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Objectivity in Journalism: A Search and a Reassessment

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Journalists did not begin to use the word “objective” to describe their work until the 1920s. The term originally represented a rigorous reporting procedure growing out of the broader cultural movement of scientific naturalism. Rather than serve as a vehicle of neutrality, the objective method was seen as an antidote to the emotionalism and jingoism of the conservative American press.

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... We posit, in this paper, that the 'imbalance' in the representation of the news could be a potential source for this bias. This is motivated by the works of previous researchers on fairness in journalism who often consider bias as the opposite of accuracy, balance, and fairness [7]- [11]. ...
... While 'imbalance' is a useful measure for quantification of such bias as demonstrated in the works of previous researchers arXiv:2110.14183v1 [cs.DL] 27 Oct 2021 on fairness in journalism who often consider bias as the opposite of accuracy, balance, and fairness [7]- [11], imbalance can have many facets and must be examined from different angles unlike many influential works [9], [12] which examined news articles on variations of coverage bias. ...
... it is evident that BJP gained popularity in news very fast post 2011, surpassing popularity of Congress in 2014, the year of legislative assembly election when incumbent BJP overthrew the ruling Congress government. We also see the popularity of Congress increasing again since 2016, the year of demonetization, that possibly had a strong impact on the economy of India and specially on the poorest ones of the country.11 (a) Inverse of standard deviation (imbalance in coverage of all states toTrends in imbalance in coverage of states over time. ...
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(Im)balance in the representation of news has always been a topic of debate in political circles. The concept of balance has often been discussed and studied in the context of the social responsibility theory and the prestige press in the USA. While various qualitative, as well as quantitative measures of balance, have been suggested in the literature, a comprehensive analysis of all these measures across a large dataset of the post-truth era comprising different popular news media houses and over a sufficiently long temporal scale in a non-US democratic setting is lacking. We use this concept of balance to measure and understand the evolution of imbalance in Indian media on various journalistic metrics on a month-by-month basis. For this study, we amass a huge dataset of over four million political articles from India for 9+ years and analyze the extent and quality of coverage given to issues and political parties in the context of contemporary influential events for three leading newspapers. We use several state-of-the-art NLP tools to effectively understand political polarization (if any) manifesting in these articles over time. We find that two out of the three news outlets are more strongly clustered in their imbalance metrics. We also observe that only a few locations are extensively covered across all the news outlets and the situation is only slightly getting better for one of the three news outlets. Cloze tests show that the changing landscape of events get reflected in all the news outlets with border and terrorism issues dominating in around 2010 while economic aspects like unemployment, GST, demonetization, etc. became more dominant in the period 2014 -- 2018. Further, cloze tests clearly portray the changing popularity profile of the political parties over time.
... Estas noções de objetividade surgiram e se desenvolveram antes daquilo que mais tarde, mais precisamente a partir da década de 1920, passou a ser denominado de objetividade (cf. Streckfuss, 1990). Segundo Streckfuss (1990), objetividade significa originalmente encontrar a verdade através do método rigoroso do cientista. ...
... Streckfuss, 1990). Segundo Streckfuss (1990), objetividade significa originalmente encontrar a verdade através do método rigoroso do cientista. Influenciados pelo movimento cultural do naturalismo científico, os mentores da idéia utilizaram a ciência como exemplo de como um jornalismo objetivo deveria ser. ...
... O conceito de objetividade, cujo surgimento nos Estados Unidos está ligado, entre outros fatores, ao desenvolvimento científico (Lane, 2001;Mindich, 1998;Errico, 1997;Streckfuss, 1990), e tenta responder ao problema -epistemológico -de como jornalistas devem observar e retratar a realidade, tornou-se no Brasil a expressão da necessidade de uma qualidade comunicativa maior. Neste contexto, a questão 6. Os nomes dos entrevistados foram alterados. ...
... Estas noções de objetividade surgiram e se desenvolveram antes daquilo que mais tarde, mais precisamente a partir da década de 1920, passou a ser denominado de objetividade (cf. Streckfuss, 1990). Segundo Streckfuss (1990), objetividade significa originalmente encontrar a verdade através do método rigoroso do cientista. ...
... Streckfuss, 1990). Segundo Streckfuss (1990), objetividade significa originalmente encontrar a verdade através do método rigoroso do cientista. Influenciados pelo movimento cultural do naturalismo científico, os mentores da idéia utilizaram a ciência como exemplo de como um jornalismo objetivo deveria ser. ...
... O conceito de objetividade, cujo surgimento nos Estados Unidos está ligado, entre outros fatores, ao desenvolvimento científico (Lane, 2001;Mindich, 1998;Errico, 1997;Streckfuss, 1990), e tenta responder ao problema -epistemológico -de como jornalistas devem observar e retratar a realidade, tornou-se no Brasil a expressão da necessidade de uma qualidade comunicativa maior. Neste contexto, a questão 6. Os nomes dos entrevistados foram alterados. ...
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Subordinado ao tema ‘Comunicação e Cidadania’, este Anuário Internacional de Comunicação Lusófona 2008 analisa criticamente a relação entre a comunicação e os mecanismos de participação social e política no espaço lusófono. Incorporando textos sobre as intercepções entre comunicadores, cidadãos e decisores políticos, esta obra desvela aspectos significativos e imprevisíveis do funcionamento dos media em contexto democrático (por mais diversos que sejam os processos de consolidação democrática em análise), fixando o olhar nas possibilidades e nos efeitos da participação social. Organizado conjuntamente pela LUSOCOM - Federação Lusófona de Ciências da Comunicação e pela SOPCOM - Associação Portuguesa de Ciências da Comunicação, este Anuário procura ser um contributo para o entendimento das possibilidades de comunicação e da capacitação dos cidadãos, desta área cultural e linguística, para a acção e para a transformação social.
... O conceito de objetividade, cujo desenvolvimento nos Estados Unidos está ligado, entre outros fatores, ao desenvolvimento científico (Lane, 2001;Errico, 1997;Streckfuss, 1990), e na sua origem tenta responder ao problema (epistemológico) de como jornalistas devem observar e retratar a realidade (Streckfuss, 1990), tornou-se, no Brasil, a expressão da necessidade de O conceito de objetividade desenvolveu-se com a introdução do lead e, desta maneira, a questão epistemológica foi substituída por técnicas de redação uma qualidade comunicativa maior (sobre essa característica do lead, ver Pöttker, 2003). Nesse contexto, a questão epistemológica desaparece, já que a norma do texto compreensível não oferece alternativa ao problema de como estabelecer correlação entre a realidade que o jornalista observa e a que ele produz. ...
... O conceito de objetividade, cujo desenvolvimento nos Estados Unidos está ligado, entre outros fatores, ao desenvolvimento científico (Lane, 2001;Errico, 1997;Streckfuss, 1990), e na sua origem tenta responder ao problema (epistemológico) de como jornalistas devem observar e retratar a realidade (Streckfuss, 1990), tornou-se, no Brasil, a expressão da necessidade de O conceito de objetividade desenvolveu-se com a introdução do lead e, desta maneira, a questão epistemológica foi substituída por técnicas de redação uma qualidade comunicativa maior (sobre essa característica do lead, ver Pöttker, 2003). Nesse contexto, a questão epistemológica desaparece, já que a norma do texto compreensível não oferece alternativa ao problema de como estabelecer correlação entre a realidade que o jornalista observa e a que ele produz. ...
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The notions of objectivity of the brazilian journalist Abstract: What journalists think when they talk about objectivity is the subject of this article, which is based on a qualitative study with journalists from regional and national newspapers. These professionals have quite different notions of objectivity when criticizing or defending that concept. Their notion is also ambivalent insofar, as it reveals their responsibility with the brazilian society when including certain segments in the market of information, and at the same time an elite point of view, that the public is not able to participate in the process of formation of opinion. Keywords: objectivity, neutrality, news summary lead, journalism. Las objetividades del periodista brasileño Resumen: Lo que los periodistas piensan cuando hablan sobre la objetividad es el tema de este artículo, el cual se basa en un estudio cualitativo con representantes de periódicos regionales y nacionales. Estos profesionales tienen nociones diversas sobre la objetividad cuándo la critican o defienden. Su noción es am-bivalente en la medida en que revela su responsabilidad con la sociedad brasileña incluyendo determinados segmentos en el mercado de la información y mostrando a la vez un punto de vista elitista: que el público no es capaz de participar en el proce-so de formación de opinión. Palabras clave: objetividad, neutralidad, lead, periodismo. Resumo: O que jornalistas entendem como objetividade é o tema deste artigo, que se baseia nos resultados de pesquisa qualitativa com repórteres de jornais regionais e nacionais. Estes profissionais têm noções diferentes de objetividade quando a defendem e quan-do a criticam. Suas noções são também ambivalentes, revelando a sua responsabilidade na sociedade brasileira no sentido de integrar segmentos excluídos no mercado da informação, e ao mesmo tempo uma visão elitista, de que o público não tem condições de parti-cipar de um processo de formação de opinião. Palavras-chaves: objetividade, neutralidade, lead, jornalismo.
... The central principle of professional objectivity in American journalism is the notion that facts can and should be separated from values or opinions, with journalists reporting only the facts (Schudson 2001), a premise grounded in positivism's strict binary between objectivity and subjectivity (Wien 2005). In practice, this norm manifests itself as "neutrality," "balance," and in news stories that are careful not appear to take a side (Chalaby 1996;Pingree 2011;Streckfuss 1990). Journalists often maintain this neutrality by adhering to the "he said, she said" reporting style that studiously quotes the claims of two sides of a dispute, leaving the reader to determine the truth of the matter, even for verifiable factual issues (Lawrence and Schafer 2012;Pingree 2011). ...
... A second form of the objectivity norm, what we might call scientific objectivity, also derives from positivism's fact/value distinction, yet takes a very different shape in practice. In contrast to professional objectivity's both-sides balance, scientific objectivity is built instead on the scientific method, with its process of testing hypotheses and then drawing-and declaring-conclusions based on the weight of evidence (Pingree 2011;Streckfuss 1990). Scientific objectivity remained in the margins throughout the twentieth century as professional objectivity defined American journalism, but it has gained cachet in recent years. ...
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In a multichannel era of fragmented and contested political communication, both misinformation and fact checking have taken on new significance. The rise of Twitter as a key venue for political journalists would seem to support their fact-checking activities. Through a content analysis of political journalists' Twitter discourse surrounding the 2012 presidential debates, this study examines the degree to which fact-checking techniques were used on Twitter and the ways in which journalists on Twitter adhered to the practices of either "professional" or "scientific" objectivity-the mode that underlies the fact-checking enterprise-or disregarded objectivity altogether. A typology of tweets indicates that fact checking played a notable but secondary role in journalists' Twitter discourse. Professional objectivity, especially simple stenography, dominated reporting practices on Twitter, and opinion and commentary were also prevalent. We determine that Twitter is indeed conducive to some elements of fact checking. But taken as a whole, our data suggest that journalists and commentators posted opinionated tweets about the candidates' claims more often than they fact checked those claims.
... For the first time, such normative comparisons between journalists and scientists were prominent in the late 19th and early 20th centuries when scientists sought objectivity by observing and depicting the objects of their inquiries in a quasi-mechanical way (Daston and Galison, 2007: 115-190). Although the US press was still widely partisan before the 1920s (Schudson, 1978: 155-159;Streckfuss, 1990;Vos, 2012), influential publishers proposed that journalists follow the scientific ideal to give mechanical-like accounts of reality that were true to the given facts (Schiller, 1979: 49;Vos, 2012). When objectivity was codified in journalistic codes of ethics and handbooks in the 1920s (Schudson, 1978(Schudson, : 121-144, 2001Streckfuss, 1990;Vos, 2012), many sources envisioned journalists working like scientists, 'registering' or 'weighing' (Vos, 2012: 444) the news (Schiller, 1979: 56;Schudson, 2001: 161-162;Streckfuss, 1990: 975). ...
... Although the US press was still widely partisan before the 1920s (Schudson, 1978: 155-159;Streckfuss, 1990;Vos, 2012), influential publishers proposed that journalists follow the scientific ideal to give mechanical-like accounts of reality that were true to the given facts (Schiller, 1979: 49;Vos, 2012). When objectivity was codified in journalistic codes of ethics and handbooks in the 1920s (Schudson, 1978(Schudson, : 121-144, 2001Streckfuss, 1990;Vos, 2012), many sources envisioned journalists working like scientists, 'registering' or 'weighing' (Vos, 2012: 444) the news (Schiller, 1979: 56;Schudson, 2001: 161-162;Streckfuss, 1990: 975). ...
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Journalism critics have repeatedly proposed that journalists adopt scientific standards of objectivity. A comparative survey of 134 German journalists (34%) and 163 academics (33%) from different subject areas was conducted to investigate to what degree scientific criteria of objectivity resonate in journalists’ attitudes toward and understandings of objectivity. Results show that journalists and academics equally think that objectivity is attainable and desirable. Yet members of both professions dealing with cultural or historical subjects consider it less desirable than members dealing with social or natural scientific subjects. Journalists and academics define objectivity in different terms. Journalists think objectivity demands ‘trying to let the facts speak for themselves’, and academics think it requires systematic methods and transparent accounts. In others words, respondents’ attitudes toward objectivity depend on the subjects they deal with, while their understandings of objectivity depend on their professional belonging.
... Placing the study's findings into a wider perspective, the question remains as to whether the concept of journalistic objectivity, which was originally established based on the social functions of the objectivity norm in American journalism, is needed in the context of political communication in Malaysia and in the practice of online journalism as a whole. The Lippmann-espoused objectivity, which has become a part of the working vocabulary of journalists, was originally seated in the broader cultural movement of scientific naturalism (Streckfuss, 1990). In its original sense, 'objectivity' meant finding the truth through the use of rigorous scientific methodologies. ...
... In its original sense, 'objectivity' meant finding the truth through the use of rigorous scientific methodologies. Richard Streckfuss (1990) contends that such a conception of objectivity within the realm of journalistic practice was 'rigorous and difficult' (p. 982). ...
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MalaysiaKini is regarded by political communication scholars as an influential online news medium in Asia. Within the restricted environment of Malaysian media, MalaysiaKini is able to provide critical reports of the ruling authorities and gives voice to the marginalised opinions of the opposition groups. MalaysiaKini is often praised for its high standards of journalistic practice based on the norms and values of independent journalism. Some however argue that as the platform for marginalised voices, the news portal is also, by default, seen as pro-opposition and acts as an opposition mouthpiece in Malaysia. This article examines the coverage of the news portal, and the 2013 Malaysian General Election will be used as a case study. Drawing on one of the important concepts in modern journalistic practice, namely objectivity, this study attempts to explain the extent to which MalaysiaKini fairly represents each leading side in the political controversy and in the impartial reporting of news. Through qualitative analysis, this study found that MalaysiaKini largely upholds the voice of the opposition parties. The study concludes that rather than offering objective reporting, MalaysiaKini contributes to an environment of a multiplicity of ideas and plurality of news coverage in Malaysia. © 2016, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia Press. All rights reserved.
... Many critics have noted that news reporters often practice overly neutral, ''he said=she said'' journalism, in which journalists stop at quoting contradictory factual claims of two or more sides and do not include additional information to ''adjudicate'' the dispute (Cunningham, 2003;Durham, 1998;Jamieson & Waldman, 2003;Lawrence & Schafer, 2012;Rosen, 1993;Streckfuss, 1990). Although merely quoting both sides may be appropriate if their disagreements are inherently subjective, in cases where political disputes do hinge on verifiable facts, reporters quite often can, but increasingly rarely do, include additional information that could help readers decide which claims to believe (Jamieson & Waldman, 2003). ...
... Although an altruistic motivation to help the public understand issues is undoubtedly important to professional reporters, it would be naïve to assume that this is the only motivation that guides their decisions. Many reporter decisions can also be explained as ''strategic rituals'' that are driven by a motivation to minimize risks such a reprimand from superiors (Tuchman, 1972), loss of access to elite sources (Cunningham, 2003), or negative reactions from readers who expect strictly neutral coverage (Jamieson & Waldman, 2003;Streckfuss, 1990). There are risks involved in either checking factual claims or failing to check them, but generally the risks of failing to check claims are much greater for claims not attributed to a source, because erroneous claims made by a source naturally reflect much more on the source than on the reporter (Jamieson & Waldman, 2003). ...
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A frequent critique of contemporary journalism is that journalists rarely adjudicate factual disputes when covering politics; however, very little research has been done on the effects of such passive journalism on audiences. This study tests effects of active adjudication versus “he said/she said” journalism on a variety of outcomes, finding that adjudication can correct factual beliefs, increase perceived news quality, satisfy perceived informational needs, and increase the likelihood of future news use. However, for readers who were less interested in the issues under dispute, adjudication also reduced epistemic political efficacy, which is confidence in one's ability to find the truth in politics.
... Objectivity has been referred to as "the emblem" ( Schudson, 1978, p. 9), "cornerstone principle" ( Muñoz-Torres, 2012), "one of the identifying features of journalism in the U.S." and "perhaps the major contribution American journalism has made to the rest of the world" ( Rosen, 1993). It should be noted that objectivity is an ever-evolving, elusive concept ( Streckfuss, 1990;Muñoz-Torres, 2012) and differently interpreted or valued depending on regions and cultures ( Donsbach & Klett, 1993, Ward, 2010). In the U.S., it has been mainly understood as a synonym for neutrality or for the separation of facts from values or opinions ( Schudson, 1978). ...
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As social media become popular news platforms, journalists and news organizations have been keen to capitalize on their potential to build and maintain audiences. However, little is known about the extent to which these efforts may have adverse implications. Based on normative theories, the present study investigates the influence of journalists' social media activities (specifically, self-disclosure and interaction with other users) on audience perceptions of journalists. An experiment (N = 267) revealed that: Although both journalists' self-disclosure and interaction positively influenced audience perceptions of the journalists in the personal dimension, interaction negatively influenced audience perceptions in the professional dimension; and the perceptions transferred to perceptions of news products, thereby mediating the relationship between journalists' social media activities and audience news perceptions.
... Connery (2011) notes a shift in journalism toward "realism" in the 19th century, and Ward (2006) cites the appearance of the word "objectivity" in a book about newswriting in 1911. However, the concept was not common in codes of ethics, proceedings of meetings of the American Society of Newspaper Editors, or early journalism textbooks before the 1920s (Streckfuss, 1990). Schudson (1978Schudson ( , 2001 and other scholars (Emery, Emery, & Roberts, 1997; Ward, 2006 attribute the rise of objectivity to a variety of factors, including a decline in the power of political parties, to which newspapers had been beholden; a reaction to excesses of press agentry; the invention of the telegraph, which encouraged invertedpyramid style articles focused on facts; and a commercial impulse to sell to readers of all political persuasions. ...
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In both the 2016 presidential campaign and the first eighteen months of the Trump Administration, U.S.journalists encountered a new iteration of an important and thorny issue of ethics and practice-based norms: How should they describe assertions from Donald J. Trump that appeared to run demonstrably counter to truth? In other words, should journalists call the president a liar? As Trump asserted, ignoring vote counts, that he had won a landslide victory and maintained, without citing evidence, that there had been widespread voter fraud, U.S. journalism found itself in the relatively rare position of knowing the truth but not always knowing what to do with it. This essay identifies four types of approaches news outlets used in response to this and other presidential statements that could be immediately shown to be counterfactual. Three approaches were found in news reports: “stenographic objectivity,” in which journalists simply reported what Trump asserted, with little further explanation; what we call “comparative objectivity,” in which Trump’s assertions were reported in conjunction with information challenging them; and what we call “interrogative objectivity,” in which journalists overtly questioned the truth of the assertions, making that questioning the point of the article. A fourth type of response, which we call “evaluative subjectivity,” appeared in opinion sections, but emphasized reporting techniques to cast the counterfactual statements as lies.
... Pode questionar-se, como fez Riordan (2014), se fará sentido no atual contexto da profissão continuar a assumir a imparcialidade e a objetividade dos jornalistas como âncoras da profissão, tanto mais que diversos autores (Donsbach & Klett, 1993;Streckfuss, 1990;Munõz-Torres, 2012;Ward, 2010) (Nobre, 2015). ...
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Conceito fundador do jornalismo, a Credibilidade reconhecida aos profissionais tem um impacto direto nas opções de consumo informativo e coloca ao jornalista, hoje mais exposto por via das redes sociais ao escrutinio permanente das audiências, responsabilidades acrescidas. Sendo certo que o aumento da visibilidade e da proximidade com o publico impõe aos profissionais uma etica pessoal reforcada e impoluta, adequada à responsabilidade que a sua funcao exige, torna-se pois determinante compreender como as audiências avaliam o posicionamento dos jornalistas nas redes sociais. Os novos desafios eticos potenciados pela crescente diluicao de fronteiras entre as esferas pessoal e profissional do jornalista nas redes sociais, sao o foco central desta investigacao, onde se analisa o impacto para a credibilidade profissional decorrente da atuacao dos jornalistas portugueses nas plataformas sociais.
... É inquestionável que para as audiências a credibilidade que é reconhecida a determinado meio ou jornalista, afeta as suas escolhas em matéria de consumo informativo (Kohring & Matthes, 2007; Teven, 2008; Hoffe, 2005)(Lippman, 1922; Schudson, 1978; Muñoz-Torres, 2012; Rosen, 1993). Pode questionar-se, como fez Riordan (2014), se fará sentido no atual contexto da profissão continuar a assumir a imparcialidade e a objetividade dos jornalistas como âncoras da profissão, tanto mais que diversos autores (Donsbach & Klett, 1993; Streckfuss, 1990; Munõz-Torres, 2012; Ward, 2010Belochio, 2012Belochio, , 2009 Carvalho, 2010; Fonseca, 2008; Knewitz, 2010; Lindemann, 2014; Recchia, 2010; Seibt, 2014), que da mesma forma se utilizaram de entrevistas e depoimentos. Fonte: OberCom, Desafios do Jornalismo, 2ª edição, 2012 (n=272) Posto isto, e fazendo um breve resumo destas primeiras figuras, importa destacar a tendência clara para um ainda quadro de resistências nítidas no que concerne à discussão sobre o monopólio e propriedade da acção e do conhecimento, na medida em que é grande o Por outro lado, e reforçando ainda mais este cenário de posições antagónicas (onde ora se considera o jornalismo uma área que deve ser defendida da entrada de outros intervenientes, sem formação, ora se considera positiva e enriquecedora a entrada de mais partes no processo), uma considerável maioria dos inquiridos tende a concordar com a ideia de : OberCom, Desafios do Jornalismo, 2ª edição, 2012 (n=272) Seja como for, a tendência para desconsiderar estas novas plataformas no processo e abordagem às formas de produzir jornalismo, é ainda significativa. ...
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Resgatar e sistematizar informações sobre os primeiros 20 anos da história do jornalismo digital no jornal Zero Hora é o objetivo do presente trabalho. O jornal é o que possui maior circulação na região sul do País, sediado em Porto Alegre (RS), pertence ao grupo empresarial brasileiro Rede Brasil Sul (RBS), afiliado à Rede Globo. Para efetuar o estudo, além da pesquisa bibliográfica, foram realizadas entrevistas com profissionais que trabalham ou trabalharam na empresa. Foi possível reunir lembranças e documentos importantes que descrevem a implantação e o percurso do jornalismo digital na publicação entre 1995 e 2015. Identifica-se quatro momentos principais na sua trajetória, a partir de uma perspectiva cronológica: entre 1995 e 1996, antes mesmo da regulamentação da internet comercial no Brasil; entre 1996 e 2000, quando foi constituída uma equipe dentro da redação para elaboração da versão digital do jornal; entre 2000 e 2007, momento em que ocorre uma mudança de estratégia empresarial e cria-se em paralelo uma operação comercial visando prover acesso à internet, chamada clicRBS, apartada da redação do jornal; e do ano de 2007 aos dias de hoje quando as equipes do jornal impresso e do jornal digital passaram a atuar na mesma redação. Percebe-se o papel de protagonista do jornal Zero Hora na história da internet comercial no Brasil. Observa-se também, que ao lidar com uma tecnologia emergente, ocorreram momentos de descontinuidades provocados tanto por fatores externos quanto fatores internos da empresa.
... The media ethics discourse is shaped around the ideal of neutrality as well as power relations (Altun, 2014). The discourse of impartiality is a kind of antidote to emotionalism and ultra nationalism in the media (Streckfuss, 1990). Two of the concepts that disrupt the neutrality in science writing therefore, constitute the subject of nationalism with monopolization. ...
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It is the political and economical context which detains us to give some thought to any subject and determines how we should approach to that subject. This case is not very different for science journalism. Monopolisation and nationalist discourse that we can consider in the political and economical context are the main factors which obstruct science communication. In this study, some chosen articles from different newspapers like Hürriyet, Zaman, Cumhuriyet in the time period of 2014-2015 will be analyzed through the notions of monopolisation and nationalist discourse by integrating them with media ethics. A total of 9 health news chosen from three separate newspapers that represent different investment groups will be analyzed by method of Van Dijk’s critical discourse analysis. Since they are related to the term science communication, health news are about R&D (Research and Development) activities and performed surgical operations. For the news to reflect the actual agenda, they are selected among the publications within a two year period of time with regard to nationalist discourse and monopolisation.
... Despite consistent criticism, "he said/she said" stories are common in journalism, not only due to economic reasons (they are easier to produce) but because journalists are incentivized to report in this way through the norms of the profession (Tuchman, 1972;Cunningham, 2003). Indeed, readers often react negatively to a story that forgoes a strictly neutral format (Jamieson & Waldman, 2003;Streckfuss, 1990). Critics meanwhile urge journalists to "adjudicate factual disputes," by way of weight-of-evidence reporting that serves the reader in sorting out which are correct (Jameison & Waldman, 2003, p. 165). ...
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Journalists are often criticized for passive reporting of factual disputes in politics, but researchers have only recently begun exploring conditions in which they may successfully influence readers’ beliefs — scenarios less likely to produce partisan bias. Intra-party disputes and those which are polarized, but not contentious, may be two alignments of elite cues that vitiate motivated reasoning and allow for influential adjudication. This experiment (N = 523) used a 2 (one-sided adjudication/none) X 2 (intra-party/polarized dispute) design to test this hypothesis. In both cases, adjudication’s effects on factual beliefs were not conditional on ideological or partisan cues. Adjudication did not increase perceived bias, and increased satisfaction of readers’ informational needs.
... Fact checking is central to the role of journalism in a healthy democracy, whether it occurs in explicitly labeled fact check segments or within ordinary stories [1][2] [3]. In theory it can correct misperceptions and create reputational costs for elites who make false claims. ...
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Bias accusations have eroded trust in journalism to impartially check facts. Traditionally journalists have avoided responding to such accusations, resulting in an imbalanced flow of arguments about the news media. This study tests what would happen if journalists spoke up more in defense of their profession, while simultaneously also testing effects of doing more fact checking. A five-day field experiment manipulated whether an online news portal included fact check stories and opinion pieces defending journalism. Fact checking was beneficial in terms of three democratically desirable outcomes–media trust, epistemic political efficacy, and future news use intent–only when defense of journalism stories were also present. No partisan differences were found in effects: Republicans, Democrats, and Independents were all affected alike. These results have important implications for journalistic practice as well as for theories and methods of news effects.
... The American Heritage Dictionary defines bias as "a preference or an inclination" that "inhibits impartial judgment," or "an act or policy stemming from prejudice" (Pickett et al., 2002, p. 138). In the context of news reporting, a bias is the opposite of accuracy, balance, and fairness (Fico et al., 1994;Fico & Soffin, 1995, Lacy, Fico, & Simon, 1991Simon, Fico, & Lacy, 1989;Streckfuss, 1990). According to these scholars, accuracy means not going beyond the facts of the matter, and balance plays out through giving roughly equal amount of coverage to all involved parties. ...
Article
Despite research to the contrary, the general public and a significant number of politicians are convinced the U.S. news media have a liberal and pro-Democratic bias. To understand why many people believe the media ha ve such biases, this study tested whether such a perception is related to an observer's own partisan and ideological positions. Findings based on two large national surveys suggest that audiences' ideologies and partisanships affect how they view the media. Strong conservatives and Republicans are more likely to distrust the news media, whereas the best predictor of a media bias perception is political cynicism.
... While early conceptualizations of objectivity called for "the highest of scientific virtues . . . and a keen understanding of the quantitative importance of particular facts" (Lippmann, 1922(Lippmann, /1961, the actual practice of objectivity relies on wellintentioned but ambiguous calls for factuality (truthfulness and relevance) and impartiality (nonpartisanship, balance) in professional codes of conduct (Schudson, 1978(Schudson, , 2001Streckfuss, 1990;S. Ward, 1999;Westerståhl, 1983). ...
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Environmental journalists, as gatekeepers, often become arbiters of risk and benefit information. This study explores how their routine news value judgments may influence reporting on marine aquaculture, a growing domestic industry with complex social and ecological impacts. We interviewed New England newspaper journalists using Q methodology, a qualitative dominant mixed-method approach to study shared subjectivity in small samples. Results revealed four distinct reporting perspectives—“state structuralist,” “neighborhood preservationist,” “industrial futurist,” and “local proceduralist”—stemming from the news value and objectivity routines journalists used in news selection. Findings suggest implications for public understanding of, and positionality toward, natural resource use and development.
... Acknowledging the importance of the standard means that journalism (the news) can only be subjective and that the demand for objectivity has more of a praise nature than an operational utility (Mesquita, 2003), a praise that presents itself as a child of its time and culture (Streckfuss, 1990). ...
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This article presents research developed results involving communication sciences students, having as a theoretical framework of reference; the epistemological nature of subjectivity to complicate the truth and accuracy as structural elements of journalistic credibility. The data reveals that, at the beginning of the degree, students considered that the news were objective and true, having finished their degree acknowledging the inevitability of subjectivity, but anchored in normative procedures that ensure the necessary accuracy. Respondents, who are now professional journalists, are demotivated by their lack of resources relating to multiple requests and the flimsiness of editing and monitoring mechanisms of the facts. A context that corresponds to the blurring of the boundaries between the subjectivity of the news as a social construction and the necessary methodological objectivity.
... Objectivity is a tenet that mainstream journalists embrace, and a key element in commonly held journalistic ethics. Essentially, it means being neutral, unbiased, detached and non-partisan, and can be translated to ''accuracy, balance and fairness'' in reporting (Achenbach, 1991;Merrill, 1997;Mindich, 1998;Reese, 1990;Streckfuss, 1990). Accuracy, although easy to understand, is more difficult to achieve and measure. ...
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This study analyzes the news coverage of 3 election campaigns of the 1990s in which Asian American candidates were involved. The campaign stories from the LA Times, Seattle Times, and Oregonian were selected in the sample. Our investigation centered on fairness of the coverage and depiction of the candidates. Findings indicate that overall the coverage of the Asian American candidates, compared with their European American counterparts, is fair and balanced. However, the ethnic background of the Asian American candidates is more likely than their opponents to appear in the stories. Many stereotypical attributes about the Asian American candidates also exist in the stories examined.
... Les « faits objectifs », ceux des journalistes qui revendiquent une méthode normée de saisie du réel, n'ont donc pas disparus : ils sont relégués. C'est en ce sens que la lutte contre les fake news peut s'interpréter comme un effort de réaffirmation, non pas de l'objectivité journalistique, les professionnels de l'information ayant appris à se méfier d'un terme qui a été fortement critiqué (Streckfuss, 1990), mais de l'exemplarité des méthodes journalistiques. ...
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Les représentations implicites du pouvoir des médias d’information. L’exemple du lancement du Décodex
... Les « faits objectifs », ceux des journalistes qui revendiquent une méthode normée de saisie du réel, n'ont donc pas disparu : ils sont relégués. C'est en ce sens que la lutte contre les fake news peut s'interpréter comme un effort de réaffirmation, non pas de l'objectivité journalistique, les professionnels de l'information ayant appris à se méfier d'un terme qui a été fortement critiqué (Streckfuss, 1990), mais de l'exemplarité des méthodes journalistiques. ...
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FR. S’appuyant sur des entretiens avec les journalistes à l’origine du Décodex et ceux impliqués dans son fonctionnement, cet article interroge les représentations associées à ce dispositif de signalement de la fiabilité des sources d’information en ligne. Il questionne notamment la représentation de leur travail atypique de fact checking durant le lancement du dispositif, au moment de la campagne présidentielle française, et les ambitions affichées et sous-entendues de ses promoteurs. En effet, le Décodex a ceci de particulier qu’il ne dénonce pas les fake news, comme de nombreux sites de fact checking, mais ambitionne d’identifier les sources qui les propagent. Dès lors, il s’autorise le droit de distinguer parmi les émetteurs de messages en ligne au nom d’un idéal journalistique. Les journalistes du Décodex voient-ils dans leurs pratiques une réaffirmation de la prétention épistémologique du journalisme à dire le vrai contre les fake news ? Comment perçoivent-ils le dispositif dans l’environnement numérique et médiatique ? Au-delà du discours de réaffirmation de la légitimité journalistique face aux fake news, c’est aussi un discours de l’efficacité des médias de référence qui est promu et de leur utilité sociale. Ainsi, la portée limitée des fake news durant la campagne présidentielle française de 2017 sera expliquée par la responsabilité des médias ayant « pignon sur rue ». En refusant de relayer les fausses informations, les médias d’information ont joué le rôle social de garant d’un débat public équilibré. Mais ce succès revendiqué est aussi un moyen pour la profession de journaliste de ne pas s’interroger sur ses limites, celles-là même qui conduisent aujourd’hui les fact checkers à défendre un journalisme menacé et le Décodex à se présenter comme une entreprise nécessaire. *** EN. Based on interviews with the journalists behind the Decodex project and those involved in its operation, this article examines the representations associated with this service that reports on the trustworthiness of online news sources. In particular, it looks at the representation of the anomalous fact checking at the launch of the service during the French presidential campaign, and the stated and implicit ambitions of its promoters. Indeed, the Decodex is unique in that it does not denounce fake news, like many fact-checking sites, but rather aims to identify the sources that disseminate it. In this way, it grants itself the right to distinguish among the transmitters of online material in the name of a journalistic ideal. Do Decodex journalists see in their practices a reaffirmation of the epistemological claim of journalism to tell the truthful rather than fake news? How do they perceive the service within the online and media environment? Beyond the reaffirmation of journalistic legitimacy vis-à-vis fake news, it is also a discourse on the efficacy of reference media and their social usefulness. For example, the limited presence of fake news during the French presidential campaign of 2017 could be explained by citing the responsibility of the media with its eye on the street; by refusing to relay false information, the news media played the social role of guarantor of a balanced public debate. But this claimed success is also a way for the journalistic profession not to question its limits, the very limits that today lead fact checkers to defend threatened journalism and for the Decodex to present itself as a necessary enterprise. *** PT; Com base em entrevistas com os jornalistas criadores do Decodex e aqueles envolvidos no seu funcionamento, este artigo questiona as representações associadas a esse dispositivo de alerta da confiabilidade das fontes de informação online. Em particular, questiona a representação do seu trabalho atípico de fact checking quando do lançamento do sistema, na época da campanha presidencial francesa, e as ambições declaradas e implícitas de seus promotores. De fato, o Decodex tem a especificidade de não denunciar fake news, como muitos sites de fact checking, mas visa identificar as fontes que as propagam. Portanto, ele se dá o direito de denunciar os emissores de mensagens online em nome de um ideal jornalístico. Os jornalistas do Decodex veriam em suas práticas uma reafirmação da pretensão epistemológica do jornalismo de dizer a verdade contra as fake news? Como eles percebem esse dispositivo no ambiente digital e midiático? Para além do discurso de reafirmação da legitimidade jornalística diante das fake news, é também um discurso da eficácia dos meios de comunicação de referência que se promove, e de sua utilidade social. Assim, o impacto limitado das fake news durante a campanha presidencial francesa de 2017 será atribuído à mídia oficial. Ao recusar transmitir informações falsas, a mídia de informação desempenhou o papel social de garantidor de um debate público equilibrado. Mas esse sucesso reivindicado é também uma forma de a profissão jornalística não questionar seus limites, esses que hoje levam os fact checking a defender um jornalismo ameaçado e o Decodex a se apresentar como um empreendimento necessário. ***
... 49). We believe that objectivity is the key to truth as acknowledged by Streckfuss (1990) who posits that "…writing a balance story without the reporters' hyperbole may be equated to neutralism". In our opinion, objectivity means finding and reporting the truth through ethical procedures. ...
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This paper investigated the coverage of corruption in the oil and gas industry through a content analysis of four Nigerian newspapers (The Punch, Vanguard, Guardian and Nigerian Tribune). The paper adopted quantitative approach, in which quantitative data were collected and analyzed through content analysis of the selected newspapers. This paper revealed that 534 stories were published on corruption in the Nigerian oil and gas sector by all the newspapers within the study period (July 2018-June 2019), with the Punch having the highest magnitude of stories (n = 196, 36.70%) while Nigerian Tribune had the highest number of stories reported on its front and back pages (n = 143, 92.25%). However, Guardian had the highest number of full-paged stories (n = 15, 20%) whereas the Punch and Nigerian Tribune adopted the widest range of publication formats with news being the most dominant format employed by all the dailies (n = 462, 86.52%). In terms of tone of stories, Nigerian Tribune was the most neutral (n = 56, 39.44%). These suggest that the newspapers gave prominence to reportage of corruption, which implies that the selected newspapers are fulfilling their agenda-setting role and social responsibility to the public. It is anticipated that our findings will play a significant role in enhancing the function of Nigerian newspapers as agent of change.
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Objective journalism is blamed frequently for all sorts of journalistic failures and weaknesses, but the critiques typically are flawed because their authors fail to understand objectivity or to define it precisely. This defense of objective journalism defines objectivity and suggests that it is indispensable in a free society, summarizes major critiques of and alternatives to objectivity, and proposes that critics and defenders might serve journalism best by seeking common ground.
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'Objectivity' is one of the core professional values of journalism. However, there are many different definitions and interpretations of the term in the profession. These notions have changed over time in one country, and they differ between journalists in different cultural and political settings. In this paper we present comparative results of how journalists in different countries look at the term objectivity. The data are gathered from an international study of news journalists in democracies. In this survey, representative samples of reporters and editors who are involved in daily news decisions were interviewed with the same questionnaire. We show how journalists differ in their notion of objectivity and in the subjective importance which the professional value of objectivity has for them. Besides showing country-to-country differences, we try to assess what factors contribute to different professional attitudes towards objectivity within a single country. In a final part, the paper discusses the consequences of the different notions of objectivity for the audience's perception of reality and for the influence of the news media on public opinion.
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Since the mid-20th century the theoretical study of journalism, and at that stage, its main component, news, has shown promising signs of becoming an "autonomous field" with a serious enough, if not alto gether coherent, body of scholarly literature and an ongoing process of research output. However, the internet revolution of the 21st century and the tumultuous descent of new (social) media on a rather unsuspecting traditional media world changed not only the stereotyped notions of media theory and production, but also the very notion of news itself, and consequently of news objectivity. The normative and historical study of news can be traced back to the very beginning of the newspaper in the 17th century, whilst modern journalism theory finds its social scientifi c roots in the application of functionalist theory in the mid-1950s in terms of news production, e.g. gatekeeper and later agenda-setting studies. These models became prototypes of what journalism and the study of news could achieve on an empirical level. However, at the turn of the millennium theory building in journalism was still appro priating theoretical building blocks from other disciplines, especially from sociology and political studies. What seemed missing was a clear theoretical focus on the role of journalism through its basic function, namely news, both in terms of macro-scale developments, as well as everyday life. In this context, journalism researchers seemed to draw progressively from the contribution of three European sociologists: Jürgen Habermas (public sphere), Pierre Bourdieu (field theory) and Niklas Luhmann (systems theory). The first two theorists are well known in the English speaking world and their work have been utilised widely. The third is almost un known in the non-German speaking media world, even though considered by some as arguably not only the foremost German sociologist, but also as internationally the most important social theorist of the 20th century. Internationally journalism and media studies journals, however, make little reference to Luh mann, with almost no reference at all in the South African journals. What makes Luhmann important to the discussion of journalism and news, and thus also to this article, is his contribution to a new paradigmatic understanding of the role the media plays in portraying "reality". And more to the point, is Luhmann's contribution to finally lay to rest the long-held (and cherished) notion in journalism practice and in positivistic journalism theory, that the media can report the "news reality objectively". This article then sets out to introduce the work of Niklas Luhman (2000)2 as it relates to journalism theory, and in particular to news production and the Anglo-American jour nalistic ideal of "objectivity". The departing point is that in some quarters journalism scholars still argue that it is possible to report the news "objectively". This "fact" is then utilized as a basis for not only research, but also for journalism textbooks and the way journalism students are educated on the role of the media in society and in the way that they should report the news, as though it is a given that the news the audience will receive will be "objective". Arguing (ironically) initially from a systems and functionalist point of view, Luhmann turns the Anglo-American journalistic standard-bearing concept of "news objectivity" on its head by introducing the concept of autopoesis, emphasizing the self-constructing of "news reality", not only by media organisations and their journalists, but also by the audience. Luhmann does not only do this on micro- or meso-level, but on macro-level as well. As he states in The reality of the mass media (2000:1): "Whatever we know about our society, or indeed about the world in which we live, we know through mass media. ... On the other hand, we know so much about the mass media [i.e. its inability to portray "reality"] that we are not able to trust these [news] resources.3 According to Luhmann the mass media creates to all intents and purposes its own reality through the latent and manifest effect of the functional differentiation of modern society and the recursively stabilized functional mechanisms that the media employs to produce news. It is this "media reality" which appears to the media itself, as well as to others [i.e. the audience, or media users] to be the reality that in, traditional journalistic terms, can be conveyed "objectively". However, this "media reality" is a self-generated transcendental illusion (Luhmann 200:5). The manner then in which the illusion of "objective news" came to be the prime standard bearer and raison d'être of professional journalism is assessed in the first part of this article, whilst in the second part Luhmann's media reality paradigm as a counter-argument is explored. The purpose and outcome of the article is to contribute to the academic as well as the didactical and practical discussion about the untenability of the idea of news ever being "objective".
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Nobody likes pack journalism - not the reporters who are members of the pack, not the objects of the pack's attention and not the readers who deplore the pack's intrusiveness and obtrusiveness even as they stay with the coverage. To distance themselves from the pack, reporters have hit upon the curious rhetorical strategy of writing about it as if they were not a part of it. This article argues that this kind of distanced reflexivity is best understood as a strategic ritual aimed at maintaining the culture of journalism in the face of public disaffection with intrusive reporting and excessive coverage.
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This article describes how ‘tabloid ethics’ have infiltrated and transformed traditional notions of journalistic objectivity and is divided into four parts.The first part describes the development of the ‘contract by convention’ for objective reporting from earlier modes of behavior during the period of partisan journalism. The second part describes the collapse of that contract due to market pressures caused by the rapid availability of news on cable channels and the internet. The third part describes the ‘tabloid mentality’ that infects all news outlets to some degree, and illustrates this problem by focusing on two incidents from the Iraq War: the capture and rescue of Private Jessica Lynch and the controversy of the roll call of American soldiers killed in Iraq on the television show ‘Nightline’. The article concludes by arguing that tabloid journalism currently creates a ‘simulacrum of objectivity’ that most resembles the entertainment model of ‘reality shows’.
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An online experiment tested the influence of “he said/she said” coverage versus active adjudication of factual disputes, as well as strategy versus policy framing in postdebate news coverage. Adjudication in policy-framed stories increased epistemic political efficacy (EPE), a measure of confidence in one’s own ability to determine the truth in politics. However, adjudicated policy stories also elicited greater cynicism than passive policy framing. This suggests a caveat for the spiral of cynicism, calling into question its assumption that all policy framing behaves similarly in reducing cynicism. Results also provide several forms of evidence that effects of adjudication on EPE differ from spiral of cynicism effects while further validating the EPE construct as distinct from the reverse of political cynicism. Adjudication also positively affected evaluations of the coverage as interesting and informative.
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Why did the occupational norm of ‘objectivity’ arise in American journalism? This question has attracted the interest of many journalism historians but it has not previously been examined as an instance of a more general social phenomenon, the emergence of new cultural norms and ideals. Four conditions for the emergence of new norms are identified – two having to do with the self-conscious pursuit of internal group solidarity; and two having to do with the need to articulate the ideals of social practice in a group in order to exercise control over subordinates and to pass on group culture to the next generation. Reviewing the history of the professionalization of American journalism, this essay identifies the late 19th and early 20th century as the period when these conditions crystallized. Alternative technological and economic explanations of the emergence of objectivity are criticized and the difficulty of understanding why objectivity as a norm emerged first and most fully in the United States rather than in European journalism is discussed.
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News coverage of elections is a popular topic in mass and political communication research. Studies of this tradition usually focus on news articles and neglect another important element of news content: news photographs. In this study, newspaper photographs of presidential candidates in the United States and Taiwan were compared. Generally, US candidates were more likely to be portrayed as a beloved leader, at leisure, from the side or back, looking determined, as a leader and follower, standing or walking, and with cheering crowds. Candidates in Taiwan were more likely to be depicted in a ‘glad-to-see-you’ pose, with a camera angle looking down, with no expression, as an equal to others in the same photograph, and with inattentive people. How political and cultural differences between these two countries may have contributed to such variations was also discussed in this study.
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In recent years some journalists have become aggressive and outspoken in challenging corporate policies that restrict a reporter's off‐duty political activities, particularly when they are unrelated to the reporter's primary job assignment. This dispute is beginning to spawn litigation that constitutes a direct assault on the journalistic canon of objectivity and the media's right to establish their own ethical benchmarks. This article explores the legal implications of conflict of interest codes and concludes that the public's interest in news media—unencumbered as to their standards of editorial integrity—should trump the individual free speech rights of journalists.
Chapter
This chapter synthesizes existing knowledge about journalistic practices in an online-first era and, more specifically, the challenges before Indian journalism. I begin by explaining the origins and tenets of gatekeeping theory, how it has evolved into one of the most well-rounded, theoretical models to explain how journalists select and disseminate information, and how the emergence of social media may have disrupted some of the key concepts of gatekeeping.Next, I introduce and explain the HOI model. This section describes how each step (individual factors, routine factors, organizational factors, social institutional factors, and social system factors) can influence journalistic gatekeeping decisions and the specific items within these factors that affect journalists’ decisions to select or share breaking news. I then discuss existing studies and what they tell us about journalists’ use of social media and their perceptions of such platforms as professional tools.Finally, I evaluate studies that focus on journalism in India, specifically, how journalists select and share news. In doing so, I discuss knowledge gaps, such as lack of studies examining journalists’ perceptions about social media, social media usage patterns for professional reasons, and factors that influence their online-first gatekeeping decisions. This chapter concludes by reexamining the relevance of gatekeeping theory in a digital-first era.
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As recently as the early 1970s, the news media was one of the most respected institutions in the United States. Yet by the 1990s, this trust had all but evaporated. Why has confidence in the press declined so dramatically over the past 40 years? And has this change shaped the public's political behavior? This book examines waning public trust in the institutional news media within the context of the American political system and looks at how this lack of confidence has altered the ways people acquire political information and form electoral preferences. Jonathan Ladd argues that in the 1950s, '60s, and early '70s, competition in American party politics and the media industry reached historic lows. When competition later intensified in both of these realms, the public's distrust of the institutional media grew, leading the public to resist the mainstream press's information about policy outcomes and turn toward alternative partisan media outlets. As a result, public beliefs and voting behavior are now increasingly shaped by partisan predispositions. Ladd contends that it is not realistic or desirable to suppress party and media competition to the levels of the mid-twentieth century; rather, in the contemporary media environment, new ways to augment the public's knowledgeability and responsiveness must be explored. Drawing on historical evidence, experiments, and public opinion surveys, this book shows that in a world of endless news sources, citizens' trust in institutional media is more important than ever before.
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This study investigates the significance of Xu Baohuang's 1919 textbook Xin wen xue on the articulation of an objectivity norm in the early Republican era in China. It addresses issues raised by cross-cultural or comparative analysis of journalistic norms. It also considers the need to maintain awareness of differences in the political and journalistic field in Republican-era China. Following Michael Schudson's essay, “The Objectivity Norm in American Journalism”, our analysis focuses on the articulation of the objectivity norm and looks for unique aspects of norm formation arising out of the Chinese context. As such, we see Xu's role as more than importing an American norm into China. Rather he codifies and legitimizes a norm that has a distinct relationship to local issues and media practice. We argue that while Xu's text articulates what can only be considered a nascent ideal, and not a fully matured objectivity norm, his work nevertheless codifies a new sense of news, and also a journalistic commitment to the cultivation of healthy public opinion.
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En este artículo perfilamos a través de un trabajo de campo empírico la idea de objetividad que tienen los periodistas dentro de la cultura periodística de España y Suiza. Para llegar a una mayor compresión de esta idea dentro del contexto profesional debemos recurrir al concepto de cultura periodística que se forma en base a la delgada línea que separa las culturas nacionales y el concepto universal de cultura como forma de vida. La primera parte de nuestro estudio empírico está basado en el proyecto internacional Worlds of Journalism (WoJ), de carácter cuantitativo y dirigido por Hanitzsch (2009). En segundo lugar presentamos el estudio cualitativo realizado a través de entrevistas en profundidad a 39 periodistas en activo procedentes de medios de comunicación (prensa, radio y televisión) españoles y suizos. El objetivo es conocer la idea que tienen los informadores de la objetividad en su labor profesional. La idea de objetividad que tienen o se plantean los periodistas en una determinada cultura periodística nos sirve para conocer ciertos valores y tradiciones en algunos países. Los resultados de las entrevistas (estudio cualitativo) confirman lo apuntado en las encuestas (estudio cuantitativo). Sin embargo, ponen en relevancia diversos aspectos relacionados con el intervencionismo que sugieren matizaciones en la interpretación de los resultados del estudio cuantitativo.
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梳理美国自1890年代以来的民粹主义运动发展脉络及媒体相关报道情况,探讨民粹主义话语之下的新闻媒体在当代社会所面临的真正问题。美国早期的民粹主义行动和大众媒体介入均被认为有积极意义,冷战时期是重要转折点,意识形态重塑和媒体专业化发展使民粹主义运动负面化,新闻媒体不报道或以报道来消解运动。在1990年代以来的全球化时代里,媒体民粹主义作为重要议题被提出,但政治现实与文化表征背离。民粹主义运动支离破碎,分散的抗议始终未能建立广泛的政治联盟;而新闻媒体既不能形成强大的舆论以纠正公共政策的偏差,也没有真正反映工人阶级和中下阶层民众在全球化时代的经济困境和情感意见,媒体民粹主义反映的恰恰是媒体对资源有限的社会多数人的代表性危机。
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Writing about war, I often mistype the word “casualties,” leaving me to wonder what is casual or causal about the harm befalling combatants and noncombatants. Similarly, as a student of armed conl ict, I often wonder what is civil about civilians or civil war. Casual suggests the chance or accidental nature of wartime injuries and deaths. Causal, on the other hand, directs our attention away from chance and toward a discernible sequence of events that result in injury or death. Civil connotes a measure of respect for normative behavior and, therefore, responsibility on the part of all participants, including soldiers, civilians, and bystanders, for the goings on in wartime.
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In November 1984, Jeffrey Masson filed a libel suit against writer Janet Malcolm and the New Yorker, claiming that Malcolm had intentionally misquoted him in a profile she wrote for the magazine about his former career as a Freud scholar and administrator of the Freud archives. Over the next twelve years the case moved up and down the federal judicial ladder, at one point reaching the U.S. Supreme Court, as lawyers and judges wrestled with questions about the representation of "truth" in journalism and, by extension, the limits of First Amendment protections of free speech. Had a successful Freudian scholar actually called himself an "intellectual gigolo" and "the greatest analyst who ever lived"? Or had a respected writer for the New Yorker knowingly placed false, self-damning words in her subject's mouth? In Literary Journalism on Trial, Kathy Roberts Forde explores the implications of Masson v. New Yorker in the context of the history of American journalism. She shows how the case represents a watershed moment in a long debate between the advocates of traditional and literary journalism and explains how it reflects a significant intellectual project of the period: the postmodern critique of objectivity, with its insistence on the instability of language and rejection of unitary truth in human affairs. The case, Forde argues, helped widen the perceived divide between ideas of literary and traditional journalism and forced the resolution of these conflicting conceptions of truth in the constitutional arena of libel law. By embracing traditional journalism's emphasis on fact and objectivity and rejecting a broader understanding of truth, the Supreme Court turned away from the First Amendment theory articulated in previous rulings, opting to value less the free, uninhibited interchange of ideas necessary to democracy and more the "trustworthiness" of public expression. The Court's decision in this case thus had implications that reached beyond the legal realm to the values and norms expressed in the triangular relationship between American democracy, First Amendment principles, and the press.
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This essay relates the history of objectivity in journalism to the historical development of objectivity in the sciences as worked out by Daston and Galison (Objectivity, Zone Books, New York, 2007/2010). While the nineteenth century history of journalism in America increasingly focused increasingly on facts, in the twentieth century, especially after World War I, it became clear that while objectivity was both a moral imperative and an epistemic ideal, objectivity would not always lead to truth. More recently, as this work argues, objectivity in science and in journalism have developed in parallel, at a time when both face major challenges in the ethics and epistemology of the digital image and its manipulation.
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General election which aims at selecting the best national leadership for the next five year office term is peoples democracy party event which requires the nation attention. Mass media plays an important role to have the event successful by covering general election campaign, along with its rule and procedures, the political party program statements, the prospective candidate track record, and general election irregularities in independent, neutral and impartial manner. By doing so, media functions as voter education to enable them to choose the candidate rationally based on unbiased and balanced media coverage. In addition, media have to control and monitor general election procedures violation committed by each general election stakeholders. If it is the case, the general election will run freely and fairly. To achieve this, media should cover objectively by means separating his subjective opinion from the fact being covered. This type of media coverage, among other things, will undoubtedly bring about free and fair general election. The paper attempts to describe the relation between media and politics, as well as the objectivity of East-Java Province based Jawa Pos newspapers sand Muslim-oriented Republika daily during general election 1999 campaign period. Besides, it tries to measure their coverage objectivity employing the Coefficient of Imbalance formulae especially with regard to the parties namely the presumed pro status quo Golkar party and the reformist PDI-P party. The paper puts its emphasis on the discussing the objectivity method for media coverage using quantitative content analysis. The papers concludes by presenting an example of content analysis result using the formulae on the 1999 general election media coverage which found that each newspaper was biased to each the political party with Jawa Pos favored PDI-P and Republika supported Golkar.
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The aim of the peace journalism model is to offer a " peace oriented " way to cover conflicts. A research of the subject indicates that the focus of peace journalism has been about the benefits and details of how the model can be implemented, but without serious academic or theoretical background. This paper deals with this problem. After a brief analysis of current peace journalism theory and its limits, the article uses two theories to provide solid theoretical grounding for the peace journalism model. In first place, the 'framing theory' of Robert Entman demonstrates that this model could be considered a frame and also an exercise of framing. However, once the Entman theory provides light on framing, what kind of frame and how it is constructed, it is necessary to review the model peace journalism and analyze it with a focus on conflict coverage. So, in second place it will be studied the 'politic context model' of Gadi Wolfsfeld to include some interesting aspects of the political conflict environment.
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