation (Barros et al., 2009;Checchi & Peragine, 2010;LeFranc, Pistolesi, & Trannoy, 2008;Pitstolesi, 2009;Rosa Dias, 2009;Yalonetsky, 2012), the amount of time an individual is willing to devote to their career and self-improvement (Breugst, Patzelt, & Shepherd, 2020) has been commonly considered as the estimate for individual effort (Betts & Roemer, 2007;Pignataro, 2012;Pistolesi, 2009;Roemer, 2003). Besides personal earnings and income, existing EOP studies have examined how family endowment or individual effort impacts individual health (Rosa Dias, 2009;Trannoy et al., 2010), social welfare (Calo-Blanco & Garcia-Perez, 2014), test scores (Waltenberg & Vandenberghe, 2007), and other social/ economic behaviors such as blog use (Schradie, 2012). ...
... Second, compared with those born with family resources, these entrepreneurs tend to believe that "those who are at the same level of talent and ability, and have the same willingness to use them, should have the same prospects of success regardless of their initial place in the social system" (Rawls, 1971: 63). Entrepreneurs who rely on themselves have a stronger belief in the diffusion effect, that is, economic benefits are spilled from the first movers to other classes so that everyone will have the opportunity to catch up (Schradie, 2012). Philanthropy is one of the key measures that can help to create this effect and an equal playground for those who are willing to work hard but lack opportunities. ...
Past research has offered conflicting evidence concerning the effect of family wealth on philanthropy. Equality of Opportunity (EOP) theory has received wide scholarly attention to explain an individual’s philanthropic engagement through the simultaneous consideration of both family wealth and personal effort. Drawing on the insights of EOP, we extend EOP toward entrepreneurial theory and practice by examining how entrepreneurs’ family endowment and entrepreneurial effort impact their charity donation and business growth. Utilizing a large, national dataset with 2503 Chinese entrepreneurs, our findings suggest that entrepreneurs with higher level of entrepreneurial effort are more likely to donate to charity and achieve greater firm growth in the process. In addition, higher level of entrepreneurial effort attenuates the contribution of philanthropy to firm growth. Conversely, no significant effect with respect to family wealth was found.
... There is a growing scholarly discussion of gendered and racial inequalities in the (new) creative and cultural industries (CCIs). Critical and feminist studies have discussed the precarious working conditions among lower-and mid-level media professionals in the CCIs while shedding light on how female workers and ethnic minorities are disadvantaged (Hesmondhalgh and Baker, 2011;McRobbie, 2016;Neff, 2012;Schradie, 2012), and a burgeoning stream of literature has more recently extended the notion of 'precarious labour' to investigate the deleterious effects of digital creative work along with the problematic construction of gendered subjectivities and heightened emotional labour in the platform creative economy (Duffy, 2016;Duffy and Pruchniewska, 2017). However, with their focus on the role of disciplinary power structures in unsettling subjects' spaces of action, theories of precariousness and precarious labour tend to 'gloss over some quite marked social differences in the . . . ...
Digital self-entrepreneurship has become one of the most popular career options among younger generations. However, limited attention has been paid to the relationships between socioeconomic differences and digital self-entrepreneurship among youths. Using an extended Bourdieusian framework, this article critically reassesses vloggers' digital creative labour, conditions and decisions by conceptualising them as various outcomes of position-taking in the emerging field of digital cultural production, tied to socioeconomic differences. Based on interviews with YouTubers in Hong Kong, this study examines how class background shapes young vloggers' career paths and future aspirations. The findings reveal their divergent class-inflected orientations towards the common tensions between (1) platform productivity and creative autonomy, (2) elite evaluation and mass rating and (3) career planning and an uncertain vlogging future. Shifting the focus to the nexus between class inequality and the platform creative economy, this article provides a nuanced account of digital creative work amid platform precarity and uncertainty.
... Beyond inability to access platforms, it is possible that members of society lack the skills to express their views or consume information that is being shared by other members. [43] A lack of participation by different members of society could lead to the propagation of biased views or misinformation against the underrepresented members. Thus, it constitutes a credible threat to long term cooperation. ...
Since the dawn of human civilization, trust has been the core challenge of social organization. Trust functions to reduce the effort spent in constantly monitoring others' actions in order to verify their assertions, thus facilitating cooperation by allowing groups to function with reduced complexity. To date, in modern societies, large scale trust is almost exclusively provided by large centralized institutions. Specifically in the case of the Internet, Big Tech companies maintain the largest Internet platforms where users can interact, transact and share information. Thus, they control who can interact and conduct transactions through their monopoly of online trust. However, as recent events have shown, allowing for-profit corporations to act as gatekeepers to the online world comes with a litany of problems. While so far ecosystems of trust on the Internet could only be feasibly created by large institutions, Web3 proponents have a vision of the Internet where trust is generated without centralised actors. They attempt to do so by creating an ecosystem of trust constructed using decentralised technology. This survey explores this elusive goal of Web3 to create a "Universal Trust Machine", which in a true decentralised paradigm would be owned by both nobody and everybody. In order to do so, we first motivate the decades-old problem of generating trust without an intermediary by discussing Robert Axelrod's research on the evolution of cooperation. Next, we present the challenges that would have to be overcome in order to enable long term cooperation. We proceed to present various reputation systems, all of which present promising techniques for encouraging trustworthy behaviour. Then, we discuss Distributed Ledger technologies whose secure transaction facilitating and privacy preserving techniques promise to be a good complement to the current limitations of vanilla reputation systems.
... To exemplify, even though blogs were initially seen as a forum for more equal participation in public debates due to their lower thresholds for access, more recent research has shown the opposite to be the case. Schradie (2012) finds that blogging is part of a productive framework that demands more resources than the mere consumption of online content, and that there still is an overrepresentation of those with higher levels of education among those who produce blog content. Moreover, maintaining a political blog also demands a considerable amount of time, and since it is often a voluntary activity, this can pose significant constraints on who can "afford to blog." ...
Online platforms present new challenges to feminist politics since they provide antifeminist groups with additional possibilities to come together and advocate their claims towards wider publics. This article argues that new analytical perspectives are needed to understand how antifeminist discourses are successfully produced and promulgated online. In particular, it suggests that in addition to analyzing the content of antifeminist discourses we need to pay attention to how the design and governance of online platforms, as well as the resources among antifeminist activists, shape online resistance to feminist politics. Two analytical dimensions are introduced that help to specify how the design and governance of online platforms, as well as the social composition of antifeminist groups, enable these to come together online and influence mainstream publics. To demonstrate the usefulness of this analytical approach, a study of an influential antifeminist blogosphere in the Swedish context is used as an illustrative case.
... Disparities can also arise with digital, non-medical data in regards to race/ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and rural/urban status, particularly with social media data. [80][81][82] Therefore, the generalizability of digital, non-medical cohort data may be limited. However, the use of digital data is another data source that can be used by data scientists to provide new insights for persons with OUD. ...
Medication treatment for opioid use disorder (MOUD) is an effective evidence-based therapy for decreasing opioid-related adverse outcomes. Effective strategies for retaining persons on MOUD, an essential step to improving outcomes, are needed as roughly half of all persons initiating MOUD discontinue within a year. Data science may be valuable and promising for improving MOUD retention by using "big data" (e.g., electronic health record data, claims data mobile/sensor data, social media data) and specific machine learning techniques (e.g., predictive modeling, natural language processing, reinforcement learning) to individualize patient care. Maximizing the utility of data science to improve MOUD retention requires a three-pronged approach: (1) increasing funding for data science research for OUD, (2) integrating data from multiple sources including treatment for OUD and general medical care as well as data not specific to medical care (e.g., mobile, sensor, and social media data), and (3) applying multiple data science approaches with integrated big data to provide insights and optimize advances in the OUD and overall addiction fields.
... Meanwhile, in terms of gender, previous studies have reported a general trend that women are more involved in health issues, eHealth, and social media [49]; however, there are also studies that report that women in Africa are the least likely to use digital health technologies worldwide [46]. Moreover, previous studies have found that gender and some ethnic differences in internet use may have disappeared among the general population [73,74] but differences will still expand with age. Health inequities have gradually become a social issue that has received attention from government decision-making departments and related institutions. ...
Background: Digital health technologies (ie, the integration of digital technology and health information) aim to increase the efficiency of health care delivery; they are rapidly adapting to health care contexts to provide improved medical services for citizens. However, contrary to expectations, their rapid adoption appears to have led to health inequities, with differences in health conditions or inequality in the distribution of health care resources among different populations.
Objective: This scoping review aims to identify and describe the inequities of health care services brought about by the adoption of digital health technologies. The factors influencing such inequities, as well as the corresponding countermeasures to ensure health equity among different groups of citizens, were also studied.
Methods: Primary studies and literature, including articles and reviews, published in English between 1990 and 2020 were retrieved using appropriate search strategies across the following three electronic databases: Clarivate Analytics’Web of Science, PubMed, and Scopus. Data management was performed by two authors (RY and WZ) using Thomson Endnote (Clarivate Analytics, Inc), by systematically screening and identifying eligible articles for this study. Any conflicts of opinion were resolved through discussions with the corresponding author. A qualitative descriptive synthesis was performed to determine the outcomes of this scoping review.
Results: A total of 2325 studies were collected during the search process, of which 41 (1.76%) papers were identified for further analysis. The quantity of literature increased until 2016, with a peak in 2020. The United States, the United Kingdom, and Norway ranked among the top 3 countries for publication output. Health inequities caused by the adoption of digital health technologies in health care services can be reflected in the following two dimensions: the inability of citizens to obtain and adopt technology and the different disease outcomes found among citizens under technical intervention measures. The factors that influenced inequities included age, race, region, economy, and education level, together with health conditions and eHealth literacy. Finally, action can be taken to alleviate inequities in the future by government agencies and medical institutions (eg, establishing national health insurance), digital health technology providers (eg, designing high-quality tools), and health care service recipients (eg, developing skills to access digital technologies).
Conclusions: The application of digital health technologies in health care services has caused inequities to some extent. However, existing research has certain limitations. The findings provide a comprehensive starting point for future research, allowing for further investigation into how digital health technologies may influence the unequal distribution of health care services. The interaction between individual subjective factors as well as social support and influencing factors should be included in future studies. Specifically, access to and availability of digital health technologies for socially disadvantaged groups should be of paramount importance.
... According to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) (2020), different states adopted various strategies of lockdowns, and economic stimulation, as ways of limiting the impact of COVID-19 on economies and humans. Despite these reactions, citizens took to social media platforms, due to their participatory and egalitarian nature (Schradie 2012) to voice their concerns about the socio-economic and political inequalities that exists in society, and how the coronavirus would further expound these inequalities and fractures in Africa. ...
South Africa has had a long history of institutionalized racial segregation and although it came to an end in the early 1990s, the level of power, racial and inequalities are still evident to date, making South Africa one of the most unequal societies in the world. Kenya, on the other hand, has had its share of inequalities, particularly inclined towards political and ethnic dimensions. The emergence of COVID-19 has further uncovered social and political fractures within the two societies with racialized and discriminatory responses to fear disproportionately affecting marginalized groups. Using qualitative research design, and case study approach, a corpus of tweets from social media archive (Twitter) when the first COVID-19 cases were recorded in both countries were analysed to ascertain the conversations occurring and if it re-enforces existing postcolonial issues. The study argued that Twitter conversations that occurred in both countries show that postcolonial issues of power and race are rife and appeared in many public conversations on social media.
... Además, cuanto menor son las habilidades y las capacidades de un internauta, menos valor tiene la experiencia de uso de internet(Helsper, 2012). De acuerdo con la hipótesis de la estratificación, la investigación sobre grupos desfavorecidos ha establecido que la raza(Correa & Sun Ho, 2011) y la etnicidad(Mesch & Talmud, 2011), el género (Hargittai & Shaw, 2015Ono & Zavodny, 2008) y el estatus socioeconómico(Schradie, 2012;Witte & Mannon, 2010) pueden ser determinantes tanto en el uso como en las competencias digitales(Stern, Adams & Elsasser, 2009).La centralidad de las habilidades digitales en la desigualdad social y digital ya ha sido firmemente verificada(Bell, Bishop & Przybylski, 2015;Van Dijk & Van Deursen, 2014;Van Deursen & Van Dijk, 2011). Al respecto, se analizan las habilidades digitales desde dos puntos de vista complementarios: las habilidades básicas requeridas para operar sistemas digitales y también las habilidades necesarias para entender y usar el contenido en línea de Internet(Pérez-Tornero et al., 2018).En la coyuntura actual Internet ha introducido una gran cantidad de oportunidades, pero al mismo tiempo una serie de peligros y amenazas que afectan especialmente ...
Resumen Esta investigación realizó un estudio comparativo entre tres países muy impactados por el coronavirus a partir del análisis de las reflexiones de docentes sobre la enseñanza virtual universitaria durante la etapa de confinamiento. El estudio, de carácter descriptivo, exploratorio y explicativo, aplicó 196 encuestas, entre marzo y abril de 2020, a docentes de periodismo, comunicación y educación de la Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona (España), Universidad de Torino (Italia) y Universidad Técnica de Machala (Ecuador). Como resultado, los docentes, de forma mayoritaria, valoran negativamente el paso a la virtualidad, pues este se asocia, de forma recurrente, con un incremento del trabajo. Además, demandan competencias digitales básicas en los jóvenes universitarios y capacitaciones, de parte de sus instituciones, en el componente tecnológico y pedagógico-digital. A modo de conclusión, los docentes encuestados reconocen que es necesaria la promoción del pensamiento crítico y reflexivo vinculado a la gestión estratégica de las TIC.
... Therefore, the broad digital divide between the "haves" and "have-nots" especially in technological access significant in the early 2000s (Harwit, 2004) narrowed to more nuanced differences in skills, usages, and cultural practices (DiMaggio and Hargittai, 2001). Nonetheless, existing social inequalities, for example in terms of age, ethnicity, gender, and class, persisted because of not just unequal access but also differentiated skills, usages, and perceptions for online participation (Schradie, 2012;Robinson, et al., 2015). ...
With increasing influence on everyday social interactions and cultural practices, social media platforms do not just represent but also profoundly reproduce various forms of social inequalities. This essay investigates what role social media have played in the emergence of an underclass habitus among Chinese youth. By focusing on the rise and fall of a participatory hanmai culture on Kuaishou, an underclass-centric social media platform in China, the study identifies social media platforms as key actors in restructuring power relations. Chinese social media platforms, particularly Kuaishou, produce contemporary relationships of power by simultaneously incorporating algorithm design, profit-seeking strategies, underclass users’ expressions, and state surveillance. The overall effect is to mediate, regulate and buttress social inequalities in the process of sustaining Chinese class stratification. This analysis necessarily problematizes and debunks the myth of technological neutrality claimed by social media platforms. The result is that Chinese underclass youth (individual and unexpected acts of human agency aside) are routinely subjected to and reproduced through the logic of both capitalist accumulation and state authoritarianism via their participation on these social media platforms.
For details, please visit https://firstmonday.org/ojs/index.php/fm/article/view/10587
... Socioeconomic status, which represents a combination of an individuals' educational and financial status (Bradley & Corwyn, 2002), is a key predictor of whether individuals possess such resources and ultimately their ability to engage in politics (Schlozman et al., 2018). In addition to a large body of evidence documenting SES-based gaps in traditional forms of participation (Dalton, 2017), there is some evidence that those with higher SES are more likely to engage in online-and social media-based political behaviors (Schlozman et al., 2010;Schradie, 2012;Theocharis & Van Deth, 2018). In political communication research, scholars have often focused on a key correlate of SES: political interest, finding similar gaps in online political engagement between those with high vs. low interest (Min, 2010;Thorson et al., 2017). ...
Do social media simply reproduce political inequality between racial groups or are they powerful tools for marginalized racial groups to contest the status quo? This study examined resource-based and identity-based theoretical explanations for differences between White people and racial/ethnic minorities in political expression on social media. Across 4 nationally representative surveys collected in the United States (2016 & 2018), we found that White people (vs. Black, Asian, and sometimes Hispanic people) had a slightly higher probability of engaging in different forms of political expression on social media. However, Black people and people from some numerically smaller racial/ethnic groups were more likely than White people to engage in symbolic behaviors such as using hashtags and changing their profile picture. While there was some evidence that differences in socioeconomic status and political interest may explain White people’s higher likelihood of political expression, identity-related factors played a counter-stratifying role. Racial/ethnic minorities were more likely than White people to view their racial group as having too little influence in American politics, a perception which was in turn positively related to political expression on social media. We use our findings – and their limitations – to argue for more robust theorization and measurement in the study of race in political communication on social media.
... Similarly, most scholars (Feng & Xie, 2015;Hwang & Park, 2013;Schradie, 2012;Straus et al., 2016) agree that education, an important indicator of cultural capital, has a positive effect on SNS use. ...
Focusing on the effects of sociodemographic factors on the social media divide, one of the second-level divides, this meta-analysis finds that individuals who were female, younger, well-educated, well-paid, and urban residents were more likely to use social media. However, race as well as marital status and employment status did not play a role in predicting the adoption of social media platforms. Through moderator analysis, we find that the effect of age was robust without respect to study-level characteristics and that studies conducted in collectivistic countries and random samples demonstrate greater effects for education level.
... Relatedly, SES and race/ethnicity may be linked to social media usage and exposure to factors that influence MVO; however, findings are mixed, suggesting the need for more study. A review of earlier social media research indicated that lower SES (but not race and ethnicity) was linked to iniquities in social media usage (Schradie, 2012), whereas other research has found differences in gender and race (Jackson et al., 2008). More recent research suggests that many minoritized communities may utilize social media platforms at higher rates than their white counterparts (Smith & Anderson, 2018). ...
Previous research suggests that ruminating on social media content is associated with greater mental distress (Yang et al., 2018). This study examined whether materialistic value orientation (MVO)—prioritizing values and goals related to consumerism, consumption, and social status—predicted social media rumination in a sample of diverse adolescents in a two-wave cross-lagged design. A cross-lagged analysis among 119 adolescents indicated that MVO at Wave 1 predicted greater social media rumination 4 months later at Wave 2, but social media rumination at Wave 1 did not predict MVO at Wave 2. Cross-lagged results suggested that MVO may lead to greater social media rumination over time for diverse adolescents. Adolescents with MVO could benefit from interventions to reduce the effects of their need for external validation and maladaptive rumination, as external validation and maladaptive rumination are linked to behaviors and thoughts that can be harmful to mental health.
... But it might also reward the wrong people. Content producers are often highly educated and economically advantaged (Hargittai and Walejko 2008;Schradie 2012). Additional payment for their services might lead to additional benefits for the already better-off. ...
The advent of artificial intelligence (AI) challenges political theorists to think about data ownership and policymakers to regulate the collection and use of public data. AI producers benefit from free public data for training their systems while retaining the profits. We argue against the view that the use of public data must be free. The proponents of unconstrained use point out that consuming data does not diminish its quality and that information is in am- ple supply. Therefore, they suggest, publicly available data should be free. We present two objections. First, allowing free data use promotes unwanted inequality. Second, contributors of information did not and could not anticipate that their contribution would be used to train AI systems. Our argument implies that managing the ‘global information commons’ and charging for extensive data use is permissible and desirable. We discuss policy implications and propose a progressive data use tax to counter the inequality arising.
... In each case, however, there is an elision of classed and raced differences within the USA (or Western world). This is of great concern given that both class and race play a tremendous role in mediating the probability a person has reliable access to online spaces, and mediates behaviour and experience within those spaces [159,194]. For example, race is a significant factor in one's experience in online harassment, which research investigating harassment has been critiqued for failing to consider [124] and an intersectional approach to the health and well-being of marginalised populations within HCI should consider [50,157]. ...
An ever-increasing body of work within HCI investigates questions of around “Women’s Health” with the aim to disrupt the status quo of defaulting to an implicit norm of cis-male bodies. This laudable and feminist project has the potential to drastically improve the inclusivity and availability of health care. To explore how this research attends to gender, embodiment and identity, we conducted a critical discourse analysis of 17 publications explicitly positioning themselves as works concerned with “Women’s Health”. We find essentialised articulations of embodiment and gender, though little discussion on the intersections of race, class, sexuality and cultural contexts. Through two speculative designs, we illustrate potential responses to our analysis: The Shadow Zine, a reflection of self and the Compass, a token for community care. ¹ Our work provides an opportunity to develop a broader frame of gender and health, one that centers (gendered) marginalised health by attending to the power structures of existing medical practices and norms.
... This is valid also for the other axes of social inequalities, such as age, race, education and socio-economic status. For instance, race/ethnicity inequalities influence terms of production of content (Correa et al. 2010;Schradie 2012), social capital to be invested online (DiPrete et al. 2011) and inequalities in ICTs usage (Jung et al. 2001;Milioni et al. 2014). Therefore, the acquisition of resources to access ICTs and digital skills that enable users to confidently and securely surf the Internet is connected to already existing social inequalities, such as race (Lawson-Mack 2001) and gender (Jackson et al. 2008). ...
Digital society integrates ICTs in the productive structure, in the educational system and more broadly in our daily life. It has brought about changes in scale and pace like never before. However, digital technologies are penalizing socially disadvantaged people, giving rise to the digital underclass. This chapter pays particular attention to (traditional) digital inequalities, namely inequalities in the access, uses and benefits individuals can gain from ICTs, by analysing the intertwined relationship between the main axes of inequality—gender, age, race, education and income—and digital divide. The chapter attempts to answer the following question: do the traditional forms of social inequalities simply replicate themselves in the digital sphere or do digital inequalities operate under their own dynamics?
... Digital or computer literacy is a foundational component of meaningful use that describes the breadth and depth with which an individual can engage with digital materials (Livingstone, 2007(Livingstone, , 2004Livingstone and Helsper, 2009). Building on skills and meaningful use narratives, some scholars link Internet use to Bourdieu's (1990) theories of habitus and multiple capitals, suggesting that individuals' dispositions toward technology are influenced by the social milieu of their lived reality (Brock, et al., 2010;Kvasny, 2006;Robinson, 2011Robinson, , 2009Rojas, et al., 2012;Schradie, 2012;Tufecki and Wilson, 2012). ...
The homework gap is a term that has come to describe the 15 percent or more of American children who cannot complete their homework after the school day ends because they lack access to broadband and computers (Anderson and Perrin, 2018). This statistic encompasses different economic, socio-cultural, and geographic factors. As a result, historically underprivileged groups of children are overrepresented in the homework gap space. Children without access to high-speed Internet or computers at home face challenges in school achievement. This study investigates the cultural, social, and technological aspects that contribute to the homework gap. The results are based on data from a survey conducted in collaboration with the city of Austin, Texas and several non-profit organizations that offer Internet and technology services to disadvantaged communities. The goal of this study is to investigate the role that demographics, technological skills, and attitudes toward technology play in the homework gap. We find that education and income levels are negatively correlated with high levels of homework gap, while age is positively correlated. Moreover, the possession of intermediate levels of techno-capital is inversely correlated to parents and caregivers’ perceptions of the homework gap.
... Bloggers indeed challenged many newsroom standards and norms (Pandey-Jorrin, 2008), pursuing a wide array of missions and agendas without concern for newsworthiness and objectivity (Lovink, 2007), while calling for the same legal protections available only to journalists (Wischnowski, 2011). Blogs amplified historically marginalized voices, allowing them to speak to larger audiences in a limited capacity (Schradie, 2012), but online fora also allowed extremists to build audiences and spread hateful ideas news outlets would never publish (Daniels, 2009(Daniels, , 2013. ...
In a media ecosystem besieged with misinformation and polarizing rhetoric, what the news media chooses not to cover can be as significant as what they do cover. In this article, we examine the historical production of silence in journalism to better understand the role amplification plays in the editorial and content moderation practices of current news media and social media platforms. Through the lens of strategic silence (i.e., the use of editorial discretion for the public good), we examine two U.S.-based case studies where media coverage produces public harms if not handled strategically: White violence and suicide. We analyze the history of journalistic choices to illustrate how professional and ethical codes for best practices played a key role in producing a more responsible field of journalism. As news media turned to online distribution, much has changed for better and worse. Platform companies now curate news media alongside user generated content; these corporations are largely responsible for content moderation on an enormous scale. The transformation of gatekeepers has led an evolution in disinformation and misinformation, where the creation and distribution of false and hateful content, as well as the mistrust of social institutions, have become significant public issues. Yet it is not just the lack of editorial standards and ethical codes within and across platforms that pose a challenge for stabilizing media ecosystems; the manipulation of search engines and recommendation algorithms also compromises the ability for lay publics to ascertain the veracity of claims to truth. Drawing on the history of strategic silence, we argue for a new editorial approach—“strategic amplification”—which requires both news media organizations and platform companies to develop and employ best practices for ensuring responsibility and accountability when producing news content and the algorithmic systems that help spread it.
... Nevertheless, there remain individuals who are unable to access social media as a result of lack of access to facilities where internet is available or knowledge of how to access these media (Smith, 2011). Our findings highlight those of previous studies that emphasize the importance of ensuring access to digital communication among all members of society regardless of social position in order to guarantee the equitable access to healthpromotion information (Neter & Brainin, 2012;Schradie, 2012). ...
Background and Purpose: Sedentary behavior contributes to the risk of obesity and cardiovascular disease. Increasing physical activity is particularly important for new immigrants to the U.S., since the risk of obesity and cardiovascular disease increases with acculturation to U.S. society. This study examined facilitators and barriers of using social media to provide information on physical activity, perceptions of the benefits of physical activity, and barriers to physical activity in low English proficiency immigrants in a New England city. Methods: Three focus groups were conducted to collect information from 25 adults in a New England city (Mean= 47.7+13.2 year, 68% female, 64% Asian). Results: Participants reported using social media to connect with family and friends, rather than to make new social connections. Barriers to social media use included access and privacy concerns. While the participants believed physical activity was necessary for health, they identified a number of barriers to exercise, including lack of access to exercise facilities, financial issues, and information on safe and effective ways to exercise. Conclusion: Using social media may be a convenient way to provide information about physical activity to low English proficiency immigrants, but researchers need to address the barriers to utilizing social media and engaging in physical activity.
... More important, philanthropy can be viewed as the measure to level the playing field (Cohen, 1989) toward achieving the equality of opportunity for everyone, especially the less privileged like themselves (Pignataro, 2012). By doing so, those who lack resources but are willing to work hard will be granted the opportunities to catch up (Rawls, 1971), and the economic benefits will be diffused gradually from the early successful to everyone else (Schradie, 2012). As such, we expect: ...
Retaining external investment is an important task for private firms. However, the entrepreneurial financing literature has primarily focused on how to attract, instead of retain, start-up funding. Integrating social embeddedness, signaling, and strategic choice theories, we propose that entrepreneurs’ resource background, philanthropic, and innovative activities affect the exit speed of external investment for Chinese private ventures. In particular, we propose that external investment exits entrepreneurs with deprived resources faster than those more resourceful entrepreneurs. Yet, external investment stays longer when less resourceful entrepreneurs commit to innovative or philanthropic activities.
... These studies have indicated gaps in digital production between different population groups, which have the potential to create or expand social inequality [14,33]. As such, a link has been found between various online uses and socio-demographic background variables, such as education, age, religiosity, area of residence, income and gender [23,34,35]; Moshe, [4]; [20,[36][37][38][39]. ...
he communication industry undergoes a constant process of adaptation and is currently adapting to the online digital age. As such, radio is trying to retain its identity whilst at the same time expanding its traditional products and services by adopting characteristics of this age, such as interactive content, online archives and podcasts. As a result, a new model of radio that combines text, audio and video is apparent. This new template of radio additionally offers further archive programs as well as streamed broadcasts to the internet [1, 2]. Furthermore, an increasing number of stations are using the afore-defined internet platform to promote interaction with listeners through internet sites and sharing platforms, such as Facebook and Twitter [3]. It is also notable that traditional radio stations in Israel are undergoing these changes and are adapting to become interactive by means of internet sites and applications (apps). These enable consumers to listen to the medium anywhere and anytime and engage in social networking [4]. The research literature pertaining to online radio has extensively addressed the question of whether internet-integrated radio can still be called “radio” or whether it is metamorphosing into another type of medium. Some authors contend that radio has, throughout history, been transmitted through different technologies and its meaning is not derived from the platform through which it is transmitted, but rather from the manner in which the aforementioned content is presented [5]. Others maintain that this is a new medium with products and services that go beyond those provided by traditional radio [6]. From the prior, it can be derived …
... We are intrigued by how different attributes of urban environments may deepen social polarization. Our view is that the impact of social environments is multifaceted and deeply intertwined with (1) race, (2) poverty, (3) regional circumstances, and (4) technological access conditions (BallRokeach & Hoyt, 2001;DiMaggio, Evans, et al., 1996;Dobransky & Hargittai, 2016;Dutton & Reisdorf, 2017;Mossberger, Tolbert, & Franko, 2012;Mossberger, Tolbert, & Gilbert, 2006;Nakamura & Chow-White, 2011;Neuman, 2001;Park, 2018aPark, , 2018bRobinson et al., 2015;Schradie, 2012). From this, we predict that social polarization that is deeply rooted in offline environments will be reflected in social media use. ...
We examine the patterns of social polarization, with the case of Michael Brown shooting as an empirical basis for discussing the role of social media in promoting polarized viewpoints. In doing so, we test a model that synthesizes the interplay between text polarity in Twitter and four attributes of U.S. cities (N = 216): (1) geographic location, (2) race, (3) poverty, and (4) technological condition. Our findings supported hypothesized functions of socio-environmental traits. However, the extents of polarization in tweet-texts were subtler than expected. Furthermore, the finding concerning poverty suggests that certain urban environments are more conducive to exacerbating racial tensions, reproducing them into social media narratives. We suggest future studies and discuss the implications for societal divide.
... These trends suggest that if youth are to take advantage of the opportunities the Internet provides for developing and expressing public voice, support is needed. This support may be particularly needed in low-income settings in light of Schradie's (2012) finding of a persistent socioeconomic gap in who produced and who consumed information and Gray, Thomas, and Lewis's (2010) finding that low-income schools have inadvertently reinforced this gap by using technology for basic skills reinforcement rather than production. ...
Drawing on a mixed methods study of a district-wide initiative to integrate civic learning practices into the high school humanities curriculum in an urban school district in Northern California, this article examines the relationship between face-to-face versus online civic learning opportunities and students’ motivation for engaging in practices related to online public voice, the affordances of online civic learning opportunities for the expression of public voice, and the features of online civic learning opportunities that optimize the expression of public voice. The findings provide insight as to whether and under what conditions digitally mediated civic learning opportunities promote the expression of public voice.
... As has become apparent in recent years, digital media use is becoming intrinsic to political and civic life (Vargo & Hopp, 2017). Representations within the digital public sphere matter and lead to questions of equality, especially if elite voices dominate in the digital public sphere (Schradie, 2012). ...
Background:This article explores the relationship between social class and social media use and draws on the work of Pierre Bourdieu in examining class in terms of social, economic, and cultural capital. The article starts from a prior finding that those who predominantly only use social media formed a higher proportion of Internet users from lower socioeconomic groups. Data: The article draws on data from two nationally representative U.K. surveys, the OfCom (Office of Communications) Media Literacy Survey (n ≈ 1,800 per annum) and the Department of Digital, Culture, Media and Sport’s Taking Part Survey (n ≈ 10,000 per annum). Methods: Following Yates, Kirby, and Lockley, five types of Internet behavior and eight types of Internet user are identified utilizing principal components analysis and k-means clustering. These Internet user types are then examined against measures of social, economic, and cultural capital. Data on forms of cultural consumption and digital media use are examined using multiple correspondence analysis. Findings: The article concludes that forms of digital media use are in correspondence with other social, cultural, and economic aspects of social class status and contemporary social systems of distinction.
Ethnicity plays a significant role in adolescents' everyday lives, but there is a limited understanding of adolescents' own experiences with how ethnicity is addressed in different contexts. Three contexts of importance during adolescence are investigated in the present study: schools, social media, and sports. A closer contextual examination has the potential to provide insights into how multiple contexts shape experiences with ethnicity. The aim of the study was to understand more about adolescents' experiences of how ethnicity is addressed in schools, on social media, and in sports. Six focus groups with a total of 21 adolescents ( M age = 14.5, SD age = 0.5, female = 76%) discussed their experiences. Data were transcribed verbatim and analyzed using a close‐to‐data, inductive thematic analysis. The analysis resulted in three main themes and seven subthemes, indicating that ethnicity was addressed differently in the three studied contexts. For the main theme of how ethnicity was addressed in schools, the subthemes were: Addressing ethnicity is important ; Ethnicity is addressed through stereotypes and Everyday racism . The main theme of ethnicity on social media consisted of two subthemes: Sharing ethnic and cultural narratives and Hateful remarks . The main theme of ethnicity in sports also consisted of two subthemes: On equal terms and Clear consequences for racist behaviors . To better understand the multiple contexts, the results are discussed guided by the ecological systems theory. The adolescents highlighted that there are many benefits of addressing ethnicity and that it is important to do so in multiple contexts of adolescent life, just not in the same way. When ethnicity was addressed carelessly, such as through stereotypes or via racism masked as jokes, it had the potential to cause harm. When ethnicity was addressed with reflection, it instead had the potential to build understanding, lead to positive experiences, and provide learning opportunities.
Antifeminist groups have made extensive use of online platforms to mobilise and spread their political ideas. Existing studies of online antifeminism tend to focus their analyses primarily on how masculinities are constructed through antifeminist discourses. This article takes a different approach by exploring how the social position of antifeminist political players is related to their effective use of online platforms. Through an empirical study of an influential antifeminist blogosphere that emerged in Sweden in the mid-2000s, it is shown how the mostly anonymous antifeminist bloggers are, in fact, well-resourced activists who, due to their educational resources and communicative skills, could effectively use political blogs to promote their cause. Consequently, despite their claims of being marginalised and victimised, these predominantly male antifeminist activists actually occupy a privileged position in relation to historically marginalised groups, a position that affords them new possibilities to attack feminist achievements and actors through online platforms.
Talking one day with Logan sitting down on a bench in Morningside Park in Manhattan, I’m remembering out loud the National Convention for At-Home Dads that I attended the week before that occurred in another state. This is an event that is organized yearly or every two years and that had been going on since the late 2000s. Logan did not go that year. Very much like the previous ones, out of 130 fathers, the large majority was White, middle-class, heterosexual, and married, with a small minority of gay men and an even smaller minority of men of color. I comment on how many fathers approached me during times between sessions, handing me business cards, indicating what they do in addition to being an at-home dad, cards with either the name of their parenting blogs, podcasts, their degrees, or what job they do outside of staying home (see Fig. 3.1). Logan reacts by saying
[Abstract]
This paper adopts a repertoire approach to studying inequalities in political use of social media, focusing on patterns of political behavior on Facebook. A Latent Class Analysis of a 2016 two-wave survey of Americans identified four distinct political repertoires on Facebook; 1) Disengaged, 2) All-engaged, 3) Expressers (only likely to do expressive behaviors) and 4) Likers (only likely to “like” content). Using these classes of users, we re-examined prominent hypotheses in the literature related to whether political social media use is a) stratified by education and political interest and b) associated with increased political knowledge and participation.
המחקר מאפיין את המשתתפים הערבים בתוכניות לצמצום אי־השוויון
הדיגיטלי, ובודק את השפעות ההשתתפות בהכשרות מעין אלה לטווח הקצר ולטווח
הארוך
Psycho-social dispositions and parental influence are central in early status attainment models. We apply the Social Structure and Personality framework to investigate the contributions of adolescents’ psycho-social dispositions to social mobility, and then the contributions of parents’ socioeconomic status (SES) and parenting to adolescents’ psycho-social dispositions. The Kaplan Longitudinal and Multigenerational Study includes data on two generations of respondents: the first generation of respondents was observed from seventh grade in 1971 until midlife, and the second generation, their children, was observed from adolescence to young adulthood. We find that upward social mobility is inhibited by poor psycho-social dispositions, particularly by negative self-feelings. SES, in turn, also affects psycho-social dispositions. Family income is more relevant than parental education for adolescents’ locus of control, while parental education is more relevant (i.e., variance explained) for adolescents’ negative self-feelings. Finally, our findings indicate that parenting can disrupt the cycle of social reproduction, with lower SES adolescents exhibiting lower levels of negative self-feelings if their parents are more attached or less authoritarian.
This paper explores how social capital (Bourdieu and Coleman) facilitates students’ access to postgraduate education at a University in the south of China as a case study. The study comprised an initial survey of 381 first-year postgraduate students. 30 participants were subsequently interviewed. Social capital and the related Chinese concept of guanxi informed the analysis of the data. The result reveals that students from different social backgrounds employ different forms of social capital and guanxi networks in their decision-making about postgraduate education. It contributes to the conceptualization and generation of social capital through guanxi in the Chinese educational context.
Is social media usage related to the acceptance of Arab women in community leadership? Since the Arab Spring, many have linked information communication technology (ICTs) with fast-moving political transitions, but their implications for widespread attitudinal shifts empowering women remain unclear. We use nationally representative survey data from Qatar to explore the relationship between social media and women's empowerment. Findings indicate that social media usage is related to increased support for women in community leadership among Qatari females but not males. Women are using social media to engage with the public sphere, even where political activism has not been common.
Digital-inclusion policy in the United States has historically emphasized home broadband access as both its policy priority and goal. Supplying households with broadband access may not do much to improve the ability of individuals to make meaningful use of the Internet, however, since it provides Internet access with little social context beyond the family. Drawing on Bourdieu's concepts of disposition, habitus, and multiple forms of capital, this paper endeavors to situate Internet use in its broader social context and explores the importance of institutional access, Internet use at work or school, in developing the dispositions and competencies needed to use the Internet in instrumental ways, such as applying for educational programs or communicating with governments. Through descriptive statistics, it identifies which segments of a US city lack institutional access, and, using multivariate analysis, it highlights the role institutional access plays in developing these abilities and its role in further inequality.
Kenya has, over the years, made significant strides in the ICT sector and its name has become synonymous with ICT innovations. The internet has contributed significantly to the social, political, and economic well-being of its citizens. The use of social media platforms in agitating for socio-political change (activism) is an example of how important internet technologies have become in Kenya. Using social media for activism involves cultural production of various forms of media (textual, video, images) content in discussions and arguments. A critical look at this content reveals various class constructs, social stratifications, and identities. This chapter will, therefore, aim at interrogating how content produced on social media during activism contributes to constructing these social, economic, political, and geographical constructs, which in turn shapes participation in social activism. There is a thin literature on the contribution of social media in interrogating class constructs in activism; this chapter aims at filling this gap. Data are generated from interviews and social media content from three activisms (#OccupyPlayground, #OccupyParliament, and #IEBCMustGo), which happened in Kenya’s recent past.
An increasing number of organizations seek to address the climate-development challenge in multiple ways. These "climate-development organizations" (CDOs) are found at different levels: from the international organizations of the UN system through national ministries to local governments and community organizations. Information and communication technologies (ICTs) have also been recognized as playing an important role in climate-development. To local CDOs in developing countries, however, this presents not only technology access and capacity issues but also strategic and governance challenges; the more so since-to date-there have been few frameworks on how CDOs could effectively build ICTs onto their interventions and governance. This paper advances a conceptual structure that provides CDOs guidance on how to build better "informational governance for climate-development," based on arrangements, frameworks, coordination, and accountability. This framework presents questions that organizations can use to achieve better informational governance for climate-development.
Mommy blogs and social media platform Facebook are two ways that 21st century mothers today share their experiences digitally via the ‘momosphere’. However, this is often another form in which white femininity is reproduced in popular culture. (Socially privileged white women have the most monetary resources, leisure time, education, and jobs encouraging or requiring the use of technology, resulting in their being the most technology fluent.) In many ways, such writings continue the trend of ‘intensive mothering’, which is Sharon Hays’ widely adopted term for a woman whose identity revolves around her children. It is also similar to what Susan Douglas and Meredith Michaels call the ‘new momism’. White notions of mother-guilt and fear of mother-blame are countered by attempts to perform the good mother role online and seek validation. Especially mothers lacking in a meaningful community of friends or family gravitate toward this artificial online community. While progress has begun in mothers feeling validated to share their private maternal lives in public realms, there is still work to be done regarding how women feel they can and cannot represent their maternal selves. Unless mothers learn to deconstruct mainstream ideologies of motherhood, they will continue to uphold them in their online personas.
תכנית להב"ה היא הגדולה בישראל לגישור על אי-השוויון הדיגיטלי. במסגרת המחקר נסקרה הספרות אודות משתנים הקשורים לאי-השוויון הדיגיטלי ותכניות המיועדות לגישורו, נבדקו המאפיינים של הפונים למרכזי להב"ה (פרק 3), וכיצד המשתתפים נתרמים מהפרויקט בטווח הזמן הקצר (פרקים 4 ו-5). כמו כן נבדקו התפיסות של המשתתפים שסיימו את הקורס לפני שנה ומעלה, אודות התרומה של הקורס במגוון היבטים (פרק 6).
This paper is an assessment of what we know empirically about how communication technologies are being used by young people (typically defined as those between the ages of 18 and 29) as both platforms and pathways for civic and political engagement. An overview of existing research is utilized as the basis for this investigation. Research on this topic is limited in several ways, including its failure to acknowledge the distinction between individuals who are engaged merely by using communication technologies (technology as a platform for participation) versus those who are engaged beyond the exclusive use of communication technologies (technology as a pathway for participation). Understanding this distinction can better enable scholars, policy-makers, and practitioners to develop inclusive strategies for engaging young people. The authors' analysis reveals that recent research demonstrates that new technologies can serve as both platforms and pathways for civic and political engagement, and, with this distinction in mind, they provide recommendations to policy- and decision-makers and scholars interested in this issue.
Advances in technology have made access to information about library holdings a seemingly universal feature of interaction with modern libraries. However, this type of access does not exist evenly throughout the world. There is a vast “hidden heritage” contained in Arab libraries without online public access catalogs. This article reports and summarizes findings from research conducted as part of a year-long investigation into international library collaboration in Arab libraries. The research included: (a) a survey of online presence for Arab libraries, (b) a survey of Arab librarians, and (c) focused panel discussions with Arab librarians and library scholars. This study finds that the relatively small online presence of libraries cannot be explained by material factors alone: institutional factors also play an important role in keeping information about library collections offline.
What is the relationship between social class and online participation in social movements? Scholars suggest that low costs to digital activism broaden participation and challenge conventional collective action theories, but given the digital divide, little is known about cost variation across social movement organizations from different social classes. A focus on high levels of digital engagement and extraordinary events leaves scant information about the effect of social class on digital mobilization patterns and everyday practices within and across organizations. This study takes a field-level approach to incorporate all groups involved in one statewide political issue, thereby including organizations with different social class compositions, from Tea Parties to labor unions. Data collection spans online and off-line digital activism practices. With an index to measure digital engagement from an original data set of over 90,000 online posts, findings show deep digital activism inequalities between working-class and middle/upper-class groups. In-depth interviews and ethnographic observations reveal that the mechanisms of this digital activism gap are organizational resources, along with individual disparities in access, skills, empowerment and time. These factors create high costs of online participation for working-class groups. Rather than reduced costs equalizing online participation, substantial costs contribute to digital activism inequality. © The Author 2018. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the Society for the Study of Social Problems. All rights reserved.
Social problems theory has yet to fully address the impact that new communication technologies are having on the claims-making process. This article examines the emergence of the blogosphere as a cultural phenomenon that provides claims-makers with a powerful new public arena to advance social problem claims. Using Stephen Hilgartner and Charles Bosk's (1988) public arenas model of social problem construction, blog-generated problem claims are examined to analyze how Internet driven social problems compete for public attention. Findings suggest that blogs make the claims-making process more efficient, offer expanded carrying capacity compared to traditional arenas, and provide outsider claims-makers with greater opportunity to have a voice in social problems construction. Still, only a small number of blogs have become recognized as claims-making arenas; they still rely on traditional principles of selection; and bloggers face the same competition for mainstream media attention as claims-makers using traditional arenas.
While American teenagers are often presumed to be uniformly ‘wired’, in reality, segments of the youth population lack high-quality, high-autonomy internet access. Taking a uniquely holistic approach that situates new media use within respondents’ larger lifeworlds, this study examines the effects of digital inequality on economically disadvantaged American youth. Analyzing primary survey and interview data, findings reveal the roles played by spatial‐temporal constraints and emotional costs in creating disparities in usage and skills among differently situated respondents. A close examination of the interview material discloses a dramatic divergence in the informational orientation or habitus internalized by respondents with more- and less-constrained internet access. Drawing on Bourdieu's concept of skholè, the work outlines the differences between the playful or exploratory stance adopted by those with high-quality internet access and the task-oriented stance assumed by those with low-quality internet access. Analysis reveals that those with low-autonomy, low-quality access enact a ‘taste for the necessary’ in their rationing of internet use to avoid what they perceive as ‘wasteful’ activities with no immediate payoff. The article closes with an eye to developing a theory of information habitus, a potentially invaluable concept in future research on digital inequality.
Given the rapid changes in the communication landscape brought about by participative Internet use and social media, it is important to develop a better understanding of these technologies and their impact on health communication. The first step in this effort is to identify the characteristics of current social media users. Up-to-date reporting of current social media use will help monitor the growth of social media and inform health promotion/communication efforts aiming to effectively utilize social media.
The purpose of the study is to identify the sociodemographic and health-related factors associated with current adult social media users in the United States.
Data came from the 2007 iteration of the Health Information National Trends Study (HINTS, N = 7674). HINTS is a nationally representative cross-sectional survey on health-related communication trends and practices. Survey respondents who reported having accessed the Internet (N = 5078) were asked whether, over the past year, they had (1) participated in an online support group, (2) written in a blog, (3) visited a social networking site. Bivariate and multivariate logistic regression analyses were conducted to identify predictors of each type of social media use.
Approximately 69% of US adults reported having access to the Internet in 2007. Among Internet users, 5% participated in an online support group, 7% reported blogging, and 23% used a social networking site. Multivariate analysis found that younger age was the only significant predictor of blogging and social networking site participation; a statistically significant linear relationship was observed, with younger categories reporting more frequent use. Younger age, poorer subjective health, and a personal cancer experience predicted support group participation. In general, social media are penetrating the US population independent of education, race/ethnicity, or health care access.
Recent growth of social media is not uniformly distributed across age groups; therefore, health communication programs utilizing social media must first consider the age of the targeted population to help ensure that messages reach the intended audience. While racial/ethnic and health status-related disparities exist in Internet access, among those with Internet access, these characteristics do not affect social media use. This finding suggests that the new technologies, represented by social media, may be changing the communication pattern throughout the United States.
There is widespread concern that the growth of the Internet is exacerbating inequalities between the information rich and poor. Digital Divide examines access and use of the Internet in 179 nations world-wide. A global divide is evident between industrialized and developing societies. A social divide is apparent between rich and poor within each nation. Within the online community, evidence for a democratic divide is emerging between those who do and do not use Internet resources to engage and participate in public life. Part I outlines the theoretical debate between cyber-optimists who see the Internet as the great leveler. Part II examines the virtual political system and the way that representative institutions have responded to new opportunities on the Internet. Part III analyzes how the public has responded to these opportunities in Europe and the United States and develops the civic engagement model to explain patterns of participation via the Internet.
Omi and Winant examine the creation and negotiation of race's role in identify construction, contestation, and deconstruction. Since no biological basis exists for the signification of racial differences, the authors discuss racial hierarchies in terms of a "racial formation," which is a process by which racial categories are created, accepted, altered, or destroyed. This theory assumes that society contains various racial projects to which all people are subjected. The role that race plays in social stratification secures its place as a political phenomenon in the United States. This stratification is tantamount to what Omi and Winant call "racial dictatorship," which has three effects. First, the identity "American" is conflated with the racial identity "white." Second, the "color line" becomes a fundamental division in American society. Finally, oppositional racial consciousness became consolidated in opposition to racial dictatorship.
Logistic response models of the effects of parental socioeconomic characteristics and family structure on the probability of making selected school transitions for white American males are estimated by maximum likelihood using the 1973 Occupational Changes in a Generation Survey data. As a consequence of differential attrition patterns, parental socioeconomic effects decline sharply from the earliest school transitions to the latest. Estimated effects of parental income on grade progression decline by more than 50 percent between elementary school and college.
The Deepening Divide: Inequality in the Information Society explains why the digital divide is still widening and, in advanced high-tech societies, deepening. Taken from an international perspective, the book offers full coverage of the literature and research and a theoretical framework from which to analyze and approach the issue. Where most books on the digital divide only describe and analyze the issue, Jan van Dijk presents 26 policy perspectives and instruments designed to close the divide itself.
Following a review of the history and sources of socioeconomic indexes for occupations, we estimate a new set of indexes for 1990 Census occupation lines, based on relationships between the prestige ratings obtained by Nakao and Treas in the 1989 General Social Survey and characteristics of occupational incumbents in the 1990 Census. We also investigate theoretical and empirical relationships among socioeconomic and prestige indexes, using data from the 1994 General Social Survey. Many common occupations, especially those held by women, do not fit the typical relationships among prestige, education, and earnings. The fit between prestige and socioeconomic characteristics of occupations can be improved by statistical transformation of the variables. However, in rudimentary models of occupational stratification, prestige-validated socioeconomic indexes are of limited value. They give too much weight to occupational earnings, and they ignore intergenerational relationships between occupational education and occupational earnings. Levels of occupational education appear to define the main dimension of occupational persistence across and within generations. We conclude that composite indexes of occupational socioeconomic status are scientifically obsolete.
In this article we analyse the emergence of Internet activity addressing the experiences of young people in two British communities: South Asian and Chinese. We focus on two web sites: http://www.barficulture.com and http://www.britishbornchinese.org.uk, drawing on interviews with site editors, content analysis of the discussion forums, and E-mail exchanges with site users.
Our analysis of these two web sites shows how collective identities still matter, being redefined rather than erased by online interaction. We understand the site content through the notion of reflexive racialisation. We use this term to modify the stress given to individualisation in accounts of reflexive modernisation. In addition we question the allocation of racialised meaning from above implied by the concept of racialisation. Internet discussion forums can act as witnesses to social inequalities and through sharing experiences of racism and marginalisation, an oppositional social perspective may develop.
The online exchanges have had offline consequences: social gatherings, charitable donations and campaigns against adverse media representations. These web sites have begun to change the terms of engagement between these ethnic groups and the wider society, and they have considerable potential to develop new forms of social action.
From the Publisher:
Digital Divide examines access and use of the Internet in 179 nations world-wide. A global divide is evident between industrialized and developing societies. A social divide is apparent between rich and poor within each nation. Within the online community, evidence for a democratic divide is emerging between those who do and do not use Internet resources to engage and participate in public life. Part I outlines the theoretical debate between cyber-optimists who see the Internet as the great leveler. Part II examines the virtual political system and the way that representative institutions have responded to new opportunities on the Internet. Part III analyzes how the public has responded to these opportunities in Europe and the United States and develops the civic engagement model to explain patterns of participation via the Internet.
How does class intersect with claims of digital democracy? Most digital inequality research focuses on digital consumption or participation, but this study uses a production lens to examine who is creating digital content for the public sphere. My results point to a class-based gap among producers of online content. A critical mechanism of this inequality is control of digital tools and an elite Internet-in-practice and information habitus to use the Internet. Using survey data of American adults, I apply a logit analysis of 10 production activities—from Web sites and blogs to discussion forums and social media sites. Even among people who are already online, a digital production gap challenges theories that the Internet creates an egalitarian public sphere. Instead, digital production inequality suggests that elite voices still dominate in the new digital commons.
This article examines recent U.S. Census Bureau data to test the hypothesis that the diffusion of the Internet is becoming more rather than less polarized by family income in the United States. Using multiple logistic regression and other odds-based analyses to assess Internet access in the United States from 1997 to 2003, this analysis finds that the odds of access increased most rapidly for individuals at highest family income levels and most slowly for individuals with the lowest income levels. These differential rates of diffusion, combined with an overall slowing of the diffusion of Internet use since 2001, suggest that it may be 2009 before a majority of lowestincome Americans use the Internet. The slow diffusion among low-income groups is not apparent in comparable assessments of Internet diffusion in European countries.
Logistic response models of the effects of parental socioeconomic characteristics and family structure on the probability of making selected school transitions for white American males are estimated by maximum likelihood using the 1973 Occupational Changes in a Generation Survey data. As a consequence of differential attrition patterns, parental socioeconomic effects decline sharply from the earliest school transitions to the latest. Estimated effects of parental income on grade progression decline by more than 50 percent between elementary school and college.
Preface: Cultural Production in a Digital Age - Eric Klinenberg and Claudio Benzecry Global Networks and the Effects on Culture - Alexander R. Galloway Multiple Media, Convergent Processes, and Divergent Products: Organizational Innovation in Digital Media Production at a European Firm - Pablo J. Boczkowski Boczkowski and Jose A. Ferris Convergence: News Production in a Digital Age - Eric Klinenberg Digital Gambling: The Coincidence of Desire and Design - Natasha Dow Schull Mobilizing Fun in the Production and Consumption of Children's Software - Mizuko Ito Audience Construction and Culture Production: Marketing Surveillance in the Digital Age - Joseph Turow Remote Control: The Rise of Electronic Cultural Policy - Siva Vaidhyanathan The Changing Place of Cultural Production: The Location of Social Networks in a Digital Media Industry - Gina Neff Deep Democracy, Thin Citizenship: The Impact of Digital Media in Political Campaign Strategy - Philip N. Howard Organizing Technologies: Genre Forms of Online Civic Association in Eastern Europe - Balazs Vedres, Laszlo Bruszt, and David Stark The New Digital Media and Activist Networking within Anti-Corporate Globalization Movements - Jeffrey S. Juris Book Review Essay A Digital Revolution? A Reassessment of New Media and Cultural Production in the Digital Age - David Grazian
This article deals with the rise of prosumer capitalism. Prosumption involves both production and consumption rather than focusing on either one (production) or the other (consumption). It is maintained that earlier forms of capitalism (producer and consumer capitalism) were themselves characterized by prosumption. Given the recent explosion of user-generated content online, we have reason to see prosumption as increasingly central. In prosumer capitalism, control and exploitation take on a different character than in the other forms of capitalism: there is a trend toward unpaid rather than paid labor and toward offering products at no cost, and the system is marked by a new abundance where scarcity once predominated. These trends suggest the possibility of a new, prosumer, capitalism.
The user-generated Web provides new tools for participation by creating content. Drawing from uses and gratifications and social identity gratifications paradigms, the authors investigated quantitatively the differentiated uses of participatory technologies among diverse racial and ethnic groups of college students. Using qualitative techniques, we also explored the different discourses and meanings these social groups attach to these tools. A survey showed that among online users, minority groups – African-Americans, Latinos, and Asians – tend to create online content more frequently than white students. Four focus groups with different racial and ethnic groups revealed that the meanings attached to these participatory tools differ. Although three main principles emerged as organizing discourses – connecting, enacting the self, and struggling – these themes were framed differently. For instance, while social connection with friends and family was mentioned across all groups, connecting with niche communities emerged among minorities; they valued these tools as an opportunity to connect with communities to which they share identities and their voices are relevant. The authors also found that although these tools open the opportunity of representing the self for everyone, different groups framed this possibility differently. While African-Americans highlighted the idea of self-expression, that is, expressing their inner thoughts and culture to others, white students focused more prominently on instrumental reasons such as promoting their work. Finally, all groups, except African-Americans, expressed their struggles with the problems that emerge when nobody controls the creation of content such as hostile or ‘immature’ interactions.
What is the impact of the possibility of political participation on the Internet on long-standing patterns of participatory inequality in American politics? An August 2008 representative survey of Americans conducted by the Pew Internet and American Life Project provides little evidence that there has been any change in the extent to which political participation is stratified by socio-economic status, but it suggests that the web has ameliorated the well-known participatory deficit among those who have just joined the electorate. Even when only that subset of the population with Internet access is considered, participatory acts such as contributing to candidates, contacting officials, signing a political petition, or communicating with political groups are as stratified socio-economically when done on the web as when done offline. The story is different for stratification by age where historically younger people have been less engaged than older people in most forms of political participation. Young adults are much more likely than their elders to be comfortable with electronic technologies and to use the Internet, but among Internet users, the young are not especially politically active. How these trends play out in the future depends on what happens to the current Web-savvy younger generation and the cohorts that follow and on the rapidly developing political capacities of the Web. Stay logged on …
Grassroots journalists are dismantling Big Media's monopoly on the news, transforming it from a lecture to a conversation. Not content to accept the news as reported, these readers-turned-reporters are publishing in real time to a worldwide audience via the Internet. The impact of their work is just beginning to be felt by professional journalists, the newsmakers they cover and especially the former audience, which is now part of the process. The tools are still in the early stages, however, creating substantial needs - and opportunities - for technologist and the new grassroots journalists.
This study explored factors that predict online content creation among college students. A Web-based survey revealed that there are differences by gender, race, and age even among this wired group. Drawing from literature on technology adoption, the digital divide, and self-determination theory, this study found that psychological factors–perceived competence and both extrinsic and intrinsic motivations–predict content creation. Among the experience variables, having a computer in the students' own room is associated with content creation when controlling for all other factors. The gender divide disappears when experience, skills, perceived competence, and intrinsic motivation are considered. Finally, a new racial gap emerged; whites are less likely than minorities to participate in the Web even after controlling for all other variables.
An earlier version of this paper received an award in the Jung-Sook Lee Student Paper Competition of the Communication and Technology Division, Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication annual conference, Boston, August, 2009. The author would like to thank Sebastián Valenzuela and Dr. Paula Poindexter for their helpful comments.
Are there systematic differences between people who use social network sites and those who stay away, despite a familiarity with them? Based on data from a survey administered to a diverse group of young adults, this article looks at the predictors of SNS usage, with particular focus on Facebook, MySpace, Xanga, and Friendster. Findings suggest that use of such sites is not randomly distributed across a group of highly wired users. A person’s gender, race and ethnicity, and parental educational background are all associated with use, but in most cases only when the aggregate concept of social network sites is disaggregated by service. Additionally, people with more experience and autonomy of use are more likely to be users of such sites. Unequal participation based on user background suggests that differential adoption of such services may be contributing to digital inequality.
Available online at http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/store/10.1111/j.1083-6101.2009.01439.x/asset/j.1083-6101.2009.01439.x.pdf;jsessionid=60EE03A45C8F675DC9233170663A5B10.f03t02?v=1&t=hwy2yh3q&s=bfefc5bc2fa1c2cf4deba17dbc59f216ca28a653
The goal of this study was to learn about whether race and gender make a difference in Internet use among U.S. college students. A survey of college students at 40 U.S. higher education institutions was conducted, along with observations and interviews at several Midwestern U.S. universities. For comparison to the general U.S. population a nationwide telephone survey was undertaken. The study presents new data on Internet use among male and female college students, as well as trends in use across racial lines. Data on non-White Hispanic college student users of the Internet provides insight into Internet use among a group that appears to be underrepresented in the literature on college students and Internet use. The data analysis presents a complex picture of differential Internet use along gender lines, one that is generally consistent with the existing scholarly literature. Differential use based on race is a bit more complex. Stronger points of contrast emerge amongst White non-Hispanic, Hispanic, and Black non-Hispanic college students than they do when the respondents are grouped by gender.
From the Publisher:
This ambitious book is an account of the economic and social dynamics of the new age of information. Based on research in the USA, Asia, Latin America, and Europe, it aims to formulate a systematic theory of the information society which takes account of the fundamental effects of information technology on the contemporary world.
The global economy is now characterized by the almost instantaneous flow and exchange of information, capital and cultural communication. These flows order and condition both consumption and production. The networks themselves reflect and create distinctive cultures. Both they and the traffic they carry are largely outside national regulation. Our dependence on the new modes of informational flow gives enormous power to those in a position to control them to control us. The main political arena is now the media, and the media are not politically answerable.
Manuel Castells describes the accelerating pace of innovation and application. He examines the processes of globalization that have marginalized and now threaten to make redundant whole countries and peoples excluded from informational networks. He investigates the culture, institutions and organizations of the network enterprise and the concomitant transformation of work and employment. He points out that in the advanced economies production is now concentrated on an educated section of the population aged between 25 and 40: many economies can do without a third or more of their people. He suggests that the effect of this accelerating trend may be less mass unemployment than the extreme flexibilization of work and individualization of labor, and, in consequence, a highly segmented socialstructure.
The author concludes by examining the effects and implications of technological change on mass media culture ("the culture of real virtuality"), on urban life, global politics, and the nature of time and history. Written by one of the worlds leading social thinkers and researchers The Rise of the Network Society is the first of three linked investigations of contemporary global, economic, political and social change. It is a work of outstanding penetration, originality, and importance.
Contrary to initial predictions Internet-mediated forms of communication have not become mediums of mass communication. Traditional
media still reach far more people than even the most popular websites. Still, there is evidence that blogs in particular help
mobilize opinions, and set the agenda for political elites such as journalists and politicians, while providing interested
citizens with a new technology of knowledge as well as a surprisingly effective way to participate in politics. This study
focuses on how the presence of blogs has altered the structure of political communication.
Following a review of the history and sources of socioeconomic indexes for occupations, we estimate a new set of indexes for 1990 Census occupation lines, based on relationships between the prestige ratings obtained by Nakao and Treas in the 1989 General Social Survey and characteristics of occupational incumbents in the 1990 Census. We also investigate theoretical and empirical relationships among socioeconomic and prestige indexes, using data from the 1994 General Social Survey. Many common occupations, especially those held by women, do not fit the typical relationships among prestige, education, and earnings. The fit between prestige and socioeconomic characteristics of occupations can be improved by statistical transformation of the variables. However, in rudimentary models of occupational stratification, prestige-validated socioeconomic indexes are of limited value. They give too much weight to occupational earnings, and they ignore intergenerational relationships between occupat...
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Berkeley and is affiliated with the Berkeley Center for New Media Her research interests focus on the intersection of social media, social class and social movements Address: Department of Sociology
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Jen Schradie is a doctoral candidate in the Department of Sociology at the University of California, Berkeley and is affiliated with the Berkeley Center for New Media. Her research interests focus on the intersection of social media, social class and social movements. Address: Department of Sociology, UC Berkeley, 410 Barrows Hall, Berkeley, CA 94720-1980, USA. [email: schradie@berkeley.edu] THE TREND OF CLASS, RACE AND ETHNICITY IN SOCIAL MEDIA INEQUALITY
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