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The Impact of Lifelong Learning on Happiness and Well-being

Authors:
The Impact of Lifelong Learning on Happiness and Well-being
Ricardo Sabates & Cathie Hammond
January 2008
FINAL VERSION
Dr Ricardo Sabates
Senior Research Officer and NIACE Fellow
Institute of Education
London
WC1H 0AL
R.Sabates@ioe.ac.uk
Cathie Hammond
Research Officer
Institute of Education
London
C.Hammond@ioe.ac.uk
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Contents
1. Introduction............................................................................................................8
1.1. Well-being: Definitions and Indicators..........................................................8
2. Review of Empirical Literature .............................................................................9
2.1. Happiness & Life Satisfaction (subjective well-being).................................9
2.1.1 Life Satisfaction...................................................................................10
2.1.2 Happiness.............................................................................................12
2.1.3 Satisfaction with economic situation...................................................13
2.2. Self-esteem and self-efficacy (psychological well-being)...........................15
2.3. Mental disorders (Depression).....................................................................18
3. Gaps in Evidence .................................................................................................21
4. Key Messages for the Inquiry..............................................................................22
References……………………………………………………………………………23
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Executive Summary
Introduction
1. This review summarises and synthesises research-based evidence concerning
the impacts of lifelong learning on happiness and wellbeing. It is a
contribution to the development of an empirically based, full understanding of
the complex mechanisms through with education impacts on happiness and
well-being, which we hope will be of use to policy makers who wish to
promote these important outcomes.
Scope
2. The review focuses on ‘well-being’, which is a multi-dimensional concept.
We limit our analysis to an exploration of subjective well-being and
psychological well-being.
3. Subjective well-being encompasses self-assessed life satisfaction and
happiness, which may apply generally or more specifically to particular
aspects of individuals’ lives, for example satisfaction with one’s job
4. Psychological well-being concerns an individual’s potential and encompasses
self-esteem and self-efficacy.
5. We also investigate the impact of learning on reducing the risk of depression,
which is one of the most common mental health problems amongst adults in
the UK.
6. A key issue in this review is whether relationships between learning and well-
being reflect effects of learning. It could be that the sort of people who do well
in education are those who tend to be happy and mentally resilient in the first
place and that attaining educational qualifications per se makes little
difference. There are no randomised control trials in this area and we cannot
make assumptions about the causalities that underlie statistical associations.
However, some studies use methodologies that provide evidence about
causality, namely the positive effects of learning on well-being.
Key Messages
7. The positive impacts of education on happiness and well-being
In general, having higher qualifications is associated with greater happiness, life
satisfaction, self-esteem, self-efficacy, and reduced risk of depression. There is some
robust evidence that having higher qualifications has positive effects on these
outcomes.
8. How education affects happiness and well-being
The positive effects of education on happiness and well-being result from a variety of
intermediary processes, which probably include higher income, non-alienating work,
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household composition, health behaviours, use of health services, emotional
resilience, social capabilities and, amongst older adults, better physical health.
9. Effects of adult learning on self-esteem and self-efficacy
There is robust evidence that adult learning leads to increases in self-esteem and self-
efficacy. Adult learning has its most positive impacts on self-esteem and self-efficacy
when the learning provided meets the needs of the learner and when the learner is at a
stage in their life when they are ready and receptive to benefit from it.
10. Education may have negative effects on happiness and well-being
Associations between education and happiness and well-being are not always
positive. Adults with higher qualifications report relatively low job satisfaction, and
there is some evidence that adults with high level qualifications are not much happier
or resistant to depression than adults with qualifications at an intermediate level.
Maybe education has negative as well as positive impacts, for example through
raising aspirations and expectations that are not met and by leading to occupations
that carry high levels of stress.
12. Defining well-being
For purposes of measurement, ‘well-being’ should be defined clearly and consistently.
Otherwise, (i) it is not possible to compare results across different studies when these
studies focus on different aspects of well-being and (ii) research may mislead policy.
Specific findings
Subjective well-being
7. The effects of education depend on the measurement of subjective well-being,
e.g. life satisfaction, happiness, job satisfaction. Direct comparisons can only
be made between studies that use the same indicator of subjective well-being,
with similar scales, and also assessed by groups who do not interpret the
indicator in different ways. We can make inferences from comparing findings
from studies that draw on different groups and use slightly different measures
of well-being.
8. There is robust evidence that people with more education are both happier and
have higher levels of life satisfaction than people with lower levels of
education. The size of the association is small.
9. Most studies measure level of education by years at school or highest
qualification attained. There is also some evidence for a positive association
between participation in adult learning and increases in life satisfaction.
10. Some European studies find that people with higher education qualifications
are less happy and have lower levels of life satisfaction than those with
intermediate levels of education. A suggested explanation for this finding is
that attaining higher education qualifications in Europe raises aspirations that
prove to be unrealistic.
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11. Some findings suggest that effects of education on life satisfaction are
channelled through higher income, better health, perceived trust and household
composition
12. Education appears to moderate effects of relative income on happiness and life
satisfaction. There is no consistent relationship between happiness or life
satisfaction and absolute levels of income. However, how rich a person is
relative to other people does matter for happiness and life satisfaction. Those
with relatively high incomes tend to be relatively happy and report relatively
high levels of life satisfaction. This finding applies to adults with lower levels
of education but it does not apply to those with higher levels of education.
Perhaps those with higher levels of education feel more confident about their
status irrespective of relative income, and also believe that they have the
capability to improve their economic situation if they choose to.
13. Most of the evidence suggests that individuals with higher levels of education
are relatively dissatisfied with their employment.
14. More highly educated adults tend to be relatively satisfied with their pay and
more generally, their financial situation.
15. The previous finding indicates that the reasons why more educated individuals
tend to report relatively low levels of job satisfaction are not to do with the
financial rewards of the job. Other possible explanations include stress related
to jobs at higher positions and lack of control and autonomy, especially in
positions that carry high levels of responsibility and mismatches between
expectations and employment possibilities.
Psychological well-being
16. There is consistent evidence that adults with higher levels of education tend to
enjoy relatively high levels of self-esteem and self-efficacy.
17. Participation in adult education is associated with positive changes in self-
esteem and self-efficacy.
18. Qualitative studies identify a variety of processes through which participation
in adult learning can have positive effects on self-esteem and self-efficacy.
19. Education is not beneficial to the self-esteem and self-efficacy of all
individuals. Nearly all members of society participate in education but it is
only those who attain high levels of qualifications who have relatively high
levels of self-esteem and self-efficacy; the rest have relatively low levels. In
addition, qualitative studies find that participation in adult learning can
undermine the self-esteem and self-efficacy of individuals who feel that they
have not succeeded. Participation involves risk taking and when individuals
are not prepared for the learning experience or when the content, pedagogical
style or peer group do not suit the learner, then self-confidence, self-esteem
and other aspects of psychological well-being can be negatively affected.
Mental disorder (depression)
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20. A few sound empirical studies find that higher educational attainment is both
associated with a lower prevalence of depression and can actually reduce the
risk of depression.
21. Having intermediate as opposed to low levels of qualifications affords
protection from the risk of depression, but having high-level qualifications
affords no protection over and above that associated with having intermediate
level qualifications.
22. The previous finding parallels findings from some studies that happiness and
life satisfaction are positively associated with education only up to an
intermediate level of education (see point 10). Although success in higher
education almost certainly has a range of outcomes that have positive impacts
on happiness and mental health, it appears also to be potentially undermining,
possibly through raising expectations and aspirations to levels that are difficult
to meet and through leading to stressful lifestyles and occupations.
23. Channels through which education protects individuals from the onset and
progression of depression include financial/economic situation, non-alienating
work, emotional resilience, health behaviours, use of health services, social
responsibility, social capabilities, and, amongst older adults, physical health.
Gaps in the Literature
24. In order to inform policies designed to improve levels of happiness and well-
being, we need to fully understand the mechanisms through which education
impacts on these valuable outcomes. Of prime importance is the need for more
robust empirical studies that provide evidence about effects of education, over
and above mere associations.
25. A variety of studies provide clues to the mechanisms through which education
impacts on happiness and well-being. These include studies which find
negative or null associations between level of education and job satisfaction,
studies which find negative or null associations between higher as opposed to
intermediate levels of education and happiness and well-being and other
studies that seek to identify the channels through which education affects
happiness and well-being. Thorough comparisons of these existing studies and
more quantitative studies of this kind, coupled with in-depth qualitative
studies, all in a range of contexts, will enhance our understanding of the roles
that education can play in promoting happiness and well-being.
26. There is little research on the impacts of highest educational qualifications and
continuing adult learning on satisfaction with specific aspects of life, for
example, marriage, social support, involvement with the community and
housing.
27. There is very little research on the impact of adult learning on happiness or
well-being. Are those who engage in learning in adulthood happier or more
satisfied with their lives than those who do not engage in learning?
28. Furthermore, little is known about the impact of learning on individuals’ well-
being over time. In other words, does learning over the life course increase
happiness or life satisfaction?
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29. The evidence about relationships between education, well-being and income is
contradictory. Absolute level of income is not associated with well-being but
relative income is. Two studies provide evidence that education moderates this
association. The first suggests that the well-being of adults with higher levels
of education is relatively resilient to relative income, whilst the second
suggests that relative income matters more for the well-being of adults with
high level qualifications than it does for adults with lower level qualifications.
More research is needed in this area.
30. What do we mean by well-being? There is a need to bring together research on
well-being from different disciplines.
31. Is the impact of learning on psychological well-being short term or does it
have long-lasting effects?
32. Is lifelong learning one of the important channels for the impact of highest
educational qualifications on reducing the risk of depression?
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1. Introduction
This report 1) summarises findings from a review of the evidence about the impact of
lifelong learning on happiness and well-being; 2) points out the gaps in the literature
and; 3) provides some key messages for NIACE’s Commission of Inquiry.
In order to undertake this review, we identified the main indicators of well-being. For
each of these indicators, we reviewed empirical studies where education or learning is
used at least as an explanatory factor if not the main focus of the study. We
summarise the main findings and address the following areas of interest for the
Commission:
What does evidence tell us about the impact of lifelong learning on happiness
and well-being?
In particular, what do we know about the impact of lifelong learning on mental
health, satisfaction with life, and self-efficacy?
What are the gaps in evidence?
What are the key messages for the Inquiry?
We have not conducted a systematic review of the literature; this would not have been
feasible within the time available. Rather, we relied on previous work undertaken by
researchers from the Centre of Research on the Wider Benefits of Learning (Feinstein,
et al. 2006), which we updated with more recent work on education and well-being.
We conducted searches in Scholar Google as well as scientific publishers such as
Ingenta, Elsevier Science Direct and JSTOR. As a search criterion we focused
exclusively on articles published within the last five years (from 2002 onwards).
1.1. Well-being: Definitions and Indicators
There are two main domains of research traditions on well-being (Keyes, Shmotkin,
and Ryff, 2002). One tradition, referred to as subjective well-being, deals with
happiness and investigates factors related to self-assessed life satisfaction in general
or applied to specific areas of one’s life. The other tradition, referred to as
psychological well-being, focuses on human potential, which reflects personal
growth, sense of control over one’s actions and purpose in life.
Subjective well-being emerged in the late 1950s in the search for useful indicators of
quality of life to monitor social change and improve social policy. The two main
indicators of subjective well-being that emerged from this research were life
satisfaction and happiness. Life satisfaction reflects individuals’ perceived distance
from their aspirations (Campbell, et al 1976). Happiness results from a balance
between positive and negative affect (Bradburn, 1969). Although these indicators are
different, they are used interchangeably in the empirical literature.
Conceptualisations of psychological well-being draw on formulations of human
development in the context of external life challenges. On the basis of these
formulations, Ryff (1989) suggested seven dimensions of psychological well-being,
differentiated by the different challenges that individuals encounter as they strive to
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function positively. The dimensions were: self-acceptance, ability to shape the
environment, personal autonomy, self-determination, purpose in life, personal growth,
and positive relations with others.
In this review we focus on happiness and life satisfaction as indicators of subjective
well-being. For psychological well-being we focus on just two of the dimensions
proposed by Ryff (1989). The first indicator is self-esteem, defined as self-acceptance
and a basic feeling of self-worth (Rosenberg, 1965). The second is the ability to shape
one’s own environment (Ryff, 1989). This is closely related to Bandura’s (1994)
notion of self-efficacy, which he describes as an individuals’ beliefs about his or her
capabilities to produce designated levels of performance that exercise influence over
events that affect their lives.
In their broadest definitions, subjective well-being and psychological well-being
encompass many aspects of good mental health. According to the World Health
Organisation, positive mental health incorporates the state of well-being in which the
individual realises his or her own abilities, can cope with the normal stress of life, can
work productively and is able to make contributions to the community (WHO, 2007).
Mental health is not only the absence of disease or infirmity, but includes physical,
mental and social well-being.
But these definitions of well-being do not include mental disorders, such as
depression or anxiety, which affect mainly the adult population and for which
learning can have important benefits. According to Butler, et al. (2004) depression is
the third most common reason for consultation in general practice in the UK. It is
estimated that the prevalence of major depression among 16 to 65 year olds in the UK
to be 17/1000 for males and 25/1000 for females. For a broader category of mixed
depression and anxiety the prevalence is estimated to be 71/1000 for males and
124/1000 for females. Therefore, we also focus on depression as an indicator of a
mental disorder.
2. Review of Empirical Literature
We start by reviewing evidence on the impact of learning on subjective well-being
(Section 2.1), followed by psychological well-being (section 2.2), and finally on
reducing the risk of depression (Section 2.3).
2.1. Happiness & Life Satisfaction (subjective well-being)
What are the measures for subjective well-being? Studies in this area usually gather
information from answers to satisfaction questions and use them as measures of
subjective well-being. Commonly these answers are on a discrete scale, ranging from
unsatisfied to satisfied, with zero at one end and anything between 5 and 11 at the
other. One measurement of subjective well-being records individuals’ satisfaction
with life as a whole. Others focus on specific domains, like leisure, work, finances,
health, housing, family, and so on. Sometimes questions ask about feelings of
happiness whilst others ask about satisfaction. The relationships found between
education and subjective well-being depend on the measure used.
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Empirical studies using data from different countries have shown a low positive
association between education and life satisfaction (Veenhoven, 1996; Caporale, et al.
2007) and between education and satisfaction with financial situation (Seghieri,
Desantis and Tanturri, 2006) for most countries. There is also a positive association
between education and happiness, which is robust to the inclusion of background
family factors (Hartog and Oosterbeek, 1998; Gerdtham and Johannesson, 2001).
Studies from Britain and the United States found a negative correlation between
education and job satisfaction, indicating dissatisfaction among individuals with
higher levels of education (Clark and Oswald, 1996; Ross and van Willigen, 1997).
This dissatisfaction may be due to the lack of jobs at higher levels, the stress related to
jobs at higher positions, and to mismatches between aspiration and expectations with
employment possibilities.
In the next sections, we review empirical evidence on the impact of education on
different indicators of subjective well-being: overall life satisfaction, happiness, and
satisfaction with economic situation (which includes job satisfaction, financial
satisfaction and pay satisfaction).
2.1.1 Life Satisfaction
There is evidence for both positive and negative correlations between education and
life satisfaction. We consider this evidence and also evidence concerning the channels
through which education might affect life satisfaction.
Helliwell (2002) estimated a multivariate regression using individual level data from
the World Values Survey for 46 countries. Results showed that when overall life
satisfaction was regressed on education (measured as the age at which individuals
completed full-time education), there was a strong, statistically significant, positive
association. However, when other individual and national variables were included in
the model, the association disappeared. Similar results were found by Ferrer-i-
Carbonell (2005) for Germany. The author used the German Socioeconomic Panel
dataset and modelled the determinants of life satisfaction. The impact of years of
education on life satisfaction was not statistically significant in a model that included
income, relative income, and other demographic and socioeconomic variables. These
results suggested that educational effects may be channelled via higher income, better
health, higher perceived trust and household composition, which were controls
included in the models.
Another positive association between education and life satisfaction was found by
Oswald and Powdthavee (2007) using the British Household Panel Survey.
Individuals with A-levels and higher degrees reported higher levels of life satisfaction
than individuals with lower levels of educational qualifications. In the United States,
Oreopoulos (2003) found that years of schooling were positively associated with life
satisfaction, and that this result held up after using features of compulsory schooling
laws as an instrumental variable for schooling to address the possibility of reverse
causation (that is, that having greater life satisfaction in the first place may cause
people to be more likely to stay longer at school).
In contrast, Caporale, et al. (2007) found a negative association between having
higher education qualifications and life satisfaction using data from the European
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Social Survey. The authors suggest that having a higher education qualification could
raise aspirations that are not often fulfilled, leading to dissatisfaction and the negative
association found. When reference income (income of individuals with similar
characteristics) was included in the analysis, the association between having a higher
education qualification and life satisfaction became positive. A possible explanation is
that the higher education qualification leads to aspirations about income, which are
not often met. Once these are taken into account (i.e. included in the analysis), the
positive impacts on life satisfaction of having a higher education qualification prevail.
Frey and Stutzer (2002) analysed data from Switzerland gathered in 1992-1994 and
estimated that achieving middle and high levels of formal education increased life
satisfaction by 2.19 and 2.09 percentage points, respectively. However, when
aspirations were included in a later analysis, Stutzer (2004) found a statistically
significant difference in life satisfaction only between those with mid-level
educational qualifications and those with low-level educational qualifications. He did
not find evidence of differences in life satisfaction between those with low-level
qualifications and those with higher education, which could be explained by
aspirations raised in unrealistic ways as a result of success in higher education.
In contrast to these findings that suggest negative as well as positive impacts of
attaining higher education qualifications, Kingdon and Knight (2004) found a small
positive association between overall life satisfaction and education but only at higher
levels of education (achieving a degree). This study was conducted in South Africa.
Possibly, attaining a higher education qualification in South Africa is associated with
aspirations that are different from those which result from attaining a similar level of
qualification in Europe. Also, the economic situation for those with these
qualifications is probably different in South Africa and Europe.
Ferrante (2007) investigated the channels through which education affects life
satisfaction, hypothesising that the main channels were via (i) access to stimulating
employment and consumption activities matching preferences and skills and (ii) how
the rewards of such activities compare with expectations. Results using data from the
2004 Italian Survey of Household Income and Wealth showed that education may
exert a negative effect on life satisfaction through raising individuals’ aspirations and
expectations above real life chances. This empirical result confirmed earlier
theoretical suggestions by Ross and van Willigen (1997) about the mechanisms
through which education may negatively impact on job satisfaction.
It is also possible that learning begets learning and this strengthens the relationship
with life satisfaction. Feinstein and Hammond (2004) used the 1958 cohort to
examine the contribution of adult learning to changes in life satisfaction between the
ages of 33 and 42 years, controlling for initial level of education and many other
factors. Their results showed that participation in adult learning had positive effects
on changes in life satisfaction. Effect sizes were small in absolute terms. However,
for most cohort members, there is little change in life satisfaction during mid
adulthood, and relative to this baseline, participation in adult learning is an important
driver for change in life satisfaction.
The work of Ferrer-i-Carbonell (2005) and Helliwell (2002) described above suggests
that channels for the positive impacts of education on life satisfaction are health, trust,
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household composition and income. Research on the impacts of income on happiness
indicates that relationships are complex. Layard (2003) reports that the proportions of
people who are very happy in Western countries has not changed at all even though
the level of real income in each group, especially at the top end of the distribution, has
risen considerably. This phenomenon is known as the Easterlin Paradox (Easterlin,
1995), after the seminal work of Easterlin (1974) on income and happiness. Easterlin
pointed out that while richer individuals in a country are happier than their poorer
fellows, income increases in themselves do not lead to increases in well-being of the
same magnitude. This suggests that it is relative rather than absolute levels of income
that are important for life satisfaction.
The impacts of income on happiness are moderated by level of education. Income
matters for happiness more for those with lower levels of education than it does for
those with higher levels of education. Castriota (2006) analysed the effect of absolute
income on well-being by education level using data from the World Bank’s World
Value Survey. His results showed that the higher the education level, the less relevant
the absolute income level for predicting self-reported life satisfaction. Higher income
makes everybody happier but, everything else being equal, the marginal utility of
additional income is higher for less educated people. A possible explanation is that
highly educated persons have on average more interesting jobs and more active and
stimulating cultural lives. Consequently, the quantity of material goods a person can
buy becomes less important. This result contradicts that found by Caporale, et al.
(2007) mentioned above. Maybe this is because Caporale used European data whilst
Castriota used data from the World Bank.
2.1.2 Happiness
In Sweden, Gerdtham and Johannesson (2001) found a direct positive association
between education and the probability of being happy; individuals with the highest
educational qualifications were most likely to report the highest levels of happiness.
In contrast, Caporale, et al. (2007) found a negative association between education
and happiness using data from the European Social Survey. Compared with
individuals without educational qualifications, higher levels of educational
qualifications were associated with higher levels of unhappiness, controlling for
socioeconomic and demographic factors including absolute income. However, when
relative income was included in the analysis, the authors found contrasting results.
This suggests that for individuals with more education, their level of happiness is
particularly dependent on relative income. They differ from individuals with less
education in that being relatively rich or poor makes more difference to their level of
happiness. Perhaps this is because having high-level qualifications raises expectations
about income, which are not always met.
Easterlin (2003) also found a positive association between education and happiness,
but only at one point in time and not over the life course. His results showed that at
any given age, individuals with higher levels of education are happier than those with
lower levels of education. However, over the life course, there is no significant trend
in happiness for those with higher levels of education or those with lower levels of
education and there is no evidence to support a happiness differential by educational
status. Although those fortunate enough to start out with higher income and education
remain, on average, happier throughout the life cycle than those of lower
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socioeconomic status, there is no evidence for either group that happiness increases
with income (although there is no empirical evidence linking happiness and lifelong
learning over the life course).
Hartog and Oosterbeek (1998) used data from a cohort of adults born in 1940 in
Holland in the province of Noord-Brabant to investigate the relationship between
education and happiness, controlling for wealth and health and early life
circumstances. Their results indicated that the positive relationship between
education and happiness reached a maximum for intermediate level of qualifications.
The relationship between education and happiness was parabolic and it remained
statistically significant only for intermediate qualifications and for a higher vocational
qualification.
2.1.3 Satisfaction with economic situation
We examine research on the relationships between education and three measures of
economic situation; job satisfaction, pay satisfaction and financial situation. Negative
associations are found between level of education and job satisfaction, whereas the
associations between education and pay satisfaction, and between education and
satisfaction with financial situation are positive. One reason why more educated
individuals report lower levels of satisfaction with their jobs may be that education
raises job aspirations, which are not met. These aspirations are not simply about pay,
for the argument does not apply to satisfaction with pay or financial situation. More
likely, they concern autonomy and control within work and the opportunity to work
creatively.
Clark and Oswald (1996) found a strong negative association between job satisfaction
and education levels using data from the British Household Panel Survey. Similarly,
Ross and van Willigen (1997) report that education has a negative association with
job satisfaction in the US. Results using two nationally representative datasets showed
that among people in the same work situation and the same income bracket, those
with higher levels of education reported more dissatisfaction with their work than
those with lower levels of education. The authors suggested that the impact of
education on job dissatisfaction may be due to higher expectations. People are
generally satisfied with conditions that are the best they can expect. Thus, all else
being equal, those who expect more are more dissatisfied and individuals with higher
levels of education have higher expectations. Another reason why more educated
individuals tend to report lower levels of satisfaction with their jobs could be that they
are more aware of their dissatisfaction and more articulate in voicing it, as opposed to
actually being more dissatisfied with their jobs than individuals with lower levels of
education.
In contrast, Balchflower and Oswald (2007) did not find statistically significant
gradients between job satisfaction and education for Australians. No associations
were found between education and stress at work or levels of tiredness after returning
home from work. This may be because Australians, whatever their level of education,
have very low levels of job satisfaction. In the same paper, Balchflower and Oswald
report that using data on approximately 50,000 randomly sampled individuals from 35
nations, Australians had some of the lowest levels of job satisfaction in the world.
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In the paper cited above, Clark and Oswald (1996) found a positive association
between pay satisfaction and education. This association disappears when income is
controlled for in the regression, suggesting that educational effects on pay satisfaction
are strongly mediated by income.
A positive association between education and satisfaction with financial situation was
found by Seghieri, Desantes and Tanturri (2006) for Spain, Greece, Portugal, Italy,
France, Ireland and Belgium using the European Household Panel Survey. They did
not find evidence for this association in Denmark and they found a negative
association in the Netherlands.
Summary
The effects of education depend on the how subjective well-being is measured,
e.g. life satisfaction, happiness, job satisfaction. They also depend on context,
and hence the country in which the data were collected. Hence, comparisons
can only be made when using the same indicator of subjective well-being
(with similar scale and comparability between different groups who may
interpret these indicators differently).
There is a positive association between levels of education and life
satisfaction, but this association is small and tend to disappear when controls
for background family factors are included in the analysis.
One of the reasons why the effects of initial education are small (or
statistically insignificant) is because education can have both positive and
negative impacts on life satisfaction. It can increase employment possibilities
and promote further training opportunities but it can also raise aspirations
above unreachable or unattainable levels.
There is robust evidence indicating that individuals with higher levels of
education are happier than those with lower levels of education.
However, there is no evidence to show that happiness increases with income
over the life course (although there is no empirical evidence linking happiness
and lifelong learning over the life cycle).
Most evidence shows that individuals with higher levels of education are more
dissatisfied with their employment. However, those with higher levels of
education are more satisfied with their pay and financial situation.
The impact of education on job dissatisfaction may be due to lack of jobs at
higher levels, the stress related to jobs at higher positions, or mismatches
between aspiration and expectations with employment possibilities.
The mixed results reflect differences in measurement and context as
mentioned in the first bullet point. They also depend on which controls are
included in models. More important theoretically, it is likely that education
generates a range of outcomes, some of which have positive and some of
which have negative effects on life satisfaction. These include employment
possibilities and further learning and positive consumption activities, which
would increase life satisfaction, and also raised aspirations which may,
unfortunately, be unrealistic and lead to disillusionment and lower levels of
satisfaction.
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2.2. Self-esteem and self-efficacy (psychological well-being)
In this section we describe evidence from quantitative studies that assess the
relationships between initial education and levels of self-esteem and self-efficacy,
quantitative and qualitative studies investigating the impacts of adult learning on these
outcomes, evaluations of specific learning programmes and a survey of learning
practitioners.
There is consistent evidence that adults with higher levels of education tend to also
enjoy relatively high levels of self-efficacy and optimism. For example, correlations
have been found between years of education and self-efficacy, self-esteem, optimism
and happiness amongst residents of the US aged between 70 and 79 (Kubzansky et al.,
1998) and pregnant women living in California (Rini et al., 1999). Hammond and
Feinstein (2006) analysed data from the British cohort study of individuals born in
1958 and found that after taking social and psychological background factors into
account, cohort members who had flourished at secondary school (during the late 60s
and early 70s) had, at age 33, relatively high levels of optimism and self-efficacy.
Interestingly, both educational attainment and engagement at school were important
aspects of school flourishing for these positive outcomes in adulthood.
Feinstein and Hammond (2004) and Hammond and Feinstein (2006) analysed the
1958 cohort study data and found correlations between participation in adult learning
and positive changes in efficacy and optimism between the ages of 33 and 42, after
controlling for family, social and educational background, and current life
circumstances. They were found for both men and women, regardless of their levels
of education at the beginning of the course. Hammond and Feinstein (2005)
supplemented the findings for self-efficacy with in-depth interviews with members of
the same cohort study who had left school with few, if any, qualifications. This small-
scale qualitative study found that taking courses in adulthood can lead to
improvements in self-efficacy for people who did not attain many qualifications at
school.
Dench and Regan (1999) used a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods
to investigate the impacts of participation in learning for adults aged between 50 and
71 living in England and Wales. Respondents reported that learning had led to
increases in their self-confidence, their enjoyment and satisfaction with life, positive
changes in how they felt about themselves and their ability to cope with everyday life.
Similar findings are reported by Schuller and colleagues, who conducted a large-scale
in-depth qualitative investigation of the impacts of adult learning (Schuller et al.,
2002; Schuller et al., 2004). This involved 145 biographical interviews with adults
who were currently participating in various types of adult education, together with
group interviews with practitioners providing adult education. One of the authors’
conclusions is that:
The most fundamental and pervasive benefit from learning of every kind is a
growth in self-confidence (Schuller et al., 2002: 14)
The study found that participation in a range of adult learning programmes could give
adults the confidence to take on more active social roles, to try out new things, and to
tackle issues rather than brush them under the carpet. It empowered some learners to
15
take additional courses and apply for jobs and to visit places that they would not
otherwise have visited, such as art galleries, museums, libraries, and to travel abroad.
Learning led to improvements in self-esteem, self-understanding, a clearer sense of
identity, the capacity to think independently, a sense of purpose and hope, improved
competences and communication and better social integration (Hammond, 2004). All
of these are important aspects of psychological well-being. Respondents of both
genders, all ages, every ethnic background interviewed, every occupational class, all
levels of previous education and living in families or households of every kind,
mentioned that they had experienced increased self-esteem (self-acceptance or self-
worth) as an outcome of learning at some point during their life. Respondents also
mentioned as outcomes of learning self-understanding, doing something for oneself,
purpose and hope (Hammond, 2004).
Numerous evaluations of educational initiatives provide evidence that outcomes
include self-esteem, self-efficacy and self-understanding for different types of courses
and for different groups of people. These include evaluations of courses in Higher
Education in England taken by mature women (Cox and Pascall, 1994), adults
participating in Higher Education and Access courses in England (West, 1995), adults
in England who were returning to education (Hull, 1998), older adults receiving
mentoring support on a psychosocial support programme in the US (Koberg et al.,
1998), and courses offered at various levels to adults with chronic health problems
and/or employment difficulties living in England (McGivney, 1997).
Wertheimer (1997) reviewed evaluative studies of community-based adult education
courses that were attended by mental health service users. She also conducted a
survey of over 30 such courses using questionnaires to investigate the experience of
participants. She concludes that for mental health service users, participation in these
community-based courses led to improvements in confidence, self-esteem, self-
efficacy and mental health. More recent qualitative studies indicate that participation
in education has positive outcomes for mental health service users (e.g., Westwood,
2003).
Theodorakou and Zervas (2003) found that physical education had impacts on
children’s self-esteem. They examined the influences of two physical education
teaching methods on children’s self-esteem in a publicly funded school in Athens.
Both methods were associated with increases in self-esteem but the more child-
centred approach, which used group discussion and creative techniques, was
associated with increases in all aspects of self-esteem – cognitive, physical and social,
as well as global – whereas the more traditional teacher-directed methods of teaching
physical education were associated with increased global self-esteem, but more
particularly with the physical as opposed to the social aspects.
Preston and Hammond (2002) investigated the views of lecturers and managers in
Further Education colleges in England and Wales about the impacts of participation
on their students (n>2,700). The most commonly reported outcomes of participation
were self-esteem and self-efficacy. Analysis of answers to open-ended questions
indicated that practitioners believed that amongst their students, increased self-
efficacy led to increased propensity to participate in the community and
improvements in psychological health. These results are important in understanding
the possibility that education can lead to improvements in self-efficacy, but would be
16
given more strength if responses were also obtained from learners as well as from
learning providers.
Bandura (1997) reviews the evidence to examine the sources of self-efficacy. We
suggest that these sources are likely to be affected by education. One source of self-
efficacy is vicarious experience, which refers both to learning from the competence of
others (e.g. teachers and peers) and social comparison. Social comparison is difficult
to avoid in educational settings because students are aware of each others’ attainment
and ability. Students who are more successful at school may engage more with, and
gain more self-efficacy from, role models provided by other successful students and
teachers, and they may also gain self-efficacy because social comparisons are
positive, at least in relation to attainment.
Another source of self-efficacy is verbal persuasion, when significant others express
faith in one’s abilities rather than convey doubts. This source of self-efficacy is also
relevant to education because students receive from their teachers and peers explicit
as well as implicit feedback on their performance and abilities. Bandura suggests that
verbal persuasion has more impact when it is within realistic bounds and on people
who already believe that they can produce effects through their actions (Chambliss &
Murray, 1979a, 1979b), so we predict that teachers’ feedback to pupils is particularly
likely to impact on their self-efficacy.
The arguments and studies described above present a glowing impression of the
potential impacts of the educational experience on self-esteem and self-efficacy. It is
important to remember, however, that education also has the potential to undermine
self-esteem and self-efficacy and create confusion. In a study described earlier in this
section, Hammond and Feinstein (2006) found that adults who had flourished at
secondary school had relatively high levels of efficacy, life satisfaction and optimism.
However, every member of this cohort should have attended secondary school and
according to the definition used in the research, about half of this group did not
flourish there, and later in life experienced relatively low levels of efficacy, life
satisfaction and optimism.
Similarly, not all evaluations of adult education programmes report positive impacts
of participation. For example, Randle (2003) found that amongst students on a
diploma course in nursing, self-esteem decreased dramatically between the start and
the end of the course. The qualitative part of the study indicated that during the 3
years, students felt increasingly powerless to be the sort of nurse they wished to be.
Participation in particular educational streams also appears to have consequences for
self-esteem and they are positive for some streams and negative for others. Houtte
(2005) examined the consequences for self-esteem of being in a technical / vocational
secondary school as opposed to a general secondary school in Belgium. Houtte found
that boys in technical / vocational schools have lower self-esteem than boys in general
schools, but for girls there was no difference with school type.
So which aspects of education are important if we wish to increase levels of self-
efficacy and self-esteem? In the large-scale qualitative study described above,
Schuller et al. (2002, 2004) found also that participation in adult learning programmes
has the potential both to promote and to undermine psychological well-being. This is
17
because participation involves risk taking; in order to learn, the individual must be
prepared to admit a degree of ignorance and adopt new aspects of knowledge and
perspective or try out new skills. If the learner feels successful in their endeavours or
if they feel that they have benefited from the experience, this will make them feel
more confident in themselves and more confident about taking risks. Consequently, it
will build their sense of self-esteem and self-efficacy. It may also broaden their
horizons so that they understand themselves in a different context, invest more in their
future and change their hopes and aspirations. Lack of success, on the other hand, can
undermine self-esteem and aspirations and lead to alienation.
The content of what is learnt, the pedagogical style and who one learns with are
aspects of learning that influence psychological well-being (Schuller et al., 2004). For
example, self-esteem and self-efficacy increase as learners are praised or receive
formal feedback or accreditation for succeeding in tasks which they perceive as
challenging (Schuller et al., 2004). Courses in the social sciences taught through
discussion with students from diverse backgrounds promote self-understanding and
independent thinking and can lead to changed hopes and aspirations (Preston and
Hammond, 2002). These can in turn increase overall life satisfaction.
Summary
There is consistent evidence (at the level of associations) that adults with
higher levels of education tend to also enjoy relatively high levels of self-
efficacy and optimism.
In particular, taking courses in adulthood can lead to improvements in self-
efficacy for people who did not attain high or indeed any qualifications at
school.
Participation in learning can also increase self-confidence and self-esteem.
This has been documented by several qualitative evaluations of adult learning
programmes.
However, learning has also the potential to undermine psychological well-
being. This is because participation involves risk taking and when individuals
are not prepared for the learning experience or when the content of what is
learnt, the pedagogical style and who one learns with are inadequate, then self-
confidence, self-esteem and other aspects of psychological well-being can be
affected.
2.3. Mental disorders (Depression)
Within the scope of this paper, we cannot examine all mental health disorders but
rather focus on depression. We choose depression for three reasons. Firstly,
depression is the most common psychiatric disorder (Miroswki and Ross, 2002). It is
the third most common reason for consultation in general practice in the UK (Butler,
et al. 2004) and its estimated prevalence in the UK amongst 16 to 65 year olds is
17/1000 for males and 25/1000 for females. Secondly, various studies have shown
that societal factors contribute to the onset and progression of depression (e.g. Brown
REF) and so it is possible that educational experiences are important. Related to this
is the third reason, which is that there is more research concerning the societal causes
of depression than there is for most other mental health disorders.
18
It is well established that the prevalence of depression is greatly influenced by a
number of socioeconomic factors, which interact in a complex way. Episodes of
depression are strongly associated with adverse social and economic circumstances,
such as unemployment, divorce or separation, inadequate housing, lack of educational
qualifications and poverty. There are complex interactions between these factors and
an important role for lifelong learning in protecting individuals from the risk of
depression. In this review, we first establish whether education can help to protect
individuals from depression and then examine the main mechanisms through which
education affects depression.
Is education causal?
Various studies have found positive correlations between more education and lower
rates of depression. For example, Mirowsky and Ross (2002) investigated the role of
education as a protective factor against depression in the context of entry age of
parenthood, controlling for a large set of background characteristics. Using the U.S.
1995 Survey of Aging, Status and the Sense of Control, they found that years of
schooling were associated with a 6% decrease in the symptoms of depression. When
other socio-economic variables and physical health were introduced as controls in the
analysis, the estimated coefficient was reduced to 2.3%, but remained statistically
significant.
Feinstein (2002), using data from the 1958 and 1979 British cohorts and matching
methods, showed that taking childhood abilities, health and family background factors
into account, women from the 1958 cohort with qualifications at U.K. National
Vocational Qualification at Level 1 – which is roughly equivalent to lower secondary
education – had 6 percentage points lower likelihood of depression than women with
no qualifications. For women in the 1970’s cohort the equivalent estimated effect was
10 percentage points. For men these effects were smaller. In general, results showed
that differences between those with different levels of qualification but with
qualifications above Level 1 were substantially eroded when background factors and
previous childhood controls were introduced in the analysis.
Chevalier and Feinstein (2006) used on a rich longitudinal dataset to control for
childhood determinants and measure mental health over the individuals life span to
estimate the causal effect of education on depression. They found that achieving
qualifications significantly reduced the risks of adult depression. The effect was non-
linear and was greater for differences between lower educational levels. Estimates
using two-stage least squares were much larger but in most cases, it was not possible
to reject the exogeneity of education. Using propensity score matching, they
estimated that having level 2 or higher qualifications reduced the risk of adult
depression by 6 percentage points. This effect was similar for men and women.
What are the mechanisms for educational effects?
Having established above that education plays a part in reducing the risk of
depression, we now investigate the mechanisms through which this might take place.
Hammond (2002) found clear evidence that highest qualifications achieved can
protect against that onset and progression of depression and suggested that the impact
of education on depression was mainly mediated by economic factors, the adoption of
19
health behaviours, the development and maintenance of resilience, access to and take
up of health services, and the promotion of social responsibility, social values and
social skills.
Miech and Shanahan (2000) looked at the relationship between education and
depression over the life course. Using data from the 1990 Work, Family and Well-
Being Study in the U.S., they found that the association between education and
depression increases with age, and that in older age, this association is (to some
extent) mediated by physical health. Amongst older individuals, higher levels of
education are associated with having better physical and mental health.
Other mechanisms for the effect of education on mental health were investigated by
Ross and Van Willigen (1997). They hypothesised that education is valuable for
individuals’ mental health because it provides access to two primary sources of well-
being: non-alienated paid work and supportive relationships. Compared to individuals
with low levels of education, those with high levels of education have access to non-
alienated paid work that increases the sense of personal control. Also, those with high
levels of education have access to stable social relationships, especially marriage, that
increase social support. Results using two nationally representative datasets from the
United States showed that individuals with high levels of education have lower levels
of emotional distress (including depression, anxiety, and anger) and physical distress
(including aches and pains and malaise). In terms of their hypotheses, they found that
education reduces distress largely by way of paid work, non-alienated work, and
economic resources, which are associated with high personal control. However, the
extent to which education reduces distress by way of marriage and social support is
much more modest.
Summary
Sound empirical studies find robust evidence that higher educational
attainment can reduce the risk of depression. The impact of education is more
important amongst those with low to intermediate levels of education.
For higher levels of education, the effect of education on depression may be
both positive and negative.
For example, a higher occupational grade is associated with more control over
working lives, more varied and challenging work and thus has a positive effect
on mental health (Marmot et al., 1991). However, higher occupational
attainment also leads to higher levels of stress (Rose, 2001).
Therefore, there may be important trade-offs between stress and satisfaction
that may lead to a complex and non-linear relationship between educational
success and risk of depression.
20
3. Gaps in Evidence
33. In order to inform policies designed to improve levels of happiness and well-
being, we need to fully understand the mechanisms through which education
impacts on these valuable outcomes. Of prime importance is the need for more
robust empirical studies that provide evidence about effects of education, over
and above mere associations.
34. A variety of studies provide clues to the mechanisms through which education
impacts on happiness and well-being. These include studies which find
negative or null associations between level of education and job satisfaction,
studies which find negative or null associations between higher as opposed to
intermediate levels of education and happiness and well-being and other
studies that seek to identify the channels through which education affects
happiness and well-being. Thorough comparisons of these existing studies and
more quantitative studies of this kind, coupled with in-depth qualitative
studies, all in a range of contexts, will enhance our understanding of the roles
that education can play in promoting happiness and well-being.
35. Due to time constraints, we have not reviewed the evidence that concerns
impacts of highest educational qualifications and continuing adult learning on
all aspects of well-being, for example, satisfaction with marriage, social
support, involvement with the community and housing. In addition, several of
the aspects of well-being proposed by Ryff (1989) are not covered; positive
relations with others, sense of self-determination and personal autonomy and
an endeavour to find the meaning or purpose of life.
36. There is very little research on the impact of adult learning on happiness or
well-being. Most of the evidence concerns years of education or highest
qualifications achieved.
37. There is also little evidence on how changes in learning affect changes in well-
being using large scale longitudinal datasets.
38. Most evidence on the benefits of learning on self-esteem and self-efficacy
comes from well-designed qualitative studies examining the outcomes of
participation in adult learning. There are far fewer quantitative studies using
longitudinal data which examine the impacts of initial education on
psychological well-being, which would provide evidence about the impacts of
education on self-esteem and self-efficacy are long lasting.
39. What do we mean by well-being? Most studies based on economics focus on
subjective well-being while those from psychology focus on psychological
well-being. Very few studies differentiate between subjective well-being and
psychological well-being and most studies simply refer to their findings as
well-being. There is a need to develop a conceptual framework, which will
enable us to synthesise research on well-being from different disciplines.
40. Is the impact of learning on psychological well-being short term or does it
have long-lasting effects?
41. Is lifelong learning one of the important channels for the impact of highest
educational qualifications on reducing the risk of depression?
21
4. Key Messages for the Inquiry
Message 1. The positive impacts of education on happiness and well-being
In general, having higher qualifications is associated with greater happiness, life
satisfaction, self-esteem, self-efficacy, and reduced risk of depression. There is some
robust evidence that having higher qualifications has positive effects on these
outcomes.
Message 2. How education affects happiness and well-being
The positive effects of education on happiness and well-being result from a variety of
intermediary processes, which probably include higher income, non-alienating work,
household composition, health behaviours, use of health services, emotional
resilience, social capabilities and, amongst older adults, better physical health.
Message 3. Effects of adult learning on self-esteem and self-efficacy
There is robust evidence that adult learning leads to increases in self-esteem and self-
efficacy. Adult learning has its most positive impacts on self-esteem and self-efficacy
when the learning provided meets the needs of the learner and when the learner is at a
stage in their life when they are ready and receptive to benefit from it.
Message 4. Education may have negative effects on happiness and well-being
Associations between education and happiness and well-being are not always
positive. Adults with higher qualifications report relatively low job satisfaction, and
there is some evidence that adults with high-level qualifications are not much happier
or resistant to depression than adults with qualifications at an intermediate level.
Maybe education has negative as well as positive impacts, for example through
raising aspirations and expectations that are not met and by leading to occupations
that carry high levels of stress.
Message 5. Defining well-being
For purposes of measurement, ‘well-being’ should be defined clearly and consistently.
Otherwise, (i) it is not possible to compare results across different studies when these
studies focus on different aspects of well-being and (ii) research may mislead policy.
22
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... Likewise, Diener (1999: 293) recognizes that "education may contribute to SWB by allowing individuals to make progress toward their goals or to adapt to changes in the world around them", and Botha (2014) point to the role of education in providing life skills to avoid public shame, in rising social-status, and prestige. Sabates and Hammond (2008) provide a good review of the impact of education on well-being, covering less popular effects, such as self-esteem, self-efficacy, and risk of depression. ...
... This evidence suggests that there is good reason to think formal learning programmes in the workplace or training interventions are likely to have a positive impact on well-being. However, the evidence that learning is associated with well-being is limited; determining the causal relationship behind this association and potential mechanisms underpinning it has been a persistent challenge (Field, 2008;IFLL, 2009;Sabates & Hammond, 2008). Past evidence has also been concerned with the effects of learning in general and has not focused on the specific effects of workplace learning on well-being. ...
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The view that learning is central to well-being is widely held and the workplace is an important setting in which learning takes place. Evaluations of the effectiveness of well-being interventions in work settings are commonplace, but to date, there has been no systematic review of the effectiveness of learning interventions with regard to their impact on well-being. The review synthesizes evidence from 41 intervention studies, and although no studies report a negative impact on well-being, 14 show no effect on well-being, with 27 studies having a positive impact. We classify the studies according to the primary purpose of the learning intervention: to develop personal resources for well-being through learning; to develop professional capabilities through learning; to develop leadership skills through learning; and to improve organizational effectiveness through organizational-level learning. Although there is an abundance of workplace learning interventions, few are evaluated from a well-being perspective despite the commonly held assumption that learning yields positive emotional and psychological outcomes. The evidence indicates an important gap in our evaluation of and design of workplace learning interventions and their impact on well-being, beyond those focusing on personal resources. This raises important theoretical and practical challenges concerning the relationship between learning and well-being in the context of professional capability enhancement, leadership capability and organizational learning.
... Aside from self-report instruments, also other strategies such as the Day Reconstruction Method (Kahneman et al., 2004), assessing the quantity of remembered good and bad events (e.g., Diener et al., 1991), or physiological measures (e.g., Dinan, 1994) have been proposed in the literature. There is extensive research on correlates of well-being with psychological variables (see e.g., De Neve and Cooper, 1998;Hayes and Joseph, 2003;McCrae and Costa, 1991;Myers and Diener, 1995), demographics (age: Charles et al., 2001;Chida and Steptoe, 2008;Steptoe et al., 2015;educational background: Caporale et al., 2009;Helliwell, 2002;Sabates and Hammond, 2008), physical health (e.g., Ryff and Singer, 2000) or income (Helliwell et al., 2012) as well as external factors like national wealth or governance (e.g., Diener and Biswas-Diener, 2002)dto name but a few (for reviews see e.g., De Neve and Cooper, 1998;Diener et al., 2003a;Myers and Diener, 1995;Ryan and Deci, 2001)dhave been tested. This brief overview has shown that the study of the association between humor and well-being must also take the type of measure used for the assessment of well-being into account in addition to its correlates that may also have an impact on the findings. ...
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We provide an overview on research on the association between humor and well-being and comment on methodological issues in this line of research. Overall, findings are mixed; most robust findings point to an association with greater pain tolerance. Research conducted within the field of positive psychology shows a promising path for future research with a particular focus on humor-based positive psychology interventions.
... In general, ALE positively affects health and well-being. As reported by Sabates and Hammond (2008), 'having higher qualifications is associated with greater happiness, life satisfaction, selfesteem, self-efficacy, and reduced risk of depression'. Sabates and Hammond also report that the positive effects of education 'on happiness and well-being result from a variety of intermediary processes, which probably include higher income, nonalienating work, household composition, health behaviours, use of health services, emotional resilience, social capabilities and, amongst older adults, better physical health'. ...
... whilst although, MD 1 and VA 5 did not achieved qualifications at school they went on to study at college and in the Army. This supports Sabates and Hammond's (2008) ...
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Focus of the Research TtL was set up in 2010, to assist people with SpLDs and low self-esteem by providing them with a free diagnostic assessments and DMSS for adults. The primary focus of the research is whether TtL clients suffer from low self-esteem and how do they think TtL affects their self-esteem. Outline of the Research Process This research was set-up for five adults with ages ages ranging from 41-60+; all experiencing SpLDs. The research data is gathered in the form of a case study. In Phase 1, the Pre-intervention stage, Rosenberg self-esteem scales [RSES] was used. In Phase 2, clients took part in the Dual-Multi Sensory Session [DMSS] (not included in the research). In Phase 3, clients were individually interviewed, methods chosen to gain information includes structured interviews, personal accounts, Self-Assessment Manikin Diagram [SAM Diagram] with the Likert Scale [LS] combined. Phase 4 involves the Post-intervention [RSES]. Finally, Phase 5, is the focus group, where participants choose specific questions to answer further. Outcomes and Recommendations. The results show that when all five clients came to TtL, their self-esteem was low in Phase 1: Pre-intervention stage [RSES]; however, by Phase four: Post-intervention stage [RSES], the clients’ self-esteem was high. The analysis of the clients pre and post diagnosis indicates that their self-esteem improved once diagnosis was given. Discussion with clients indicated that procedures within TtL led to ‘less stress’ and clients ‘enjoyed it’. From the DMSS, the reflections show that once the intervention was delivered and clients participated in designing their programme, which aids in the development of their own self-image, client’s self-esteem improved. Participants referred their time at TtL a ‘journey’ and ‘it’s important to treat the whole of the person and not the Learning Difficulty’[LD] as comments showed that TtL ‘provided the right support’ The recommendations from the report did not come from the clients, but came from the author, as the clients did not make any recommendations in improving the services. What the authors did recommend was a more detailed look into the DMSS, as more clients with different SpLD’s were registering with TtL and They note that it would be advisable to research behind conditions to ensure that the sessions were catered for. In addition, they say that it may be useful for the author to become qualified as a counsellor to ensure that the care of the clients always comes first. Professional practice. This research has taught the author that the work done since 2010 has been a success, in relation to both the care of the clients at TtL and the provision of information in the care of dyslexic people with low self-esteem within a community setting can be used within an educational setting. It is the method which is the most important factor in dealing with the care of people with dyslexia. As one client states: [MD1] ‘treat the person and not the LD’. This is the way that all clients were treated. As a dyslexic individual myself, I take care of clients how I wished to be treated, as a mentor, I never treat the LD.
... 평생학습과 행복의 관련성을 연구한 선행연구를 살펴 본 결과 OECD[14], 한국직업능력개발원[15], 신득렬[16], 윤창국[17], 박영실[18], 장환영[19], Walking into the light[20], 권이종·이상오[21], Narushiam, Liu와 Diestelkamp[22], Sabates & Hammond[23]의 추정치는Table 5와 ...
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