Article

Advancing Agenda-Setting Theory: The Comparative Strength and New Contingent Conditions of the Two Levels of Agenda-Setting Effects

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Abstract

Survey and content analysis data from the 2004 presidential election were used to examine relative strength of first- and second-level agenda setting. Second-level candidate attributes exert a stronger agenda-setting influence on the public than does the salience of issues. More striking is the difference in effect sizes on voting intention. Respondents' perception of candidates' traits has a stronger agenda-setting effect and is a better predictor of voting intention than candidates' issues stance. Additionally, a new contingent condition for second-level effects was confirmed: negative information has more power to transfer the media's agenda of candidate attributes to the public.

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... McCombs and Shaw (1995), Sabir (2012) define agenda-setting theory as the process whereby the mass media determine what people think and worry about. People tend to view certain concerns as more important than others when they see those issues in the media because it is a phenomenon whereby the media chooses specific topics and presents them frequently and prominently (Denis & Renita, 2009;Domitrova, 2005).Establishing an agenda is also linked to the news media's capacity to concentrate public attention on a small number of important items, such as national concerns, political candidates, or other items (Gennadity, Sebastian &McCombs, 2011).The agenda setting idea was first presented by Muin (2011) and McCombs and Shaw (1995) in their investigations on the ways in which the media influenced public opinion during the 1968 US presidential campaign. They discovered that individuals who ingested the news took an interest in the stories that the media delivered. ...
... Additionally, it is stated (Denis & Renita, 2009) that the affective and substantive dimensions of attributes can be examined in relation to the second level of agenda-setting theory. The affective dimension focuses on the emotional aspects of those attributes, such as whether the tone of those substantive attributes is positive, negative, or neutral. ...
... The affective dimension focuses on the emotional aspects of those attributes, such as whether the tone of those substantive attributes is positive, negative, or neutral. In contrast, the substantive dimensions are concerned with things like personality, which is any individual's way of behaving, and ideology, which is a coherent set of ideas, doctrine, myth, or beliefs that guide an individual (Denis & Renita, 2009). ...
Article
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The purpose of this research was to evaluate the agenda setting theory’s ability to affect and impact voters voting decisions during the 2020 Presidential election in Tanzania. The research specifically aimed to ascertain the agenda setting theory’s dominance on the voting decisions in comparison to other dominant third party factors such as prior knowledge, political affiliations and emotions amongst prospective voters. The research used FGD to collect the qualitative data while a survey procedure was used to gather the quantitative data. A total of five FGD were conducted which comprised of between six to nine informants whereas 478 questionnaires were successful returned and used in the analysis. A purposive sampling procedure was used to identify and select participants for the FGD whereas a simple random sampling technique was used for the survey. The participants for both FGD and survey were gotten from the Voter’s Registration Books (VRB) from each wards. The data collection was conducted between December 2020 and January 2021 in the five wards of Nyamagana district in Mwanza, Tanzania. After data collection, the data were coded and cleaned using the Scientific Package for Social Solutions (SPSS) version 20 before analysis. The frequency count, tables, descriptions, explanations, and simple percentage were used to present the research findings. The findings show that Agenda Setting Theory has slightly lost its power, it has been superseded by pre-existing knowledge (52%) and political party affiliations (27%).
... The first-level agenda-setting theory focuses on "the amount of coverage of an issue" (Wu & Coleman, 2009) and "exploring the media role in deciding what issues the public will be aware of" (Coleman & Wu, 2010). Essentially, this nominal level tells people what to think about through the media. ...
... The second-level agenda setting is also called attribute agenda setting (Balmas & Sheafer, 2010;López-Escobar et al., 1998;Meraz, 2011), which focuses on how the media frames impact the public agenda (McCombs et al., 1997). Second-level agenda setting concentrates on defining the issue (Coleman & Wu, 2010) by exploring the impact of attribute salience, the elements describing objects or people in the news (Wu & Coleman, 2009). This is a shift from the media in- (Balmas & Sheafer, 2010). ...
... This level can divide into two dimensions: substantive, the considerable qualities like appearance, and affective, the emotional (tonal) qualities of the attributes, and proposes that the object's attributes are transferable from the media to the public in a similar way to the salience of issues (Wu & Coleman, 2009 ...
... Agenda setting theory is used to examine the extent to which the media influences the claim relevance of some specific issues within the public domain, encouraging emphasis on such issues and described as first-level agenda setting [29][30] [31]. Agenda setting forms the attitudes, Wu et.al, described this phenomenon as "based on the considerations that are most accessible" in peoples' minds (also called salience) [32]. ...
... The resultant effects can be negative, positive, or neutral. Some media experts believe that the media has the potential to transfer these features of "object" to the general public just as to say the salience of an issue [31] [32]. This is a clear indication that, if journalists report on an issue in a particular means, it may help the general public to remember a particular instance. ...
... On the micro-level, second-level agenda-setting and framing are overlapping though, in view that this stage talks about frames or traits used utilizing journalists in a text. The characteristics of an "object" can be seen as a frame due to the fact it is greater about how something or anybody is portrayed in the media than what is portrayed [31]. The similarity between second-level agenda-setting and framing depends on what definition of framing is used [31]. ...
Article
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Journalism practice in China is unique and different from the rest of the other countries in the world. Many scholars have attributed this to the effective regulatory systems and the structure of the media system thus the six forces controlling media space in China. This study adopted a qualitative condensed thematic analysis technique through in-depth interviews to examine how the regulatory framework in China affects the media ecosystem and constructive journalism practice. Through the snowball technique of sampling, the researchers collected data from fifteen (N=15) senior media professionals working within private and state-owned news outlets in China, to find answers to the nature of the media system in China and how this system has influenced and shaped constructive journalism practice during the COVID-19 pandemic between November and December 2021. One of the key findings of this study indicates that the robust media regulatory system practice in China has resulted in effective interactions among stakeholders, media houses, and journalists within the Chinese media system, which has significantly contributed to attaining effective constructive journalism practices. Again, our findings suggest that the effectiveness and constant interactions of the six forces of the Chinese media system have also helped enforce professionalism, dedication to duty, and patriotism among journalists and different media outlets in China. Finally, our study reveals that the Chinese Media giants such as China Global Television Network (CGTN), China Central Television (CCTV), and China Radio International (CRI) which serve millions of global audiences are very factual in their reportage. To avoid fake news in their reportage, CGTN and China Radio International, for instance, have designed specialized fact-checking programs for their news stories before airing them for public consumption.
... Media and communication studies also have acknowledged negativity bias, that is, negative news is given more attention than positive news (Pratto and John, 1991;Soroka and McAdams, 2015;Wu and Coleman, 2009). A couple of empirical studies specific to foreign countries (Wanta et al., 2004;Zhang and Meadows III, 2012) have found that the more negative news a nation received, the more likely it was that the public would think negatively about that country. ...
... Visibility, as an external characteristic, indicates an object's relation to other objects in terms of attention or prominence (Djerf-Pierre and Shehata, 2017). It reflects the first level agenda setting that can be operationalized by news frequency or the amount of coverage of an issue (McCombs, 2005;Wanta et al., 2004;Wu and Coleman, 2009). High visibility implies high public attention (Jia and Zhang, 2015). ...
... Political psychology studies also argue that negative information regarding politics is more likely to generate negative effects, such as anxiety, that interrupt normal processing. This interruption leads to more attention to the negative information and more time to process it (Marcus et al., 2000;Wu and Coleman, 2009). Thus, we concluded that negative information was more influential than positive information regarding politically related issues like political CI. ...
Article
Although negativity bias is well-documented in media and communication studies, negative news may not always be more influential than positive news. This study adds to the literature by looking at how the positive-negative asymmetry varies with the characteristics of the objects. It examines the media effect on the public perception of three large emerging countries (China, India and South Africa) and their firms. The results indicate that both negative news and positive news influenced respondents’ evaluation of country image and firm attractiveness; the negativity bias was associated with political country image, and the positivity bias was associated with eco-technological country image, affective country image and firm attractiveness; the effect size of media salience on affective country image was higher than on eco-technological and political country image. Comparing the three countries, the study also found that national economic and political development level and international relations were relevant to understanding media salience and public perception of foreign countries.
... The media also decide what properties, qualities and characteristics of the issues in the news they will discuss, and what tone to assign those attributes (Wu and Coleman, 2009). This process is called second-level agenda-setting and allows the media to influence how audiences think of subjects or issues at hand (McCombs et al., 1997). ...
... These 249 "later" messages were published between March 30 and October 30, during daylight savings time in Europe (China does not observe daylight savings time). These details suggest planned messaging, most likely in an attempt to primarily influence followers and shape the conversation about the event in Western societies (Wu and Coleman, 2009). From a third-level agenda-setting standpoint, these messages indeed contributed nodes and data points that influenced popular perceptions and attributions about the Winter Olympics in Beijing (Guo, 2012). ...
Article
Purpose The 2022 Olympic Winter Games in Beijing were the first sporting mega-event held in a country that limits access to popular Western social networks. Since both domestic and international audiences were crucial for the organizers, the purpose of this study was to identify similarities and differences in content published and engagement generated on the event’s official social media accounts in the months preceding the Olympics. Design/methodology/approach For 1,200 consecutive original posts published on Facebook, Sina Weibo and Twitter, we coded the time of publication, motivation targeted by the message according to Raney’s typology of motivations for sport spectatorship, multimedia additions and number of likes/reactions, comments and shares. Findings All accounts were dominated by posts targeting cognitive motivations. The Weibo profile was much more active and followed. There, 71.5% of content conveyed learning, while the most engaging content provided entertainment. Content on Western networks was more varied but virtually duplicated across networks. The most engaging posts targeted euphoric stress, escape and aesthetic pleasure. Comparable content elicited different engagement on Chinese and Western social media. Graphics and video were the most engaging features on all networks; polls were the least engaging. Research limitations/implications Agenda-setting effects of social media content differ across cultures and are co-created by user comments. Originality/value To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this is the first cross-cultural comparison of pre-event social media promotion by non-Western sporting mega-event hosts. Organizers diversified content strategies to cater to different audiences and pursue different policy goals. We proved cultural differences in content preference and engagement and showed the relevance of Raney’s typology of sport spectatorship for social media.
... We will do so by theorizing the role of sentiment, which refers to the tone (positive/negative/neutral) of coverage toward agencies (i.e., is the agency assigned responsibility in some way for a positive or negative incident, or is it merely mentioned and/or described in neutral terms-see supplementary materials for further insight). The theory of affective intelligence states that negative news is more likely to produce (strong) emotions, which triggers political judgment among the public, and incentivizes legislators to demonstrate their responsiveness to public demands (Hester & Gibson, 2003;Wanta et al., 2004;Wu & Coleman, 2009). Given that people are more likely to focus on preventing loss than obtaining potential gains, negative news will evoke a stronger attitudinal response than positive news (Jonkman et al., 2020;Kahneman & Tversky, 1979). ...
... Though our results show that the attention-triggering influence of negative news coverage extended beyond negative parliamentary questions, and were also related to both increases in positive and neutral parliamentary questions. This finding supports the theory of affective intelligence which argues for the emotion-triggering role of negative news, which triggers political judgment among the public, and incentivizes legislators to demonstrate their responsiveness to public demands (Hester & Gibson, 2003;Wanta et al., 2004;Wu & Coleman, 2009). It also echoes previous political agenda-setting scholarship on the attention-increasing potential of negativity, conflict, and controversy (Kingdon, 1973;Sevenans & Vliegenthart, 2015;Thesen, 2013). ...
Article
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The news media frame political debate about public agencies, and enable legislators with incomplete information to monitor and act upon agency (mal)performance. While studies show that the news media matters for parliamentary attention, the contingent nature of this relation has been understudied. Building on agenda‐setting theory, this study theorizes that the effect of newspaper coverage is contingent on the sentiment of coverage, the majority vs. opposition role of legislators, and the locus (committee vs. plenaries) of parliamentary questions. Supervised machine learning methods allow to code sentiment towards agencies in newspapers and parliament, after which a balanced panel relates these data to the questioning behavior of legislators in parliament over time. Results show that media attention for public agencies precedes parliamentary attention. Sentiment matters, as positive media attention, was related to (positive) parliamentary attention in the same month. Negative media attention had broader and more enduring influences on parliamentary questioning behavior.
... This is because the media can influence news consumers through agenda setting and framing effects. It has been established that the ability of the media to set an agenda is not only determined by the attention given through coverage but also through how news consumers feel about the issue (Wu & Coleman, 2009). This implies that it takes both the level of attention the Ghanaian media generate on their insecurity and the feelings their coverage arouse through the framing of the problem of journalists' insecurity for media effects to occur. ...
... It is important to note that whereas agenda setting is concerned with attention to the issue (Baran &Davis, 2012;Griffin, 2003;Grossberg et al., 2005;Kwansah-Aidoo, 2005;Little John & Foss, 2011;Overholser and Jamieson, 2005), framing is with how the issue is portrayed (Entman, 1993;D'Angelo, 2002;Gross, 2008) and the kind of frame used also determines attribution of responsibility (Gross, 2008;Inyengar, 1990;1991;Hart, 2011). However, it has been established that the ability of the media to set an agenda is not only determined by the attention given through coverage but also through how news consumers feel about the issue (Wu & Coleman, 2009). This implies that it takes both the level of attention the Ghanaian media to generate on their insecurity and the feelings they arouse towards the issue through their framing of the question for media effects to occur. ...
Chapter
Journalist safety is vital to media freedom as it shows stakeholders' duties to protect the media from crime and to guard media freedom. The media have the power to combat problems via coverage, yet evidence submits that journalist insecurity persists in Ghana. So, the study aims to examine how the Ghanaian media are tackling journalist insecurity through coverage. Using agenda-setting and framing theories, content analyses of 66 news stories from newspapers, and five interviews are used to gather data to study the coverage and framing of journalist insecurity in the media and how they tackle threats to media freedom. Thematic analysis of data gathered showed that the newspapers were unable to give prominence to the problem because only 30.60% of total editions gave attention to the issue. Also, the media failed to present journalist insecurity as an issue that needs national attention because only 10.6% of the news stories used thematic frames. This undermines media freedom as it allows journalist insecurity to thrive, hence, failure to advocate journalist safety.
... The first act also addresses the importance of the Phantom Thieves and thus the need to cover the scandal, but also mention the group. First level agenda setting helps explain this by stating media outlets focus a specific amount of coverage on the issue reported (Wu & Coleman, 2009). ...
... Not until the second act does the narrative address second level agenda setting, which states this is what media outlets want the public to "think about" (Wu & Coleman, 2009). They also state that this is more important to the public as the public will translate what they see in a media story regarding the issue. ...
Chapter
This chapter features a game from the Shin Megami Tensei series called Persona 5. This chapter examines how the case of role playing video game Persona 5 depicts agenda setting through the use of an in-game audience-oriented polling systems and comment system in order to understand to a greater degree the ways in which games contribute to our understanding of media processes and explores the idea of fandom as integral to the agenda setting process. The case chapter addressed in this manuscript represents a unique narrative featuring a daily life simulator, a turn-based Japanese role-playing game (JRPG), and complex in-game media vehicles to drive the story.
... 26 dienaskārtības noteikšanas teorijai ir atšķirīgas teorētiskās robežas, teorijas ir saistītas ar dažādiem iznākumiem (problēmas nozīmīguma uztvere -dienaskārtības noteikšanas teorijā pret ziņu problēmas interpretāciju -ierāmēšanas teorijā). 33 Ierāmēšanas teorijā tiek skaidrots ziņu veidošanas process, nevis dienaskārtības veidošanas process. Teorijas pamatā ir pieņēmums, ka temati, kas ir raksturoti ziņu pārskatos, var ietekmēt auditorijas sapratni par šo jautājumu. ...
... Dienaskārtības noteikšanas teorija darbā tiek izmantota kā analītiskā ietvara sastāvdaļa, ļaujot noteikt pētniecisko lauku., Izmantojot teorijas ietvaros definētos konceptus tiek radīta iespēja veidot izpratni par to, kas ir mediju dienaskārtības noteikšana un kā ir iespējams apskatīt mediju analīzes metodes ar trīs dienaskārtības noteikšanas analīzes līmeņu pieejas starpniecību. 33 ...
Article
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Pētnieciskā darba nosaukums ir: “Baltkrievijas 2020. gada prezidentālās vēlēšanas – atainojums Krievijas mediju dienaskārtībā”. Pētījuma ietvaros izvirzītie mērķi ir sekojoši – 1) izpētīt, kā tika atainotas Baltkrievijas prezidentālās vēlēšanas un ar to saistītie notikumi Krievijas medijos 2020. gada augusta, septembra, oktobra mēnešos; 2) izpētīt Krievijas Federācijas sabiedrības attieksmi par Baltkrievijas prezidentālām vēlēšanām un ar vēlēšanām saistītiem notikumiem. Empīriskie dati pētījumā tika iegūti izmantojot kvalitatīvu un kvantitatīvu kontenta analīzi, sabiedriskās domas aptauju un padziļināto interviju analīzi. Pētījuma rezultātā tika izsecināts, ka Krievijas mediju dienaskārtība ietekmēja Krievijas sabiedrības dienaskārtību. Atslēgas vārdi: dienaskārtības noteikšana, Krievijas mediji, Baltkrievijas vēlēšanas, protesti Baltkrievijā.
... This realisation, while subtle, is profound because it highlights that agenda is transferable between topics and news events that share underlying aspects. Developments of agenda-setting also acknowledge the role of affect as a tool to garner attention and thereby increase salience [15,27], however it is often overlooked in empirical studies which consider issue frequency. That notwithstanding, the limited research has validated intuitive findings, such as audiences being more receptive to messaging with negative emotion than to messaging with positive emotion [28]. ...
... The first contribution was therefore to construct a scalable method, using probabilistic topic modelling, to automatically analyse the content of large news corpora to measure the media's agenda. Prior research using probabilistic topic modelling incorporates only topic weights [96,9], which overlooks the impact that framing and valence has on how responsive people are to a message [15,27,99]. The method we proposed, therefore, extends this by incorporating sentiment. ...
Conference Paper
The coexistence of diverse opinions is necessary for a pluralistic society in which people can confront ideas and make informed choices. The media functions as a primary source of information, and diversity across news sources in the media forms the basis for wider discourse in the public. However, due to numerous economic and social pressures, news sources frequently co-orient their content through what is known as intermedia agenda-setting. Past research on the subject has examined relationships between individual news sources. However, to understand emergent behaviour such as opinion diversity, we cannot simply analyse individual relationships in isolation, but instead need to view the media as a complex system of many interacting entities. The aim of this thesis is to develop and empirically test a method for understanding the network effects that intermedia agenda-setting has on the diversity of expressed opinions within the media. Utilising latent signals extracted from news articles, we put forward a methodology for inferring networks that capture how agendas propagate between news sources via the opinions they express on various topics. By applying this approach to a large dataset of news articles published by globally and locally prominent news organisations, we identify how the structure of intermedia networks is indicative of the level of opinion diversity across various topics. We then develop a theoretical model of opinion dynamics in noisy domains that is motivated by the empirical observations of intermedia agenda formation. From this, we derive a general analytical expression for opinion diversity that holds for any network and depends on the network's topology through its spectral properties alone. Finally, we validate the analytical expression in a linear model against empirical data. This thesis aids our understanding of how to model emergent behaviour of the media and promote diversity.
... The opportunity to increase our understanding of nonverbal communication processes is also found in many other theories, in addition to framing. For example, my co-authors and I have identified gaps in our understanding of how nonverbal behaviors of politicians create secondlevel agenda-setting effects (Coleman & Banning, 2006;Coleman & Wu, 2015;Wu & Coleman, 2009. Agenda-setting theory, specifically the second level or affective dimension, was an area that seemed natural for development via nonverbal communication given its focus on "affect," defined as the characteristics and tone that describe people or "objects" in the news, and how people feel about them (Coleman, McCombs, Shaw, & Weaver, 2009). ...
... My colleagues Stephen Banning and Denis Wu and I set out to fill that gap. Since the 2000 U.S. presidential elections, we have been coding the nonverbal behaviors of candidates to understand the second-level agenda-setting effects of this kind of visual information (Coleman & Banning, 2006;Coleman & Wu, 2015;Wu & Coleman, 2009. These studies typically follow the agenda-setting convention of a content analysis paired with a public opinion survey. ...
Article
This is an English translation of a paper published in Chinese, also on this site. It gives instructions for calculating the Janis-Fadner Coefficient of Imbalance -- very useful with visual research. Abstract: Scholarly studies of visuals have become more common in recent years including nonverbal behaviors in the visual corpus. In the first part of this paper, a step-by-step guide to measuring the tone of visuals using the Janis-Fadner Coefficient of Imbalance is offered and examples given. The second part of this essay argues the importance of including nonverbal behaviors in the corpus of research considered as "visual communication." It makes the case for why people's facial expressions, gestures, and body language should be considered as framing devices. In addition, it points out theories that can fruitfully be expanded by a deeper understanding of nonverbal communication processes, and describes some of the common ways to measure nonverbal communication used in journalism and mass communication. To cite this paper: Coleman, R. (2021). Studying visual communication using nonverbal behavior: Opportunities and challenges. Visual Communication Research, 1, 57-77.
... Theoretically, findings of the study fail to support agenda setting and social cognitive theory. As noted by Wu and Coleman (2009), agenda setting has to do with the selection of certain issues (like corruption) and portraying them frequently and prominently, to the point of people perceiving them as more important than others. As shown in this study, all the corruption cases represented constitute less than 3% of the total duration of films analyzed. ...
... Coleman and Banning (2006) in their study about affective visual as 2 nd level agenda setting of Presidential Candidates, described that the second level agenda setting focused on the way characteristics of issue are described rather then what issue is described. Wu and Coleman (2009) while working on advancement of agenda setting found in 2 nd level agenda setting about the characteristics have much stronger effect on audience than salience of issues. Winter and Eyal (1981) measured the correlation between covering one issue and opinion of audience over the time on the same issue. ...
Article
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This study titled, “Agenda setting between Media and Audience on Foreign Policy of Pakistan,” examining the relationship between media and audience agenda on foreign policy of Pakistan of one year (Jan 2017 till Jan 2018). The objective of the study was to measure the correlation between media agenda and audience agenda on foreign policy of Pakistan regarding Pak-US relations on categorized issues. In this study, mixed method was adopted that comprised of two types of analysis. In mixed method content analysis of mainstream newspapers along with survey, comprising of 150 sample size was carried out, purposively. Variables of this research was salience of issues, rank order, frame and slant. Statistical test, Spearman rank order correlation was opted to find out the correlation between media and audience agendas. Findings revealed that hypothesis is partially supported.
... For example, Bowe et al. (2013) find that cognitive attributes of Muslim-related news, such as the desire for peace and racial tolerance, do not exert statistically significant agenda-setting effects on the corresponding attributes in public polls. Research on two candidates' traits as second-level attributes during the 2004 US Presidential election also finds that only one candidate's traits have agendasetting effects on audience perception of attributes (Wu and Coleman, 2009). ...
Article
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This study analyzed “China threat” coverage in US media and examined how such coverage affected public perception of China from 1999 to 2019. We retrieved 15 national polls on perceptions of “China threat” together with 30,795 China-related news articles published before each poll. Media discourse related to “China threat” was coded into ideological, military, and economic second-level agendas using computational methods. We first tracked how “China threat” waxed and waned in media discourse over this period. Second, we examined whether the salience of “China threat” in the media has agenda-setting effects on public opinion. We found the economic threat agenda is correlated with the American public perception of China's threat at a marginally significant level and is significantly correlated with the Democrats’ threat perception.
... Menurut teori agenda setting, media massa memiliki kekuatan besar untuk mempengaruhi publik tentang seberapa penting suatu isu. Media dianggap memiliki kemampuan untuk mengarahkan isu dalam masyarakat dan membuat agenda di mana isu diramu untuk menjadi subjek diskusi masyarakat (Vargo et al., 2014;Wu & Coleman, 2009). Sementara teori framing memandang bahwa ragam berita yang dimuat secara berulang pada media massa dijadikan sebagai tools untuk konstruksi sosial (social construction). ...
Article
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Kecenderungan perilaku calon pemilih pada pemilihan kepala daerah antara lain dipengaruhi oleh konstruksi sosial atas calon yang dibangun oleh masing-masing tim sukses dengan memberikan pesan berulang yang diberitakan di media massa. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendedah upaya-upaya pembentukan citra positif atas calon kepala daerah yang salah satunya melalui publikasi pada media massa. Penelitian dilakukan dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif, dengan desain studi kasus. Data diperoleh dari data publikasi (teks dan foto) tentang calon yang dimuat di media massa selama sekitar 3 bulan (September – Desember) menjelang pemilihan Kepala Daerah Kabupaten Malang Tahun 2020. Data yang berhasil dihimpun selanjutnya dianalisis melalui analisis wacara (content analysis). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa terjadi proses konstruksi realitas sosial atas calon kepala daerah memberikan kontribusi pada kecenderungan perilaku pemilih yang dapat meningkatkan partisipasi politik masyarakat.
... Moreover, the public views any media-prominent topic as the most crucial issue (Wu & Coleman, 2009). Researchers further broadened their study scope by deploying the second level of the agenda setting technique and delving deeply into the efficacy of agenda setting by evaluating the impact of salience, traits, characteristics, and qualities of the item or individuals in the news (McCombs & Ghanem, 1991). ...
Article
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The media's approach of framing news can undoubtedly create certain effects on the emotions and sentiments of society. This often happens in the reporting of news related to environmental disasters, where most of the writing approach uses various framing methods to report the news effectively to the audience. In particular when most of the disaster news reporting is done using conflict framing as the dominant approach. Previous studies found that most news reporting that uses this conflict framing was found to contribute to the formation of negative sentiments among audience. Thus, this motivated the present study to analyse the framing of the online news coverage of the chemical spill in Sungai Kim Kim, Malaysia which is classified as a major disaster that threatened the safety of schoolchildren in Johor. To conduct the study, a quantitative content analysis was used to examine the framing methods used in its online news coverage, followed by a sentiment analysis on public comments on the Facebook news releases to identify the polarity of sentiments. The findings confirm that conflict framing is dominantly used in disaster news coverage and contributes to the formation of negative sentiments in the audience.
... This influences how people perceive and discuss political issues, as well as their behavior (McCombs, 2013;Whannel, 2006;Griffin, 2012). Agenda Setting is also influenced by people's orientation needs and their perception of the relevance and uncertainty of issues (Wu & Coleman, 2009;Valenzuela, 2011). In addition, the relationship between media and audience is dynamic and influenced by digital media and online citizen participation (Grosheck & Grosheck, 2013;Johnson & Perlmutter, 2010). ...
Article
This article examines the role of social media and journalistic media in presidential electoral processes. A systematic review of scientific articles published from 2012 to 2022 was conducted. The results indicate that the media has a significant influence on public perception and the political agenda during election campaigns. Furthermore, the importance of evaluating political leaders in the voters' decision-making process is emphasized. In summary, the article provides valuable insights into how the media can shape the narrative and public opinion during presidential elections.
... Por tanto, la teoría del framing o enmarcado resulta particularmente útil para entender el papel de los medios en la vida política y los efectos en nuestra forma de comprender esta realidad (Rees, 2001). Concretamente, situamos el proceso de framing audiovisual en el segundo nivel de la teoría de establecimiento de la agenda (agenda-setting) donde se examina la importancia de los atributos (attribute salience), cualidades y características que describen a las y los candidatos en las noticias (Wu y Coleman, 2009). En particular, dentro de la dimensión sustantiva relativa a cuestiones relacionadas con la ideología y posicionamiento sobre problemas específicos, experiencia y rasgos de personalidad (McCombs et al., 1997). ...
Article
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Este estudio parte de la teoría del framing para analizar el pluralismo mediático en las coberturas electorales y estudiar los efectos cognitivos en las audiencias. Primero, se utiliza el análisis de contenido cuantitativo para caracterizar la utilización de los códigos mediáticos empleados en la representación audiovisual de las y los candidatos. El análisis se realiza sobre los informativos de mediodía emitidos por La 1, Antena 3, Telecinco y La Sexta, durante la campaña electoral a la Asamblea de Madrid, 2021. Y segundo, se estudian los efectos asociados al framing audiovisual. Para ello se realiza una investigación experimental en una población de jóvenes votantes a través de la confección de ocho piezas informativas. El trabajo adopta una perspectiva de género para determinar los sesgos tanto en el framing audiovisual como en sus efectos. Los resultados constatan la diversidad editorial de las cadenas privadas y el cumplimiento de las restricciones legales en las públicas. Asimismo, contrastan hasta qué punto los medios reflejan el peso político de las candidaturas en función de sus apariciones en los bloques dedicados a sus partidos. Se aprecian también diferencias en la utilización de los códigos mediáticos, pero no aparece intencionalidad editorial. Finalmente, no se deduce un efecto de los códigos mediáticos analizados en los hombres participantes en la valoración de los candidatos o candidatas; pero la valoración del candidato masculino en los grupos de mujeres sí refleja un efecto significativo. El tipo de enfoque de la pieza informativa es la condición que impacta en estas valoraciones.
... Emanating from the work of McCombs and Shaw (1972), agenda-setting theory has been used by scholars to investigate primarily how media has the ability to influence what individuals think about. Agenda-setting theory has received considerable attention in scholarship focused on politics (Guo & Vargo, 2020;Wu & Coleman, 2009) and media studies (Alitavoli & Kaveh, 2018;Boukes, 2019). Though less frequently used to examine sport, scholars have utilized agenda-setting theory to interrogate sport products including the Olympics (Angelini & Billings, 2010;Frederick et al., 2015), Major League Soccer , and the 2010 World Cup (Burch et al., 2011). ...
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This study explored the public’s response to the digital brand launch of the Seattle Kraken. Informed by agenda-setting theory and through content and social media analyses, the study identified the initial digital sentiment around the brand and the reach of the virtual conversations. The Kraken were able to encourage favorable conversation about the team by setting the agenda and encouraging consumers to engage with content at specific times during launch. In the first hour after brand launch, consumers focused conversation on the team, the logo and color scheme, and the effectiveness of the launch video. In the following 24 hr, the conversation remained positive and focused on how the brand positively represented the city and region. Through agenda setting, the Seattle Kraken were able to effectively launch their new brand while also setting the stage for positive brand-association development.
... The media prioritizes those issues by elevating the public's perception of the issue's salience through repeated coverage, thus, setting the agenda for public discourse (M. McCombs & Shaw, 1972;Wu & Coleman, 2009). In intense international conflicts and military confrontations, the media can also work as a propaganda vehicle rallying citizens for the cause (Rampton & Stauber, 2003). ...
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This study examines the impact of media on animosity and the effect that animosity has on destination image and visitation intent. The context is the China–US relations where the US is a country-destination which is the target of animosity in China, as the bilateral relations have been suffering from long-lasting and more current conflicts. We found that media coverage of the newly emerged points of contention related to COVID-19 mainly affects situational animosity but has little influence on general animosity. While visitors and non-visitors to the US had the same exposure to media coverage of the conflict, visitors had more favorable attitudes toward the US. It was also found that in a situation of intense conflict, animosity toward the US not only decreases intent to travel to the US but positively impacts intent to travel domestically and to the in-group countries that were supportive of China during the pandemic.
... Agenda-setting theory describes how news media "sets the public agenda" by altering the salience of topics and their images among the general public (Carroll and McCombs, 2003;Kim et al., 2017). This is usually divided into first-level agenda setting, which refers to what topics become salient, and second-level agenda setting, which refers to how various properties and qualities are communicated within these topics (Wu and Coleman, 2009). Later on, agenda setting theory has been augmented with intermediary agenda-setting, which refers to how issues are transferred from one medium to another, for example between corporate reports and news media stories (Tam, 2015;Cheung et al., 2020). ...
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Purpose Corporate social responsibility (CSR) is an increasingly important issue for service brands in fast fashion retailing, as consumers' negative impressions about retailers' CSR activities influence brand experience. Consumers' impressions of CSR efforts arise based on agendas communicated through many channels from different sources. The paper unravels the ‘wrinkles’, i.e. possible mismatches in CSR communication around service brands by studying differences between the three main sources of fast fashion brand-related CSR agendas: Autonomous company communication, news media and social media postings by consumers. Design/methodology/approach The authors use structural topic modeling (STM) to analyze a corpus of texts focusing on the CSR efforts of three major fast fashion service brands over three years. The texts included 89 items of company communication (CSR reports and press releases), 5,351 news media articles about the brands' CSR efforts and 57,377 consumer generated tweets about the brands. Findings The STM analysis extracted 26 different CRS-related topics from the texts. Results showed differences in how much the three sources emphasized topics. The brands' own communication puts emphasis on environmental responsibility. News media tended to report on economic issues, treatment of employees and specific CSR-related events. Twitter showed more activity in discussing incident-based and emotionally charged topics. Research limitations/implications The results feed into the ongoing discussion about how companies' CSR communication relates to communication in the press and among consumers. The authors highlight themes in the individual topics that are emphasized by the three sources, and discuss how CSR themes emerge in the overall transformative agenda. Practical implications The paper highlights how fast fashion service brands can identify and understand different CSR agendas arising around their brand. Insight into such agendas can be used to tailor the brands' communication strategies. Originality/value The paper contributes to the understanding of the factors behind fashion service brands' CSR reputation, highlighting how the three main sources of CSR reputation (company reports, news and social media) emphasize different types of agendas.
... This theory remains robust recent meta-analysis of 67 peer-reviewed studies confirms that increased coverage of issues is linked to audiences' perceptions of issue importance (Luo et al., 2018). Taking it a step further, second-level agenda setting describes how the portrayal of people or objects in the news can also influence audience views (Wu & Coleman, 2009). Accordingly, understanding what themes or sources news outlets emphasize when covering the INRS may provide insights about how stakeholders think about the INRS and agricultural conservation. ...
... When the negative information focused on other aspects of the candidate's opponent, it was effective. Wu and Coleman (2009) Wanta, Golan, and Lee (2004) found that second-level agenda setting was apparent when individuals' opinions regarding a foreign nation were negatively affected by negative news coverage. This link between negative reports and negative public opinions was also found in a study of media framing of New York City's sugar-sweetened beverage portion-size cap. ...
Article
In this study, I examined the media framing of teachers strikes in Chicago in 2012 and in Seattle in 2015 by analyzing depictions of the people, issues, and events involved in the months before, during, and after the strikes in local media outlets. My findings indicate that the overwhelmingly negative coverage of teachers and their union in Chicago may have impacted the less successful negotiations outcomes, while the mostly positive coverage of teachers and their union in Seattle may have played a role in the more successful negotiated agreement between teachers and the school district.
... At the second level of agenda setting, the media is using language to both frame and evoke feelings about the topic being discussed (Wu and Coleman, 2009;Neuman et al., 2014). It is at this level that the public is influenced about how to feel about the topic as well as the frame in which to understand the topic. ...
Article
Policing agencies are adopting or trialling facial recognition technology (FRT). While the public tend to be sceptical of any new technology, public support is needed for both legitimacy and strong police–citizen relationships. The media can greatly influence not only the public agenda, but also the attitudes and sentiments towards the topic. This study takes an agenda-setting perspective to explore social media’s portrayal of police use of FRT. To do this, a sentiment analysis was conducted of 203 YouTube videos. Overall, the discourse was mostly positive for the use of FRT by police. An examination of the emotional language found high levels of surprise and anticipation along with sadness and fear. Notably, trust was expressed only in low levels. These findings inform the development of police practices and policies when adopting new technologies and the communication strategies of such policies and practices.
... At the second level of agenda-setting, the media is using language to both frame and evoke feelings about the topic being discussed (Wu & Coleman, 2009;Neuman et al., 2014). It is at this level that the public is influenced about how to feel about the topic as well as the frame in which to understand the topic. ...
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Surprise, Anticipation, Sadness, and Fear: A sentiment analysis of social media's portrayal of police use of facial recognition technology Policing agencies are adopting or trialling facial recognition technology (FRT). While the public tend to be sceptical of any new technology, public support is needed for both legitimacy and strong police-citizen relationships. The media can greatly influence not only the public agenda, but also the attitudes and sentiments towards the topic. This study takes an agenda-setting perspective to explore social media's portrayal of police use of FRT. To do this, a sentiment analysis was conducted of 203 YouTube videos. Overall, the discourse was mostly positive for the use of FRT by police. An examination of the emotional language found high levels of surprise and anticipation along with sadness and fear. Notably, trust was expressed only in low levels. These findings inform the development of police practices and policies when adopting new technologies and the communication strategies of such policies and practices.
... Recently, scholars have expanded the theory to the thirdlevel focusing on the transfer of issues and salience from the media network agenda to the public network agenda (Guo and McCombs, 2011). In addition, Wu and Coleman (2009) proposed the "hierarchy of effects theory," suggesting that the second-level agenda (attribute) has more effects on influencing the public agenda than the first-level agenda (issue). However, Luo et al. (2019) used a meta-analysis of agenda-setting and suggested that both the first-level and second-level agenda setting were equally powerful in influencing the public perception of the issues and their attributes. ...
Article
Purpose This study aims to explore multifaceted corporate social responsibility (CSR) covered in popular English newspapers in the UK, USA, mainland China and Hong Kong from 2000 to 2016 via a computer-assisted analytical approach. This study moves the understanding of CSR away from corporate self-reporting to the mass media and raises interesting questions about the role of the news media in presenting CSR as a multifaceted, socially constructed concept. Design/methodology/approach Data were retrieved from CSR-related news articles from 2000 to 2016 that were archived in the LexisNexis database. Guided by the theoretical framework of agenda setting, a computer-assisted content analysis (Latent Dirichlet Allocation) was used to analyze 4,487 CSR-related articles from both business and non-business news sources. Analysis of variance was used to compare salient CSR topics in each country/region. Findings This study identifies newspapers as an alternate to corporations’ attempts to distribute CSR information and construct CSR meaning. The findings revealed that the news communicates a variety of CSR issues that are aligned or beyond what CSR was defined in corporate CSR reporting, as suggested in previous studies. In addition, CSR news coverages differ between the business and nonbusiness news sources. Furthermore, the media tone of CSR coverage significantly differed across the regions and between the business and nonbusiness newspapers. Social implications Emerging topics in CSR news coverage, such as business education, could help companies identify untapped CSR realms in the market. Originality/value This study contributes to CSR communication research by adding a non-corporate perspective regarding what CSR means and should be focused on. The news media presents CSR using a heterogeneous approach as they not only provide surface reports on corporations’ CSR activities but also offer in-depth discussions.
... Media function as the infrastructure of mass mediatized public spheres where public opinion is formed (Habermas 1991). Through agenda-setting, media are in an unparalleled position to influence individual opinions and ultimately public policy choices within the political process (Wu and Coeman 2009). This set up has been further accentuated in recent decades by ongoing digitalization, leading to an eased availability of information and the diversification of media offers. ...
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Public diplomacy programmes with the goal to enhance a country’s reputation and image abroad have become wide-spread practice, also among small states with little geopolitical relevance. News media offer one of the most important platforms of their implementation. But do small states have the leeway to successfully implement their communication strategies on a global scale? Are media-based public diplomacy strategies even an option for those cases? This study assesses these questions based on international media resonance of states. Relating to the theoretical approach of country news value literature, a comparative research design is implemented. It analyses news coverage on the three German-speaking countries Germany, Austria, and Switzerland, performing a multi-level automated text analysis of 11,513 news media articles in Arabic. In accordance with existing empirical and theoretical contributions, it is shown that high-status states have more resonance-based leeway. Nevertheless, media resonance-based leeway of smaller states with lower status is caused differently, i.e. by their political, rather than their economic or military power.
... Runyowa (2013) defines agenda-setting as the process whereby the mass media regulates what we worry about and think. Wu and Coleman (2009) suggest that the candidates' values have a more significant effect during the voting process more than candidates' attitudes towards issues. Also, the second important effect is the negative information reported by the media about candidates' characteristics. ...
... Simply put, the significance of an issue (i.e. treatment, content, and regularity) in the eyes of society is dependent on the level of prominence accorded by the media (Wu and Coleman 2009). The higher the level of attention the media allocates to an issue, the more likely that the public will view it as important (Folarin 1998). ...
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There is an increase in violent clashes between Herdsmen and Farmers in Nigeria. Along with it, there is a growing amount of research that specifically investigates the conflict. Existing research on this topic mostly employed content analysis to understand media coverage of the conflict and often ignored the conflict victims’ perceptions of media performance regarding coverage of the conflict. This study extends previous studies by examining both media reporting and conflict victims’ viewpoints on the coverages. We used a mixed method approach, which combined a quantitative content analysis of news reports and semi-structured interviews with the conflict victims. Our results suggested that both analyses revealed consistent findings. Three key findings were obtained: low prominence, lack of objectivity, and excessive use of negative language/framing of the conflict. Theoretical implications suggested support for the assumption of Agenda Setting Theory in discussing the influence of the media on news prominence and news sources used and Social Responsibility Theory in explaining the journalists’ lack of objectivity and excessive use of negative framing when reporting the conflict. The managerial implication includes our recommendation for conflict reporting in Nigeria to embrace peace journalism.
... The second level deals with the attributes of objects: mentioned repeatedly with some 'labels', issues or public figures are remembered by the audience in the proper context [25]. Meanwhile, proved, that the second level is crucial for the little-known persons whose public image has not constituted yet, and negative attributes affect the attitude to objects much more than positive [26]. Finally, the third level shows how media establishes connections between objects in some cognitive network-like structure [27]. ...
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Fact-checking and journalists professional standards usually are considered to be the best fail-safe against manipulations in media. However, we found that newsmakers are able to manipulate even the audience of so-called ‘high-quality media’ who practice all mentioned approaches. To prove this we have refined the concept of ‘pseudo-event’, introduced by D.J. Boorstin, by defining the term ‘fake newsworthy event’ as an event created by newsmakers, that is high-profile and attractive for media, but the only or particular aim of these actions is an agenda-setting, and this aim is not obvious from the origin of the action. Namely, the member of parliament may file some bill realizing that it cannot be adopted and trying just to shape the public opinion. Or some person may claim against a celebrity or businessman having no chance to win at trial. On the example of Ukrainian ‘high-quality media’ we showed that journalists usually do not take into account whether some topics are launched just for manipulating agenda-setting. To prove that we gathered the data about publications focused on such topics in Ukrainian ‘high-quality media’, we provided their discourse analysis, and compared the result with experts’ evaluations of ‘media quality’ and ‘artificiality rate’ of the topic. We have not found correlations between ‘artificiality’ of the topic and the number of publications. Recommendations were elaborated for the media workers if they want to avoid this type of manipulation.
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This study examines the coverage of adult education (AE) in Tanzania's print media between 2016 and 2021, focusing on four newspapers: Mwananchi, Habari Leo, The Citizen, and Daily News. These newspapers were selected for their diverse contents and national reach. The study adopted a mixed-method approach, combining the Agenda Setting theory with content analysis to examine news, features, editorials, and opinion articles related to AE. Moreover, an explanatory research design was employed, which involved engaging 50 key informants. AE coverage was event-driven, with 60.3% being news articles and 39.7% consisting of features, editorials, and opinions. This coverage contributes to a limited public comprehension of AE, hindering its recognition as an essential part of the national agenda. This study recommends enhancing awareness, providing specialized training and creating pull-outs for AE.
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Despite recurrent observations that media reputations of agencies matter to understand their reform experiences, no studies have theorized and tested the role of sentiment. This study uses novel and advanced BERT language models to detect attributions of responsibility for positive/negative outcomes in media coverage towards 14 Flemish (Belgian) agencies between 2000 and 2015 through supervised machine learning, and connects these data to the Belgian State Administration Database on the structural reforms these agencies experienced. Our results reflect an inverted U-shaped relationship: more negative reputations increase the reform likelihood of agencies, yet up to a certain point at which the reform likelihood drops again. Variations in positive and neutral reputational signals do not impact the reform likelihood of agencies. Our study contributes to understanding the role of reputation as an antecedent of structural reforms. Complementing and enriching existing perspectives, the paper shows how the sentiment in reputational signals accumulates and informs political–administrative decision-makers to engage in structural reforms.
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Purpose As an important part of national governance, the online communication of education policies usually attracts the attention of many subjects, including the public and the media. Existing research mainly focuses on analysing communication behaviour of a single subject. However, with the rapid development of social media, policy information communication is often accompanied by the participation of multiple subjects and forms diversified communication behaviours and interaction patterns. The comprehensive identification of multiple subjects and their interactions can accurately depict the communication process and effectively support the efficient communication of policies. Therefore, this paper aims to conduct fine-grained analysis on the multiple subjects in information communication of the education policy. Design/methodology/approach This paper explored the communication and interaction process of the education policy via multidimensional analysis. Specifically, the authors firstly obtained multi-source communication data to identify key communication subjects. Secondly, the authors mined the communication contents generated by communication subjects to measure the diversified correlations between subjects. Finally, the authors depicted the interaction of subjects in policy information communication. Findings The experimental results reveal that there are multiple key subjects in the policy information communication, and the communication roles of the subjects change with the communication process, including dominance role, one-way or two-way effect role. This further indicates the need to allocate resources dynamically in the process of policy communication. Originality/value Analysing the process of policy communication and identifying the dynamic interaction between communication subjects can provide more a comprehensive and detailed decision-making basis for policy formulation and implementation. In addition, the research ideas and methods presented in this paper expand the perspective of information communication research.
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Corporate social responsibility has received much attention regarding how it can benefit firms and why firms voluntarily address social issues. However, little is known about the problems to which firms choose to pay attention and what influences these decisions. We combine the attention‐based view of the firm and media agenda‐setting theories to propose that firms address the most prominent social issues as determined by the media. We analyze the frequency of 64 social issues in the CSR reports of 258 firms from 2006 to 2016 for a total sample of 86,208 issue‐firm‐year observations. We find that the salience of the problems in traditional media influences the social issues firms address in their CSR reports, and over time, the agenda‐setting effect of traditional media on firms has increased, solidifying traditional media's role as curators of social issues.
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In the context of methodological discussions surrounding the “interdisciplinary turn” and “computational turn” of communication studies and media and journalism studies in particular, this paper raises awareness for corpus linguistics as a specific form of computer-assisted textual analysis with the potential to contribute to these developments. To date, corpus-based approaches have been embraced in media linguistics but have been underestimated in journalism and media studies. This paper argues that such neglect, especially when compared to other computational approaches towards textual analysis, is unwarranted. It examines relevant work from the areas of media linguistics and media and journalism studies and provides practical examples of how linguistic corpora and tools can inform pertinent research. Eventually, corpus-linguistic approaches are posited as an efficient technique for content analysis. They represent a potentially valuable addition to the (digital) methodological toolbox of media and journalism scholars as a useful “middle-ground” empirical approach that does not require extensive computational skills but allows conducting theory-driven work while maintaining control over the data and research procedures. Additionally, they facilitate the integration of quantitative and qualitative perspectives and open avenues for meaningful triangulation with other methods.
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This study provides a comprehensive examination of the primary characteristics of opinion journalism within two prominent newspapers in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Utilizing a content analysis approach, a systematic random sample comprising 560 opinion articles published in 2022 was analyzed from these two printed newspapers in the UAE. The findings unveiled a predominance of male columnists (87%) and a predominant focus on international issues (67%) within opinion journalism featured in the leading UAE newspapers. Interpretation emerged as the primary goal (37%), with political topics ranking highest on the agenda (37%). Noteworthy differences were observed between the newspapers at the individual level, with
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Human trafficking (HT) can lead to other types of crime, such as kidnapping, smuggling, and drug trafficking. According to the 2021 Global Estimates, the number of victims is rapidly growing and in 2021 stood at 49.6 million, which is almost ten million more than in 2016. This study, a quantitative content analysis of press articles in Germany, demonstrates the dynamics of coverage during the pandemic and quarantine measures. Methodologically we rely on Entman’s (1993) four-functional classification, including portraits of victims and perpetrators, moral judgments, remedies, and calls to action. In addition, the connection between the political orientation of the newspapers and the coverage of the topic is revealed. The results show, that media construct their own reality: They create a stereotypical victim and focus on certain types of HT. The topic is given a strong political connotation, and the boundaries between HT and human smuggling are blurring.
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Arab migration to Europe has triggered vast public debate on immigration and European identity. But how do Arabic-speaking groups perceive their European resident countries? This study departs from the crucial role of media arenas in orienting perceptions. Adopting the approach of agenda-setting theory, it analyses news coverage on France and Germany, performing a multilevel text analysis of 3109 news articles in Arabic and relating them to usage data. The analysis of issues showed that France is presented as an active stakeholder in foreign politics, whereas Germany is more strongly depicted in the realm of domestic politics.
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The second level of agenda-setting theory argues that the media tells people not only what to think about but also how to think about it. This study is one of the examples of this idea. Because the study shows that there is a significant relationship between the image represented in news about Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his image in people’s minds. The details of the pictures under the titles of “personality”, “policy” and “general image” mostly refer the same sub-categories. This is an important evidence for the Lippmann’s (1922) idea that the news media is the primary source of the picture in people’s minds. The aim of this study is to explore the relationship between Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s image in the media and in people’s minds. Starting from the theory of second level of agenda-setting, this study focuses on Turkey’s Prime Minister Erdoğan’s image on his personality, his policies and the tone of his image. The public data of the study was collected from 100 students, attending Anadolu University Faculty of Communication Sciences, by employing semi-structured interviews. While the research sample on media content was determined, the findings in the public data survey were taken into account. The survey put forth that the students have tendency to access news media mostly via Twitter accounts of the newspapers Hürriyet, Milliyet and Radikal. Therefore, media data were gathered from these newspapers’ most shared links on Twitter between the dates August 10 to December 10, 2013. There were 157 links related to different content during this period of time about Prime Minister Erdoğan. Findings show that the correlation between three categories in the news and people’s minds were significant as second level of agenda setting proposes. It is also notable that what the news content includes about Erdoğan is mostly same in words what people say.
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დღის წესრიგის თეორიის თანახმად, მედიას შეუძლია წინ წამოსწიოს კონკრეტული საკითხები და ამ გზით "უკარნახოს" საზოგადოებას, თუ რაზე იფიქროს. მედიის მიერ გაშუქებულ საკითხთა წყება სხვადასხვა აქტორის ინტერესებისგანაც შედგება. მაგალითად, პოლიტიკური ლიდერებისა და საზოგადოებასთან ურთიერთობის სპეციალისტების მიერ სუბსიდირებული კომპონენტებით. ამავდროულად, ამა თუ იმ პოლიტიკური მხარისადმი მიკერძოებული მედია უფრო დიდი დოზით ხდება კონკრეტული პოლიტიკური დღის წესრიგის გამტარი. საზოგადოებრივ ცხოვრებაში მედიის როლის მნიშვნელობიდან გამომდინარე, ამ ნაშრომის ძირითადი კითხვაა, თუ როგორ გააშუქა ყველაზე რეიტინგულმა პრო-სახელისუფლებო მედიასაშუალებამ კორონავირუსი საარჩევნო პერიოდში და რამდენად დაემთხვა მისი დღის წესრიგი ხელისუფლების პრიორიტეტებს (სტაბილურად მძიმე ეპიდემიოლოგიურ პირობებში). დაკვირვების ობიექტად ტელეკომპანია "იმედი" შეირჩა, კონკრეტულად, მისი მთავარი საინფორმაციო გამოშვება - "ქრონიკა". დაკვირვება განხორციელდა 2020 და 2021 წლების არჩევნების წინა და შემდგომ თვეებში. მედიასაშუალების დღის წესრიგის გამოვლენა მოხდა "ქრონიკაში" კორონავირუსისთვის დათმობილი დროისა და პრიორიტეტულობის მიხედვით. კვლევამ აჩვენა, რომ 2020 წლის საპარლამენტო არჩევნების დღემდე, როცა მძიმე ეპიდ-ვითარებაზე საუბარი ხელისუფლებისთვის არახელსაყრელი იყო, კორონავირუსის გაშუქებას ტელეკომპანია "იმედმა" გაცილებით ნაკლები პრიორიტეტი და დრო დაუთმო, ვიდრე არჩევნების შემდგომ. არჩევნების წინა კვირაში, პანდემიის შესახებ სიუჟეტები ეთერში მთავარი საინფორმაციო გამოშვების დაწყებიდან ერთი საათის შემდგომ გადიოდა. არჩევნების პირველი ტურის შემდეგ, რომელშიც მმართველმა პარტიამ გაიმარჯვა, "იმედზე" კოვიდ-19 -ის გაშუქება შესამჩნევად გააქტიურდა, ხოლო არჩევნების მეორე ტურის (21 ნოემბერი) შემდგომ, კორონავირუსი "იმედის" ნომერ პირველი საკითხი გახდა. მედიის დღის წესრიგის ასეთ რადიკალურ ცვლილებას ხელისუფლების მიერ კოვიდ-რეგულაციების გამკაცრება მოჰყვა. რაც შეეხება 2021 წლის თვითმმართველობის არჩევნების წინა პერიოდს, აქაც გამოიკვეთა, რომ წინასაარჩევნოდ კოვიდ-19 "იმედის" პრიორიტეტებში ვერ ხვდებოდა. მეტიც, მონიტორინგის 27 დღიდან, 10 შემთხვევაში ამ თემაზე სიუჟეტი საერთოდ არ გასულა. არჩევნების შემდეგ პრო-სახელისუფლებო მედიასაშუალებაში კოვიდ-19 -ის თემის მიმართ დამოკიდებულება რადიკალურად და სწრაფად (როგორც ეს 2020 წელს მოხდა) არ შეცვლილა, თუმცა, მისდამი მედიის ყურადღება მაინც შესამჩნევად გაიზარდა. შესაბამისად, ჩვენი წინასწარი დაშვებები პრო-სახელისუფლებო მედიაში კოვიდ-19 -ის გაშუქებასთან დაკავშირებით ცალსახად დადასტურდა, რამდენადაც, "იმედი" მიჰყვებოდა ხელისუფლებისთვის ხელსაყრელ დღის წესრიგს. According to agenda-setting theory, the media can raise specific issues and thus suggest to the public what to think about. However, the range of issues covered by the media is also composed of the interests of various actors, for instance, with components subsidized by political leaders and public relations specialists. At the same time, biased media is becoming a facilitator for a particular political agenda. Given the importance of the role of the media in public life, the central question of this paper is how the most viewed pro-government media outlet covered the coronavirus during the election period and how well its agenda matched the government's priorities (in stably challenging epidemiological conditions). Imedi TV was selected as the object of observation, specifically its main news program - "Chronicle." Observations were made in the months before and after the 2020 and 2021 elections. The agenda of Imedi TV was revealed by the time and priority devoted to the coronavirus in the "Chronicle." The research showed that until the day of the 2020 parliamentary elections, when it was unfavorable for the government to talk about a challenging epidemic situation, Imedi TV gave much less priority and time to covering the coronavirus than after the elections. In the week prior to the election, news regarding the coronavirus was airing an hour after the start of the main newscast. After the first round of elections, in which the ruling party won, the coverage of Covid-19 on Imedi TV became noticeably more active. After the second round of elections (November 21), coronavirus became the most important issue for Imedi TV. Such a radical change in the media agenda was followed by the tightening of coronavirus regulations by the authorities. As for the period before the 2021 self-government elections, it was revealed that Covid-19 was not in the priorities of Imedi TV. Moreover, out of 27 days of monitoring, in 10 cases, this topic was not covered at all. Attitudes towards the Covid-19 in the pro-government media outlet did not change radically and rapidly (as it did in 2020) after the election; however, media attention towards it still increased significantly. Consequently, our assumptions about the coverage of Covid-19 in the pro-government media were confirmed, as Imedi TV followed a favorable agenda for the government.
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Unfortunately, I do not have an electronic file for Setting the Agenda. Best wishes for your research, Max McCombs
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Book
List of figures List of tables Preface Acknowledgments Part I. Theory and Historical Context: 1. The generalized other: social influence in contemporary American politics 2. Beyond personal Influence: the rise of impersonal associations 3. The origin of perceptions of mass collectives: mass media's role Part II. Effects of Perceptions of Mass Experience: 4. The politicization of personal and collective experience 5. Connecting the personal and the political: media as facilitator or inhibitor? Part III. Effects of Perceptions of Mass Opinion: 6. When does success succeed? A review of the evidence 7. The social psychology of impersonal influence from collective opinion 8. The role of collective opinion in individual judgment: processes and effects Part IV. Conclusion 9. Impersonal influence and the mass society tradition Appendix: Methodology References Index.
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This study examined the attribute agenda-setting function of the media, which refers to significant correspondence between prominent issue attributes ill the media and the agenda of attributes among audiences, All opinion survey oil a local issue and a content analysis of a local newspaper revealed that, by covering certain issue aspects more prominently, the media increase the salience of these aspects among audience members. We also found all important outcome of attribute agenda setting, attribute priming effects. Findings indicated that issue attributes salient in the media were functioning as significant dimensions of issue evaluation among audience members. This study concluded that the media, by emphasizing certain attributes of all issue, tell its "how to think about" this issue as well as "what to think about."
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The influence of television news over public opinion is traced to the ‘accessibility bias’ in processing information. In general, the argument stipulates that information that can be more easily retrieved from memory tends to dominate judgments, opinions and decisions. In the area of public affairs, more accessible information is information that is more frequently of more recently conveyed by the media. Four different manifestations or the accessibility bias in public opinion are described including the effects of news coverage on issue salience, evaluations of presidential perfomance, attributions of issue responsibility, and voting choices.
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"George Marcus deserves thanks and praise for reminding us that emotional communication and arousal are the life-blood of politics. Leaders who ignore the primacy of voters' feelings are doomed to failure. Voters and political scientists who imagine that politics is a question of purely 'rational choice' are bound to be astonished by what actually happens. To gain a better understanding of how our emotions shape contemporary politics, this volume is must reading." -Roger D. Masters, Dartmouth College This book challenges the conventional wisdom that improving democratic politics requires keeping emotion out of it. Marcus advances the provocative claim that the tradition in democratic theory of treating emotion and reason as hostile opposites is misguided and leads contemporary theorists to misdiagnose the current state of American democracy. Instead of viewing the presence of emotion in politics as a failure of rationality and therefore as a failure of citizenship, Marcus argues, democratic theorists need to understand that emotions are in fact a prerequisite for the exercise of reason and thus essential for rational democratic deliberation and political judgment. Attempts to purge emotion from public life not only are destined to fail, but ultimately would rob democracies of a key source of revitalization and change. Drawing on recent research in neuroscience, Marcus shows how emotion functions generally and what role it plays in politics. In contrast to the traditional view of emotion as a form of agitation associated with belief, neuroscience reveals it to be generated by brain systems that operate largely outside of awareness. Two of these systems, "disposition" and "surveillance," are especially important in enabling emotions to produce habits, which often serve a positive function in democratic societies. But anxiety, also a preconscious emotion, is crucial to democratic politics as well because it can inhibit or disable habits and thus clear a space for the conscious use of reason and deliberation. If we acknowledge how emotion facilitates reason and is "cooperatively entangled" with it. Marcus concludes, then we should recognize sentimental citizens as the only citizens really capable of exercising political judgment and of putting their decisions into action. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- George E. Marcus is Professor of Political Science at Williams College.
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"News That Matters does matter, because it demonstrates conclusively that television newscasts powerfully affect opinion. . . . All that follows, whether it supports, modifies, or challenges their conclusions, will have to begin here."—Aaron Wildavsky, The Public Interest "Because of its methodological integrity and richness, News That Matters is likely to be regarded as an impressive, possibliy grounbreaking work."—Neil Postman, New York Times Book Review
Article
``Negativity effect'' refers to the psychological phenomenon that people tend to attach greater weight to negative information than to equally extreme and equally likely positive information in a variety of information processing tasks. Numerous studies of impression formation have found that negative information is weighted more heavily than positive information as impressions of others are formed. There is empirical evidence in political science that shows the importance of the negativity effect in the information processing of the voters. This effect can explain the observed decrease of popularity for a president the longer he is in office. \\ We construct a dynamic model of political competition, incorporating the negativity effect in the decision rule of the voters and allowing their preferences to change over time, according to the past performance of the candidates while in office. Our model may explain the emergence of ideologies out of the competition for votes of myopic candidates freely choosing policy positions. This result gives rise to the formation of political parties, as infinitely--lived agents with a certain ideology. Furthermore, in this model some voters may start out by switching among parties associated with different policies, but find themselves supporting one of the parties from some point on. Thus, the model describes a process by which some voters become identified with a ``right'' or ``left'' bloc, while others ``swing'' between the two parties.
Article
PIP The authors empirically investigated the relative ordering of knowledge, attitudes, and practices in behavior change models and its relation to communicating health-related information. Considerable research has been conducted in the area of behavior change to identify and measure the presence of knowledge, attitudinal, and practice levels for many behaviors. The literature is reviewed. The authors' investigation consisted of interviewing 1680 men and women in Lima, Cusco, Huaraz, Puno, and Chimbote--5 large Peruvian cities--in 3 urban probability household surveys conducted in August 1994, January 1995, and January 1996. Six possible knowledge, attitude, and practice permutations are developed with regard to contraception in Peru. People may use contraceptive methods before they become fully knowledgeable about their chosen methods. In so doing, these users may become misinformed about contraceptive practice and become dissatisfied contraceptive users who discontinue contraceptive use. Media campaigns designed to inform the public can help produce a more satisfied and sustainable contraceptive user base. The informed choice approach can be the basis for effective communication strategies.
Article
"Negativity effect" refers to the psychological phenomenon that people tend to attach greater weight to negative information than to equally extreme and equally likely positive information in a variety of information processing tasks. Numerous studies of impression formation have found that negative information is weighted more heavily than positive information as impressions of others are formed. There is empirical evidence in political science that shows the importance of the negativity effect in the information processing of the voters. This effect can explain the observed decrease of popularity for a president the longer he is in office. We construct a dynamic model of political competition, incorporating the negativity effect in the decision rule of the voters and allowing their preferences to change over time, according to the past performance of the candidates while in office. Our model may explain the emergence of ideologies out of the competition for votes of myopic candidate...
Setting the Agenda of Attributes in the 1996 Spanish General Election
  • Raymond Preiss
  • Barbara Mae Gayle
  • Nancy Burrell
  • Mike Allen
  • Jennings Bryant
Raymond Preiss, Barbara Mae Gayle, Nancy Burrell, Mike Allen, and Jennings Bryant (Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 2006), 37- 51. 24. Maxwell McCombs, Esteban Lopez-Escobar, and Juan Pablo Llamas, " Setting the Agenda of Attributes in the 1996 Spanish General Election " Journal of Communication 50 (spring 2000): 77-92.
A Report on a Non-Election Agenda Setting Study
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David Cohen, "A Report on a Non-Election Agenda Setting Study" (paper presented at the AEJMC annual convention, Ottawa, Canada, 1975).
Effects of Agenda Setting
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Wayne Wanta and Salma I. Ghanem, "Effects of Agenda Setting," in Mass Media Effects Research: Advances Through Meta-Analysis, ed. Raymond Preiss, Barbara Mae Gayle, Nancy Burrell, Mike Allen, and Jennings Bryant (Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 2006), 37-51.
Media Agenda Setting in a Presidential Election: Issues, Images and Interest
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Eyal, Media Agenda Setting in a Presidential Election: Issues, Images and Interest (New York: Praeger, 1981).
Matching the Message to the Process: The Relative Ordering of Knowledge, Attitudes, and Practices in Behavior Change Research Kiousis and McCombs Agenda-Setting Effects and Attitude Strength Agenda-Setting Effects and Attitude Strength Agenda-Setting Effects and Attitude Strength
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Agenda-Setting Effects and Attitude Strength: Political Figures during the 1996 Presidential Election Inside the Agenda-setting Process: How Political Advertising and TV News Prime Viewers to Think about Issues and Candidates
  • Spiro Kiousis
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Spiro Kiousis and Maxwell McCombs, " Agenda-Setting Effects and Attitude Strength: Political Figures during the 1996 Presidential Election, " Communication Research 31 (February 2004): 36-57; Joan Schleuder, Maxwell McCombs, and Wayne Wanta, " Inside the Agenda-setting Process: How Political Advertising and TV News Prime Viewers to Think about Issues and Candidates, " in Television and Political Advertising 1: Psychological Processes, ed. Frank Biocca (Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, 1991), 263-310.
Inside the Agenda-setting Process: How Political Advertising and TV News Prime Viewers to Think about Issues and Candidates
  • Joan Schleuder
  • Maxwell Mccombs
  • Wayne Wanta
Joan Schleuder, Maxwell McCombs, and Wayne Wanta, "Inside the Agenda-setting Process: How Political Advertising and TV News Prime Viewers to Think about Issues and Candidates," in Television and Political Advertising 1: Psychological Processes, ed. Frank Biocca (Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, 1991), 263-310.
Advertising and Communication Management
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Michael L. Ray, Advertising and Communication Management (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1982).
Los diarios nacionales y la campana electoral" [The 1997 Argentina election. The national dailies and the electoral campaign
  • Federico Rey Lennon
Federico Rey Lennon, "Argentina: 1997 elecciones. Los diarios nacionales y la campana electoral" [The 1997 Argentina election. The national dailies and the electoral campaign], Report by the Freedom Forum and Austral University, 1998. 22. G. Ray Funkhouser, "The Issues of the Sixties: An Exploratory Study in the Dynamics of Public Opinion," Public Opinion Quarterly 37 (winter 1973): 62-75.
Agenda-Setting Effects and Attitude Strength." 30. McCombs, Lopez-Escobar, and Llamas
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Kiousis and McCombs, "Agenda-Setting Effects and Attitude Strength." 30. McCombs, Lopez-Escobar, and Llamas, "Setting the Agenda of Attributes."
  • George E Marcus
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George E. Marcus, W. Russell Neuman, and Michael MacKuen, Affective Intelligence and Political Judgment (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2000).
49. A similar pattern-lower correlations for the incumbent than for the challenger-appears in the presidential race between Nixon and McGovern. See Thomas A. Bowers
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Matthes, "Need for Orientation." 49. A similar pattern-lower correlations for the incumbent than for the challenger-appears in the presidential race between Nixon and McGovern. See Thomas A. Bowers, "Candidate Advertising: The Agenda Is the Message," in The Emergence of American Political Isssues: The Agenda-Setting Function of the Press, ed. Donald L. Shaw and Maxwell E.
Setting the Agenda of Attributes
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E.g., McCombs, Lopez-Escobar, and Llamas, "Setting the Agenda of Attributes."
Attitudes toward Presidential Candidates
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Holbrook et al., "Attitudes toward Presidential Candidates." 54. Kim, Scheufele, and Shanahan, "Think about It This Way." 55. Kiousis and McCombs, "Agenda-Setting Effects and Attitude Strength," 50.
Agenda-Setting Effects and Attitude Strength
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