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Abstract

How do public regulations shape the composition and behavior of non-governmental organizations (NGOs)? Because many NGOs advocate for liberal causes such as human rights, democracy, and gender equality, they upset the political status quo. At the same time, a large number of NGOs operating in the Global South rely on international funding. This sometimes disconnects from local publics and leads to the proliferation of sham or “briefcase” NGOs. Seeking to rein in the politically inconvenient NGO sector, governments exploit the role of international funding and make the case for restricting the influence of NGOs which serve as foreign agents. To pursue this objective, states worldwide are enacting laws to restrict NGOs’ access to foreign funding. We examine this regulatory offensive through an Ethiopian case study, where recent legislation prohibits foreign-funded NGOs from working on politically sensitive issues. We find that most briefcase NGOs and local human rights groups in Ethiopia have disappeared, while survivors have either “rebranded” or switched their work from proscribed areas. This research note highlights how government can and do shape the population ecology of the non-governmental sector. Because NGOs seek legitimacy via their claims of grassroots support, a reliance of external funding makes them politically vulnerable. Any study of the NGO sector must include governments as the key component of NGOs’ institutional environment.

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... Again, some NGOs in Ethiopia changed their vision and mission. For instance, Organization for Social Justice, an NGO founded in 2003 with a focus on advocacy for democracy, has changed its name to Ethiopian Resident Charity and is now devoted to conducting research on corporate social responsibility (CSR), educating the public about CSR, promoting CSR, involving the private sector in CSR and advocating for CSR laws and practices (Dupuy et al., 2015). Matelski (2016) describes how NGOs in Myanmar use self-organization, self-defense and resistance against governmental restrictions. ...
... Arguably, this is the most relevant and first strategy that NGOs have to consider for the sake of ensuring their survival. Dupuy et al. (2015) state this strategy is used by Ethiopian CSOs. It is also used by CSOs in other countries with constrained civic space. ...
... To prove this, an LHRC participant said, "We began also advocating for strong governmental institutions that will protect the human rights" (LHRCR1, June, 2023). Expanding NGOs scope is reported in countries like Ethiopia (Dupuy et al., 2015) and Vietnam (Crabtree-Condor, 2020). Change of focus is also revealed by Van Wessel (2023) and Fransen et al. (2021) to be used by many NGOs. ...
Article
Purpose The world is experiencing democratic backsliding such that the situation is down back to 1986. This has resulted in the global shrinking of civic space for civil society organizations (CSOs). NGOs engaging in advocacy activities are seen to be among the CSOs affected. Using four NGOs cases from Tanzania, the study contributes to the civic space debate by uncovering how advocacy NGOs become resilient. Design/methodology/approach The study is anchored in interpretivism and a cross-sectional case study design, following a qualitative approach path. Data were collected through interviews and a documentary review. Findings Results show that several strategies such as complying, building community back-up, collaboration, strategic litigation, using digital media and changing the scope are applied. However, strategies face obstacles including scope limitations, expected democratic roles, high cost, changes in the scope and being outsmarted by the government, and hence their effectiveness is questionable. Research limitations/implications This study focused on advocacy NGOs. More studies can be conducted for other advocacy-related CSOs on how they become resilient. Practical implications While NGOs are allowed to exist in the country, their freedom continue to be curtailed. Even the effectiveness of resiliency becomes temporary and depends on the political will of the existing regime. Originality/value Tanzania NGOs have to build strong bonds with citizens, expand the scope of strategies and use deliberative democratic principles to educate the government to change laws and tolerate plural political culture. Also, NGOs in other countries with confined civic space can apply the same.
... These factors include situations where state actors perceive that foreign governments are using international and local CSOs to undermine them and threaten their grip on power. For instance, in post-communist states, CSOs are seen as being weaponised by Western governments (Dupuy, Ron, and Prakash 2015). Also, states' exclusion of CSOs may be influenced by the exceptional nature of CT laws, which put less emphasis on human rights and civil liberties. ...
... Thus, the Third sector in Uganda is being transformed through the establishment of GONGOs. This is consistent with the arguments in other case studies in the African regions, such as Burkina Faso, Egypt, Kenya, Ethiopia, and Nigeria (Brechenmacher 2017;Dupuy, Ron, and Prakash 2015;Njoku 2020aNjoku , 2020cNjoku , 2020b. ...
... The Soviet Union was less tolerant of vibrant CSOs; hence, civil society was weak and repressed mainly by the state during the Cold War era (Watson and Burles 2018). However, post-soviet Russia saw the burgeoning of CSOs, due to the increasing support or funds from Western states that sought to spread liberal norms and democratic principles (Dupuy, Ron, and Prakash 2015). While the Russian state believed the growth of CSOs would facilitate local philanthropy, it felt threatened by the influence of the West through CSOs on Russia's sovereignty, culture, and national unity (Crotty et al. 2014). ...
Article
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Although there have been attempts to theorise state-Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) relations in the Counter-Terrorism (CT) context , including the "co-option and containment" and "duality of coercion" perspectives, these two-way articulations have failed to account for the range of strategic options open to the state in regulating CSOs. This study presents the framework of Strategic Exclusion, Co-option and Containment (SECC) to underscore the general patterns of state engagement of CSOs in the context of CT. It mapped secondary evidence in 19 countries and used three illustrative case studies (Australia, Uganda and Russia) to examine the elements of SECC, namely, states' exclusion of CSOs in law and policymaking on CT, the use of strategic ambiguity in enacting and interpreting CT laws, delegitimizing or criminalising advocacy and influencing the transformation of CSOs into state adjutants. This pattern of engagement with CSOs is transforming voluntary and associational life in precarious ways. The article advances the Copenhagen School and rational-actor model of global strategic decision-making, and contributes to discourses on the closing of civic spaces, democratic recession and the resurgence of authoritarianism. It lays a foundation for generalisable theory and future empirical research on state behaviour towards CSOs in the context of violence, conflict, and security.
... On the other hand, the barriers are designed to block entry, funding, and advocacy for CSOs (Chaudhry 2022). As a result, with fewer local roots, INGOs encounter more difficulties registering with the governments (Li and Farid 2022) and are less capable of attracting local funding (Dupuy et al. 2015). In addition, for those advocating for the change of repressive governments, the INGOs face more challenges under repression (Springman et al. 2022). ...
... Second, strong support from local communities can guarantee INGOs' political opportunities, the chances for social organizations to affect governments (Asal et al. 2014). For example, INGOs tend to encounter difficulties in local fundraising in countries where civil society is relatively weaker (Brechenmacher 2017;Dupuy et al. 2015;Baoumi, 2016). It would make INGOs less capable of social mobilization. ...
Article
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Although violence has always been in governments’ toolkit against civil society organizations (CSOs), there has been a global trend where governments set legal and logistical barriers to non-violently repress CSOs, especially INGOs (International Non-Governmental Organizations) since the mid-2000s. During this period, states present variations in CSO repression, ranging from moderate regulation to violent expulsion. Why do countries vary the repression? I argue that different levels of repression are based on governments’ perceived repression effectiveness in reducing INGOs’ threats. For better illustration, I propose the effectiveness-perception framework, where repression effectiveness comes from the interaction between regime type and local trust in INGOs, while the perception of effectiveness is rooted in the domestic political structure. To conduct empirical tests, I create a latent variable, local trust, to measure threats of INGOs conditional on local communities. Relying on the sample from 1996 to 2012, I find that consolidated democracies and autocracies, compared to middling countries, are more likely to adjust the repression levels based on local trust in INGOs. I expect the finding to produce some strategy-relevant insights for INGOs’ survival in the current political environment.
... Most Ethiopian NGOs are set up by a few individuals and rely on foreign funds. Local NGOs in Ethiopia reflected donor rather than local priorities, instilling the notion that these groups were foreign, not indigenous organizations (Kendra Dupuyabc, 2014). Therefore, the implementation gap lies in creating successful natural resource conservation that requires effective synergy between the public sector, local NGOs and communities which the study seek to address the identified problem. ...
... Local NGOs represent an important element in the political and economic transformation of Ethiopia sought by its people and government and supported by the international donor community (Clark, 2000).Ethiopia's NGO sector changed dramatically following the 2010 implementation of the Charities and Societies Proclamation(Kendra Dupuyabc, 2014). Local NGOs which are non-government-aligned working on non-contentious issues of natural resources conservation can have niche opportunities and a driving force for active mobilization of all stallholders in natural resource conservation. ...
Article
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Drought and environmental deterioration have historically imposed heavy costs in Tigray. In response, Tigray has made huge efforts in soil and water conservation practices. The main objective of the article is to review and identify the lesson learnt, gaps of natural resources conservation and role of NGOs in environmental rehabilitation. The article utilized a qualitative research approach based on an exhaustive desk review of secondary data sources from different literatures. Moreover, key informant persons are communicated to augment the data obtained from the secondary sources. Based on the collected data and review of the related literatures, discussion, analysis and conclusions are drawn. With unique collective action and volunteer labor, the people of Tigray are restoring land on a massive scale. As a result, soil erosion has decreased significantly; groundwater levels are recharged significantly and this has become a catalyst to ensure food self-sufficiency and rapid economic growth. Despite, the success there is a need for improved coordination and synergy with a wide range of nongovernmental organizations. The study recommends the importance of sustainable participation of government, community and non-governmental organizations in natural resource conservation and ecosystem-based solution to environmental restoration can have potential policy implications in natural resource conservation to responds the impact of rapidly growing environmental degradation and impacts of climate changes so as to achieve sustainable development goals.
... 34. Bakke, Mitchell, andSmidt 2020;Christensen and Weinstein 2013;Dupuy, Ron, and Prakash 2015;Dupuy, Prakash, and Ron 2016;Glasius, Schalk, and De Lange 2020;Heiss 2019. 35. ...
... 38. Brechenmacher 2017Dupuy, Ron, and Prakash 2015. 39. ...
Article
Nongovernmental organizations are central to contemporary global governance, and their numbers and influence have grown dramatically since the middle of the twentieth century. However, in the last three decades more than 130 states have repressed these groups, suggesting that a broad range of states perceive them as costly. When they choose to repress NGOs, under what conditions do states use violent strategies versus administrative means? The choice depends on two main factors: the nature of the threat posed by these groups, and the consequences of cracking down on them. Violent crackdown is useful in the face of immediate domestic threats, such as protests. However, violence may increase the state's criminal liability, reduce its legitimacy, violate human rights treaties, and further intensify mobilization against the regime. Therefore, states are more likely to use administrative crackdown, especially in dealing with long-term threats, such as when NGOs influence electoral politics. I test this theory using an original data set of administrative crackdowns on NGOs, as well as violent crackdown on NGO activists, across all countries from 1990 to 2013. To shed light on the strategic decision between violent or administrative crackdown, and how states may perceive threats from domestic and international NGOs differently, I provide a case study from India. I conclude by discussing the implications of this crackdown for the use of civil society actors by the international community, as well as donors and citizens in the global South.
... This conclusion is in keeping with the growing literature on authoritarian governance of civil society, which demonstrates that autocracies are interested less in suppressing civil initiatives than in controlling them, including for the purpose of a regime's own legitimation (Lorch & Bunk, 2016;Richter & Hatch, 2013). Access to resources under these conditions is among the principal factors in organizations' survival, and an authoritarian state's manipulation of the rules of access represents a means of both controlling civil society organizations and fragmenting the community (Dupuy et al., 2015;Hsu, 2010;Yu, 2016). ...
... Federal Law No. 121-FZ "On amendments to specific legal acts of the Russian Federation with regard to regulation of activities of nonprofit organizations performing functions of 'foreign agents,'" 20 June 2012. 2. A study of changes in the civil society of Ethiopia after the adoption of a similar law shows that the depopulation of the "NGO on paper" was the most visible(Dupuy et al., 2015). 3. See further, for example, the history of court opposition of the Perm Civil Chamber and the Procurator of the Perm region (Tikhonovich, 2013). ...
Chapter
Full-text available
Since the 2000s, the St. Petersburg LGBTQI+ movement has increasingly become part of the transnational human rights movement. Taking part in transnational networks and receiving financial and moral support from them have been vital both for the establishment of the Russian LGBTQI+ movement and its sustainability. Meanwhile, the movement has become manifold and multidimensional, consisting of various actors involved in organizations and self-organizing activist groups. This chapter examines the ways in which self-organizing groups in St. Petersburg that have only periodic funding for their activities—or no funding at all—acquire, employ, and develop symbolic resources. I analyze their relationships to well-established and mostly foreign-funded LGBTQI+ organizations as well as the types of resources from which they benefit and the ways in which those resources are provided.
... This conclusion is in keeping with the growing literature on authoritarian governance of civil society, which demonstrates that autocracies are interested less in suppressing civil initiatives than in controlling them, including for the purpose of a regime's own legitimation (Lorch & Bunk, 2016;Richter & Hatch, 2013). Access to resources under these conditions is among the principal factors in organizations' survival, and an authoritarian state's manipulation of the rules of access represents a means of both controlling civil society organizations and fragmenting the community (Dupuy et al., 2015;Hsu, 2010;Yu, 2016). ...
... Federal Law No. 121-FZ "On amendments to specific legal acts of the Russian Federation with regard to regulation of activities of nonprofit organizations performing functions of 'foreign agents,'" 20 June 2012. 2. A study of changes in the civil society of Ethiopia after the adoption of a similar law shows that the depopulation of the "NGO on paper" was the most visible(Dupuy et al., 2015). 3. See further, for example, the history of court opposition of the Perm Civil Chamber and the Procurator of the Perm region (Tikhonovich, 2013). ...
Chapter
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This chapter chronicles the organizing efforts of a group of Swedish medical professionals who volunteered on an ad hoc basis to provide health care for refugees in the fall of 2015. We show how different types of resources both enabled and constrained the autonomy of the professionals as they moved under the aegis of established civil society organizations and, as such, became bureaucratized. In the autonomous organizational setting, material resources were central, and professionals negotiated among themselves to establish working norms and guidelines for the acquisition and usage of resources. In the bureaucratized setting, with little to no room for negotiation, human resources were central, and regulations were imposed on the volunteering professionals by the civil society organizations.
... This conclusion is in keeping with the growing literature on authoritarian governance of civil society, which demonstrates that autocracies are interested less in suppressing civil initiatives than in controlling them, including for the purpose of a regime's own legitimation (Lorch & Bunk, 2016;Richter & Hatch, 2013). Access to resources under these conditions is among the principal factors in organizations' survival, and an authoritarian state's manipulation of the rules of access represents a means of both controlling civil society organizations and fragmenting the community (Dupuy et al., 2015;Hsu, 2010;Yu, 2016). ...
... Federal Law No. 121-FZ "On amendments to specific legal acts of the Russian Federation with regard to regulation of activities of nonprofit organizations performing functions of 'foreign agents,'" 20 June 2012. 2. A study of changes in the civil society of Ethiopia after the adoption of a similar law shows that the depopulation of the "NGO on paper" was the most visible(Dupuy et al., 2015). 3. See further, for example, the history of court opposition of the Perm Civil Chamber and the Procurator of the Perm region (Tikhonovich, 2013). ...
Chapter
Full-text available
This chapter maps the transformation of human resources in Polish institutionalized civil society over the last thirty years. Informed by the supply-side perspective, according to which individuals’ motivations and backgrounds provide the major explanatory variable accounting for the establishment and running of civil society organizations, it focuses on individuals who have demonstrated a commitment to working in civil society rather than on a particular type of organizing. More specifically, the study analyzes cases of Polish domestic and global civic engagement—from the Solidarity movement in the late 1980s to contemporary foreign aid initiatives—in order to determine the factors contributing to the seemingly mutually exclusive trends of internationalization and localization of civic activism in Poland.
... This conclusion is in keeping with the growing literature on authoritarian governance of civil society, which demonstrates that autocracies are interested less in suppressing civil initiatives than in controlling them, including for the purpose of a regime's own legitimation (Lorch & Bunk, 2016;Richter & Hatch, 2013). Access to resources under these conditions is among the principal factors in organizations' survival, and an authoritarian state's manipulation of the rules of access represents a means of both controlling civil society organizations and fragmenting the community (Dupuy et al., 2015;Hsu, 2010;Yu, 2016). ...
... Federal Law No. 121-FZ "On amendments to specific legal acts of the Russian Federation with regard to regulation of activities of nonprofit organizations performing functions of 'foreign agents,'" 20 June 2012. 2. A study of changes in the civil society of Ethiopia after the adoption of a similar law shows that the depopulation of the "NGO on paper" was the most visible(Dupuy et al., 2015). 3. See further, for example, the history of court opposition of the Perm Civil Chamber and the Procurator of the Perm region (Tikhonovich, 2013). ...
Chapter
Full-text available
This chapter traces the transformation of volunteer work as an organizational resource in the context of the transformation of Russian civil society over the past 30 years. Utilized by voluntary associations as well as by professionalized NGOs, this type of resource can serve as a vehicle for building personal relationships and commitments with corporate partners while also eliciting individual work and financial contributions. By examining a charity organization and a community-based association and a charity organization operating in St. Petersburg since the late 1980s and early 1990s, respectively, this study links the structures and processes that integrate volunteering into the organizational fabric to an overall structure of resource mobilization patterns at the local, national, and transnational levels.
... This conclusion is in keeping with the growing literature on authoritarian governance of civil society, which demonstrates that autocracies are interested less in suppressing civil initiatives than in controlling them, including for the purpose of a regime's own legitimation (Lorch & Bunk, 2016;Richter & Hatch, 2013). Access to resources under these conditions is among the principal factors in organizations' survival, and an authoritarian state's manipulation of the rules of access represents a means of both controlling civil society organizations and fragmenting the community (Dupuy et al., 2015;Hsu, 2010;Yu, 2016). ...
... Federal Law No. 121-FZ "On amendments to specific legal acts of the Russian Federation with regard to regulation of activities of nonprofit organizations performing functions of 'foreign agents,'" 20 June 2012. 2. A study of changes in the civil society of Ethiopia after the adoption of a similar law shows that the depopulation of the "NGO on paper" was the most visible(Dupuy et al., 2015). 3. See further, for example, the history of court opposition of the Perm Civil Chamber and the Procurator of the Perm region (Tikhonovich, 2013). ...
Chapter
Full-text available
Highlighting several theoretical and empirical contributions of the preceding chapters, the epilogue presents a relational typology for understanding the roles of different types of resources for civil society organizations. This chapter explores variations in the generalizability/specificity and convertibility of economic, symbolic, and human resources and suggests approaching civil society as a landscape of organizations that coexist but have different origins, futures, and interdependencies. The constellations of relationships among organizations and between organizations and their environments are hierarchical and dynamic. They are constantly shifting, closing, and opening spaces that a broad variety of organizational forms and missions can inhabit.
... This conclusion is in keeping with the growing literature on authoritarian governance of civil society, which demonstrates that autocracies are interested less in suppressing civil initiatives than in controlling them, including for the purpose of a regime's own legitimation (Lorch & Bunk, 2016;Richter & Hatch, 2013). Access to resources under these conditions is among the principal factors in organizations' survival, and an authoritarian state's manipulation of the rules of access represents a means of both controlling civil society organizations and fragmenting the community (Dupuy et al., 2015;Hsu, 2010;Yu, 2016). ...
... Federal Law No. 121-FZ "On amendments to specific legal acts of the Russian Federation with regard to regulation of activities of nonprofit organizations performing functions of 'foreign agents,'" 20 June 2012. 2. A study of changes in the civil society of Ethiopia after the adoption of a similar law shows that the depopulation of the "NGO on paper" was the most visible(Dupuy et al., 2015). 3. See further, for example, the history of court opposition of the Perm Civil Chamber and the Procurator of the Perm region (Tikhonovich, 2013). ...
Chapter
Full-text available
The focus of this chapter is how an established civil society organization relates to changing conditions and opportunities in contemporary Sweden. Taking the ongoing reorientation of Save the Children Sweden as a case study, this chapter illuminates the strategic approach to, and practical implementation of, that reorientation in relation to contemporary negotiations of the role of civil society in Sweden. The results show that Save the Children Sweden’s development is taking place in the context of Sweden’s contemporary civil society landscape with its newly available resources, increasingly blurred borders, and contradictory ideals. The reorientation of Save the Children Sweden is here conceptualized in terms of avant-garde professionalism, with an increase in operational activities serving to pressure the state and other organizations to acknowledge their responsibilities.
... This conclusion is in keeping with the growing literature on authoritarian governance of civil society, which demonstrates that autocracies are interested less in suppressing civil initiatives than in controlling them, including for the purpose of a regime's own legitimation (Lorch & Bunk, 2016;Richter & Hatch, 2013). Access to resources under these conditions is among the principal factors in organizations' survival, and an authoritarian state's manipulation of the rules of access represents a means of both controlling civil society organizations and fragmenting the community (Dupuy et al., 2015;Hsu, 2010;Yu, 2016). ...
... Federal Law No. 121-FZ "On amendments to specific legal acts of the Russian Federation with regard to regulation of activities of nonprofit organizations performing functions of 'foreign agents,'" 20 June 2012. 2. A study of changes in the civil society of Ethiopia after the adoption of a similar law shows that the depopulation of the "NGO on paper" was the most visible(Dupuy et al., 2015). 3. See further, for example, the history of court opposition of the Perm Civil Chamber and the Procurator of the Perm region (Tikhonovich, 2013). ...
Chapter
Full-text available
Resources have always been at the heart of civil society theorizing. While many earlier theories have focused on resources in the forms of money, people, ideas, or personnel, recent debates highlight the Internet and social media as new environments for resource mobilization. This chapter contributes to current research by comparing the human, economic, and political resources accumulated both offline and online by several social mobilization campaigns active on Swedish Facebook and Twitter; it also discusses the value of different resources and considers whether the use of social media has contributed to a devaluation of the traditional resource base of civil society in Sweden.
... This conclusion is in keeping with the growing literature on authoritarian governance of civil society, which demonstrates that autocracies are interested less in suppressing civil initiatives than in controlling them, including for the purpose of a regime's own legitimation (Lorch & Bunk, 2016;Richter & Hatch, 2013). Access to resources under these conditions is among the principal factors in organizations' survival, and an authoritarian state's manipulation of the rules of access represents a means of both controlling civil society organizations and fragmenting the community (Dupuy et al., 2015;Hsu, 2010;Yu, 2016). ...
... Federal Law No. 121-FZ "On amendments to specific legal acts of the Russian Federation with regard to regulation of activities of nonprofit organizations performing functions of 'foreign agents,'" 20 June 2012. 2. A study of changes in the civil society of Ethiopia after the adoption of a similar law shows that the depopulation of the "NGO on paper" was the most visible(Dupuy et al., 2015). 3. See further, for example, the history of court opposition of the Perm Civil Chamber and the Procurator of the Perm region (Tikhonovich, 2013). ...
Chapter
Full-text available
This chapter describes and reflects on the Swedish rural/village movement that began in the late 1980s. The analysis accounts for rural politics, different concepts, and areas of expression within the rural movement, such as social economy. The results demonstrate that what was initially a protest movement highlighting rural perspectives and introducing new, locally based forms of governance has transformed into an EU mainstream agenda. In addition, a broad societal approach has been replaced with a narrower, enterprising point of view in which enterprising concepts are used to explain and legitimize local rural action as a whole. These transformative trends tend to render invisible the perspectives and values of ruralness once envisioned by local development groups and to obscure the village movement itself.
... The latter category was the trickiest one of all, as it By broadly defining 'restrictive CSO legislation' I overcome a key criticism of the existing literature on the closing space phenomenon, namely that it heavily focuses on foreign funding laws to the exclusion of all others. Focusing on only one specific type of law offers only a small and potentially misleading snapshot of the broader reality and the broader legal environment for CSOs, which are shaped and affected by many different types of law (Dupuy, Ron, and Prakash 2015). Despite that most of the scholarship on the closing space trend seems to focus on the passage of restrictive foreign funding laws, a recent study published in 2018 found that foreign funding laws constitute only 28% of the laws being passed that impose new restrictions on CSOs (International Center for Not-for-Profit Law 2018, 10). ...
... Dupuy, Ron, and Prakash 2016;Christensen and Weinstein 2013;Rutzen 2015) The implications of my findings are potentially profound if the effects of restrictive CSO laws in non-democratic states are any guide. In Ethiopia, for example, domestic human rights CSOs all but vanished in the years following passage of an extremely restrictive CSO law, the Charities and Societies Proclamation of 2009 (Dupuy, Ron, and Prakash 2015). In Azerbaijan, following passage of a series of restrictive CSO regulations in 2013-2014, which imposed additional administrative barriers and burdens on CSOs and their funders, most independent advocacy CSOs scaled down, discontinued their work, or left the country altogether (Safarova 2017). ...
Conference Paper
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Why and to what extent are democratic states, including long-standing, consolidated democratic states, adopting legislation that restricts the ability of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) to operate autonomous from government control? This phenomenon is common and expected in authoritarian countries, but surprising in the context of democracies, which have historically championed and funded an independent civil society. This paper maps the full scope and spread of the so-called'closing space phenomenon'within the world's strongest democratic states. This phenomenon has been extensively mapped in the context of non-democracies but, until now, not in democracies, which alters the conventional wisdom about why this global trend has gained traction and momentum since the turn of the twenty-first century.
... Research conducted in the Global South suggests that governments may give preference to some nonprofits over others. Often regimes view nonprofits belonging to some groups as a threat and institute regulations to curtail their activities, creating mistrust (Christensen & Weinstein, 2013;Dupuy, Ron, & Prakash, 2015). At times, government officials may discriminate against nonprofits or nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) based on their country of origin (Dupuy et al., 2015). ...
... Often regimes view nonprofits belonging to some groups as a threat and institute regulations to curtail their activities, creating mistrust (Christensen & Weinstein, 2013;Dupuy, Ron, & Prakash, 2015). At times, government officials may discriminate against nonprofits or nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) based on their country of origin (Dupuy et al., 2015). For example, Russia and several other countries have instituted crackdowns on Western-funded nonprofits. ...
Article
The COVID-19 pandemic disproportionately affects already-vulnerable minorities, highlighting the need for strong, trusting relationships between governments and minority nonprofits for everyone's benefit. The current scholarship suggests minority members often lack trust in government. This study contributes to the field by examining trust levels Muslim-American nonprofits have for federal, state, and local government. Nearly two-thirds (65%) of Muslim nonprofit leaders believe that they may be discriminated against in the award of CARES Act funding, but on racial rather than religious ones. Moreover, partisanship affects trust levels. Muslim nonprofits in Republican “red” states show less trust in government compared with those in Democratic “blue” states. This study finds evidence that past relationships with the government strengthen trust. Past awards of government grants correlated positively with higher trust at both federal and local levels.
... The theory further explains who will receive the benefits or burdens of regulation, what form of regulation it will take and the effect of regulation upon allocation of resources. Kendra, James and Aseem, (2014) observed that the governments are key pillars to the NGO environment and the scholars must appreciate the important role of the state regulation in defining the political space granted to the NGOs by shaping the emergence, sustenance, strategy and collapse of these organizations. The NGO coordination board is charged with the responsibility to ensure there is efficient regulation, policy advisory and capacity development of the NGOs in Kenya. ...
... Non-governmental organisations (NGOs), global enterprises, and international advocacy groups are all examples of non-state actors. These players have multiple avenues for impacting global politics, including lobbying, public opinion, and direct action (Dupuy, Ron, & Prakash, 2015;Rhodes & Hart, 2014). Academics in the field of international relations investigate the impact of non-state players on global governance and the search for solutions to global problems. ...
... Ethiopia held competitive national elections in 2005 in which opposition parties made significant electoral gains that threatened the ruling party. These opposition parties were strongly linked to and funded by diaspora groups, while internationally funded groups carried out election monitoring, voter education, and human rights reporting (Dupuy et al., 2015). In 2009, the Ethiopian government enacted the Charities and Societies Proclamation prohibiting organizations receiving more than 10% of foreign-sourced funds from working on politically sensitive issues such as human rights, democratization, conflict resolution, and elections. ...
Article
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Why have most African countries not achieved greater political liberalization? What explains the lack of progress toward the ideals of liberal democracy across the region? This book advances ongoing debates on democratic backsliding with specific reference to Africa. In examining how incumbent leaders in African countries attempt to contain societal pressures for greater democracy, the chapters explain how governments go beyond the standard tools of manipulation, such as electoral fraud and political violence, to keep democracy from unfolding in their countries. The book emphasizes two distinct strategies that governments frequently use to reinforce their hold on power, but which remain overlooked in conventional analyses; —the legal system and the international system. It—documents how governments employ the law to limit the scope of action among citizens and civil society activists struggling to expand democratic liberties, including the use of constitutional provisions and the courts. The work further demonstrates how governments use their role in international relations to neutralize pressure from external actors, including sovereigntist claims against foreign intervention and selective implementation of donor-promoted policies. While pro-democracy actors can also employ these legal and international strategies to challenge incumbents, in some cases to prevent democratic backsliding, the book shows why and how incumbents have enjoyed institutional advantages when implementing these strategies through the six country case studies of Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe.
... See also Moyo (2010) and Bratton (1989). to and funded by diaspora groups, while internationally funded groups carried out election monitoring, voter education, and human rights reporting (Dupuy et al., 2015). In 2009, the Ethiopian government enacted the Charities and Societies Proclamation prohibiting organizations receiving more than 10% of foreign-sourced funds from working on politically sensitive issues such as human rights, democratization, conflict resolution, and elections. ...
Chapter
Full-text available
Why have most African countries not achieved greater political liberalization? What explains the lack of progress toward the ideals of liberal democracy across the region? This book advances ongoing debates on democratic backsliding with specific reference to Africa. In examining how incumbent leaders in African countries attempt to contain societal pressures for greater democracy, the chapters explain how governments go beyond the standard tools of manipulation, such as electoral fraud and political violence, to keep democracy from unfolding in their countries. The book emphasizes two distinct strategies that governments frequently use to reinforce their hold on power, but which remain overlooked in conventional analyses; —the legal system and the international system. It—documents how governments employ the law to limit the scope of action among citizens and civil society activists struggling to expand democratic liberties, including the use of constitutional provisions and the courts. The work further demonstrates how governments use their role in international relations to neutralize pressure from external actors, including sovereigntist claims against foreign intervention and selective implementation of donor-promoted policies. While pro-democracy actors can also employ these legal and international strategies to challenge incumbents, in some cases to prevent democratic backsliding, the book shows why and how incumbents have enjoyed institutional advantages when implementing these strategies through the six country case studies of Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe.
... Between 2009 and March 2019, a 'Charities and Societies Proclamation' made it illegal in Ethiopia for NGOs receiving more than 10% of foreign funding to engage with such issues (ICNL, 2019). In the absence of domestic sources of funding, most of the civil society ecosystem dealing with democracy issues dwindled or turned their attention to other areas of work, hence increasing the leeway of the ruling coalition to conduct non-competitive elections (Dupuy et al., 2015). Making NGOs illegal also prevents them from playing a role during elections as national observers in polling stations, opening up possibilities for unreported, last-minute vote-rigging (see below). ...
... There is evidence that INGO restrictions have the intended effect. Dupuy et al. (2015) find that most local human rights NGOs disappeared from Ethiopia after the 2009 Charities and Societies Proclamation. In Bangladesh and Zambia, restrictions made crossborder NGO collaborations on human rights and other causes increasingly fragile and their advocacy more tempered (Fransen et al., 2021). ...
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Governments have increasingly adopted laws restricting the activities of international non-governmental organisations (INGOs) within their borders. Such laws are often intended to curb the ability of critical INGOs to discover and communicate government failures and abuses to domestic and international audiences. They can also have the unintended effect of reducing the presence and activities of INGOs working on health issues and deprive local health workers and organisations of access to resources, knowledge, and other forms of support. This study assesses whether legislative INGO restrictions are associated with fewer health INGOs in a wide range of countries and with the ability of those countries to mitigate disability-adjusted life years (DALYs) lost because of 21 disease categories between 1993 and 2017. The findings indicate that restrictive legislation hampered efforts by civil society to lighten the global burden of disease and had adverse side effects on the health of citizens worldwide.
... This phenomenon is called shrinking or closing (civic) spaces. Along with other scholars (Dupuy et al., 2015, p. 420), (van der Borgh and Terwindt, 2012 point out that states play an important role in determining the emergence, action, and survival of CSAs. They also repeatedly emphasise that especially for partial democracies and relatively open societies regional differences within a national territory based on specific groups and topics are frequent. ...
Article
With a focus on northern Chile – a region that has historically been influenced by mining – this paper investigates the restrictions imposed on civil society actors in opposition to mineral resource extraction. In doing so, it links two political and academic debates: natural resource extraction and civil society's operational space. Little literature investigates restrictions of civic space in relatively safe contexts like liberal democracies. Therefore, referring to van der Borgh and Terwindt (2012, 2014), who suggest that different political contexts produce different restrictions for civil society actors, this paper argues that a more sensitive approach to the form of restrictions in democratic contexts has to be developed. This paper draws on examples from the mining sector, which has been identified as particularly vulnerable with regard to civic space. Land and environmental defenders in northern Chile can be observed to be in a constant negotiation process to position themselves between cooperation with mining companies and resistance in order to preserve their operational space. Subtle restrictions may weaken their capacity to collectively take action and pursue economic, social, and/or ecological demands coherently.
... Governments worldwide have thus implemented restrictive regulations to monitor INGOs' activities. As Dupuy, Ron, and Prakash (2015) show, nearly half of the world's states have passed more restrictive NGO laws. This regulatory crackdown is still occurring and stands in contrast to international efforts during the 1980s and 1990s to create more liberal NGO laws. ...
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International non-governmental organizations (INGOs) are increasingly important players in global politics and development. However, they are undergoing significant adaptations as governments worldwide have instituted restrictions to regulate their activities. What explains the various ways in which they respond to these institutional pressures? In our study of INGO responses to a new restrictive law in China, we identify four strategic responses with varying levels of compliance: legal registration, provisional strategy, localization, and exit. The institutional pressures—strategic responses link is influenced by INGOs’ adaptive capacity, which is in turn shaped by an organization’s issue sensitivity, value-add, government ties, and reputational authority. The integrated framework we develop for INGO strategic responses can shed light on state-INGO relations in other countries, many of which are subject to increasingly stringent regulations and a closing political environment.
... In both instances, attitudes matter (a lot) for grant application success. First, in many autocratic or hybrid political systems, states build higher barriers for unwelcomed groups to make the obtainment of funding more difficult and even impossible (Dupuy et al., 2015). Elites in power in these systems 'usually have a broad network of influence, which can effectively cut off domestic groups that are working against their interests' and this includes access to domestic funding (Parks, 2008, 219). ...
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In this study we test whether interest organizations that are confrontational towards EU institutions are less successful than their more cooperative counterparts in obtaining funding from the European Commission (EC). The transfer of public funds to interest organizations is a key dynamic in state-civil society relationships. Research shows that organizations, especially public groups, often heavily rely on public funds to the point that, without funds, many would cease to exist. ‘Don’t bite the hand that feeds you’ is thus a popular expression among leaders of organizations who apply for funds. Scholars document a widespread perception among group leaders that a confrontational attitude towards the state can lead to curtail of public funds. This perception is based on the assumption that state institutions use public funding to discipline confrontational interest organizations. We test this assumption using quantitative and qualitative data collected from a survey of 270 interest organizations who applied for EC funding between 2015 and 2018. Our findings suggest that, while almost half of our survey respondents feel that critical attitudes towards the EU would have negative consequences for their funding applications, empirically, confrontational and cooperative organizations have the same chances of obtaining EC grants. This finding is robust across different interest organization categories, including when non-applicants and mortality anxiety are considered in the analysis. The results add a new layer to resource dependency theory pointing at the incongruence between an organization’s perception of its relationship with public institutions and the observation of that relationship.
... Yu (2016) uses organisational ecology in conjunction with social movement theory to explain the rise and development of HIV NGOs in China. In a similar vein, Dupuy et al (2015) examines the impact of restrictive public regulatory laws on the behaviour and survival trajectories of foreign-funded NGOs in Ethiopia. Bush & Hadden (2019) operationalise the ecological concept of population density (Hannan & Freeman, 1977) to understand rates of INGO formation in the US and globally. ...
Thesis
What happens when organisations get what they want? How do external shifts which advance organisational goals affect survival? Existing literature on goal advancement tends to conceptualise it as a normatively ‘good’ thing and focuses on how to attain it. What remains undertheorised is how organisations can paradoxically create problems for themselves when they get what they want. This puzzle is particularly important to understand vis-à-vis the third sector and policy change, as states increasingly rely on nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) for social policy provision. Insofar as ‘getting what you want’ via policy change can have unintended consequences for organisational sustainability, it has direct implications for social policy, governance, and the communities these NGOs serve. Despite its growing policy relevance, however, this puzzle remains understudied. This doctoral thesis fills this gap by examining the case of LGBT NGOs in Calgary, Montreal, and Toronto in the context of long-term same-sex marriage legalisation, a policy change widely seen as socially and politically progressive for LGBT equality and one advancing LGBT NGO goals. Drawing upon organisational management, development management, resource dependence, and organisational ecology literatures, this policy-relevant thesis advances scholarly understandings of organisational continuity. Across city cases, I find that structural forces, organisational factors, and policy shift shape resource availability, resource mobilisation, and resource dependencies. But LGBT NGOs are not simply acted upon, instead exercising agency through adaptive behaviour—illustrating this, I introduce a new concept of organisational hibernation, an adaptation to resource scarcity or an evolving policy domain to maintain continuity. But not all adaptations are beneficial: in the post-marriage political economic context, adaptations made for immediate persistence may negatively impact the sustainability of the LGBT NGO sector. Goal advancement via policy change can be costly with broader impacts for continuity of policy provision and LGBT interest representation in policy processes. This thesis contributes to debates in social policy, NGO studies, LGBT politics, and Canadian politics.
... As they write: "human rights are a class of social phenomena that are often unreported, misreported, under-reported, and over-reported in ways that make their systematic measurement highly problematic." Monitoring bodies, for example, have finite resources to collect and corroborate evidence (Fariss, 2019), 9 can face anti-NGO laws (Dupuy et al., 2015), and may shift the forms of repression in a country, decreasing some forms but increasing others (DeMeritt & Conrad, 2019). Events can be especially opaque in governments that are rife with repression (Brysk, 1994), and yet easier to detect in regimes that seldom repress (e.g., Sweden) (Eck & Fariss, 2018). ...
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Is expropriation - the seizure of assets from foreign investors - a sign of wider repression in host countries? If so, under which circumstances? The relationship between expropriation and human rights has been under-explored in the international relations and international political economy literatures. We argue that domestic repression and expropriation are interrelated: both can be part of a state’s repertoire of coercive activities, the use of these tools reflecting a leader’s insecurity about their power position. Expropriation, however, often attracts widespread media attention, and thus may signal wider repressive acts against citizens, which are typically harder to detect. We present an exploratory analysis using a cross-country sample of seventy-eight non-OECD countries (1960-2006). Results show that expropriation is connected to higher repression, and that the effect is stronger in countries with higher historical human rights protection, which are in the middle of the democracy-autocracy spectrum. Our theoretical and empirical contributions illuminate a relationship between property rights and human rights, and give important insights to understanding state incentives to repress.
... Analyzing such relationships, Sternberg (2010) noted that "such NGOs belie the term 'non-governmental'; many are not part of civil society." The growth of foreign government funding led analysts to coin the terms FONGO or FFUNGO (foreign funded NGOs) (Dupuy et al., 2015). In these cases, the presumed independence of the recipients is clearly compromised. ...
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Strategic Assessment - A Multidisciplinary Journal on National Security For two decades, the European Union and individual states of Western Europe have been major funders of Palestinian non-governmental organizations (NGOs), under banners of economic development, peace, and human rights. European governments together provide approximately €35 million annually to a small and largely unchanging group of selected organizations. The recipients are substantial political and economic actors, and are among the leaders of intense soft power conflict, voicing repeated allegations of fundamental Israeli wrong-doing and encouraging anti-Israel campaigns through boycotts and lawfare. This paper argues that in contrast to the formal justifications of support for independent civil society organizations, the relationship is best explained through a unique subcontracting model. The EU and West European governments provide funding and access (particularly to media and international institutions such as the UN and ICC), in return for political services from the carefully selected Palestinian NGOs. This is evidenced by a detailed examination of repeated and overlapping grants and contracts from numerous European funding frameworks to the same group of recipients, including some linked to the PFLP terror organization.
Article
Whereas nearly half of the world’s countries have imposed restrictions on civil society organizations (CSOs) since the 1990s, little is known about how those regulations reshape the civic space and actors. This article delves into the patterns of transformation of organizational behaviours of traditional non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and new CSOs before and following the enforcement of coercive state policies against civil society in Azerbaijan. By applying the theory of new institutionalism, the article first analyzes the development of post-independence Azerbaijani civil society and the vulnerabilities thereof. Then, it uses original data to portray CSOs’ survival strategies in the face of institutional pressures – operationalizing Christine Oliver’s typology of strategic responses. The findings underscore dual unintended consequences. First, extant and emerging democracy-oriented Azerbaijani CSOs have pursued existence outside the regulative institutional control of the authoritarian regime since 2015. Second, the crackdown brought about marked de-NGOization of civil society while engendering alternative modes of organization in civic associations.
Article
Civil society space is constantly shifting, either negatively (e.g., shrinking, narrowing) or positively (e.g., expanding). These shifts are predominantly attributed to actions by central government actors, such as the implementation and enforcement of laws. Emergent work, however, also recognizes that in the context of the Global South, the international community can take actions to shrink or expand civil society space. Recently, Ghana in West Africa—known for its democratic stability—has introduced significant legislative and administrative reforms aimed at regulating the NGO sector. We interview 20 Ghanaian service‐providing NGOs to explore perceived shifts in civil society space and the impacts of these shifts, as well as strategies service‐providing NGOs are employing in response to shifting civic space. Findings identify perceived shifts in civic space caused by international actors and the Ghanaian government, as well as strategies for combating and mitigating shifting space.
Article
How do civil society organisations (CSOs) and the state interact in non‐democratic settings? Non‐democratic regimes often meet civil society activism with repression, however, on an every‐day basis contestation and control take more diverse forms. To capture how CSOs bargain with and contest state power, as well as how states police CSOs, this article draws on the case of Ethiopia (1991–2018). It analyses different types of interactions between service providing CSOs and state actors and studies when and how CSOs have been able to place their demands on state actors and when and to what extend their demands have been adhered to. Looking beyond the absence of public protests against the ruling government by CSOs, the article argues that CSOs, including those formally aligned to or co‐opted by the regime, have been resourceful in devising strategies that promote the interests of their members and beneficiaries. Defying co‐optation, they have constantly negotiated space through a combination of cooperation, coexistence and contestation.
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Local governance comprises a set of institutions, mechanisms and processes through which citizens and their groups can articulate their interests and needs and mediate their differences. The participation of citizens in governance is one of the underlying components of democracy. Engaging citizens in the act of governance engenders transparency, improves accountability and public resource management and brings about good policy outcomes, development and the social well-being of citizens. When done effectively, it encourages inclusiveness and cohesiveness, speeds up problem-solving through community initiatives and generally improves the effectiveness of local authorities. This Report is an exploratory study which adopted various strategies to try to understand the issues, perspectives and results from citizen participation in local governance across various countries and regions in Africa.
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The Dissertation’s overarching goal is to offer an analytical tool for initiatives aimed at mainstreaming inclusive development in sub-Saharan Africa so that relevant theories, principles, key driving factors, and policy instruments of inclusive development are well comprehended. First, the dissertation focuses on compiling pertinent theories of inclusive development. It also tries to illustrate how social systems contribute to exclusion and the fragility of nations. Additionally, it empirically demonstrates the significance of certain driving factors of inclusive development. It also aims to provide some theoretical foundations for strengthening and expanding regional integration in Africa, to ensure inclusive decision-making at supra national level. Finally, seven policy domains are identified to mainstream the virtue of inclusiveness and its principles. i) Promoting “right-based” development approach, particularly those approaches that are endorsing on economic equity and social justice; ii) Focusing on the exclusionary role of hierarchical social structures and economic inequality as root causes of exclusion; iii) Capitalizing on the demographic dividend through inclusive labour market; iv) Effectively utilizing official development assistance (ODA); v) Promoting social protection programs; vi) Deepening and broadening African regional integration; and vii) Adapting the so-called social market economy development path.
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The effect of international aid on the economic development of recipient countries has not been conclusive, nor is aid effectiveness metrics simple and robust. This paper scrutinizes the nexus of official development assistance (ODA) and inclusive development. The data covers 34 African countries for the period 1991 to 2018. The simple OLS regression shows a negative association between ODA and inclusive development. Numerous researchers have claimed the same thing about the relationship between foreign aid and economic growth. However, paper statistically proves that the negative association between ODA and inclusive development is due to an omitted variable. Accordingly, this paper's unique addition is that it uses the instrumental variable in the two-stage linear square (2SLS) regression model and claims that ODA is a statistically significant positive determinant of inclusive development and ODA should be channelled to climate change, demographic pressure, and CPIA. ‫ملخص‬ ‫مقاييس‬ ‫أن‬ ‫كما‬ ‫حاسما،‬ ‫املتلقية‬ ‫للبلدان‬ ‫االقتصادية‬ ‫التنمية‬ ‫على‬ ‫الدولية‬ ‫املساعدات‬ ‫تأثير‬ ‫يكن‬ ‫لم‬ ‫وهذه‬ ‫ومتينة.‬ ‫بسيطة‬ ‫ليست‬ ‫املعونة‬ ‫فعالية‬ ‫اإلنمائية‬ ‫املساعدة‬ ‫بين‬ ‫العالقة‬ ‫في‬ ‫تمحص‬ ‫البحثية‬ ‫الورقة‬ ‫البيانات‬ ‫وتغطي‬ ‫الشاملة.‬ ‫والتنمية‬ ‫الرسمية‬ 34 ‫بينن‬ ‫ما‬ ‫للفترة‬ ‫أفريقية‬ ‫دولة‬ 1991 ‫و‬ 2018 ‫ظهر‬ ُ ‫وي‬. ‫والتنمية‬ ‫الرسمية‬ ‫اإلنمائية‬ ‫املساعدة‬ ‫بين‬ ‫سلبيا‬ ‫ا‬ ً ‫ارتباط‬ ‫الصغرى‬ ‫املربعات‬ ‫ملخطط‬ ‫البسيط‬ ‫االنحدار‬ ‫اد‬ ‫وقد‬ ‫الشاملة.‬ ‫والنمو‬ ‫الخارجية‬ ‫املساعدات‬ ‫بين‬ ‫العالقة‬ ‫حول‬ ‫يء‬ ‫الش‬ ‫نفس‬ ‫الباحثين‬ ‫من‬ ‫عدد‬ ‫عى
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Spatial differentiation of non-governmental aid provided in Madagascar This paper assesses the correlation, if any, between the presence of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and improvements in quality of life in the regions of Madagascar. The research work involved several stages. First, a database of NGO activity in 2015–2019 was compiled. This included both secular NGOs and aid projects run by missionary centers. Second, 648 locations of where these entities were active were identified and superposed on the maps of the 2015–2019 Human Development Index changes in the various regions. Spatial analyses did not show any relationship between non-governmental aid and quality of life. The southern regions were especially interesting. This is where environmental conditions have been least favorable historically and where the HDI (notably in the Atsimo-Andrefana region) recorded a significant decrease in the analyzed years (despite substantial NGO activity). Zarys treści: Celem omawianych badań jest sprawdzenie, czy istnieje związek między poziomem obiektywnej jakości życia w regionach Madagaskaru a obecnością na ich obszarze pozarządowej pomocy rozwojowej. Prace obejmowały kilka etapów. W pierwszej kolejności opracowano bazy danych zawierające informacje o projektach, które prowadzone były w latach 2015–2019 w ramach pozarządowej pomocy rozwojowej (to jest pomocy pochodzącej od organizacji pozarządowych i placówek misyjnych prowadzących działalność pomocową). Następnie dokładne lokalizacje projektów (648) naniesione zostały na mapy, prezentujące zmiany poziomu obiektywnej jakości życia (wyrażonej za pomocą wskaźnika rozwoju społecznego, HDI) w regionach. Analiza przestrzenna nie wykazała związku między obecnością pozarządowej pomocy rozwojowej a poziomem obiektywnej jakości życia. Uwagę przykuwa sytuacja południowych regionów, w których warunki środowiskowe są najtrudniejsze, i gdzie, szczególnie w regionie Atsimo-Andrefana, wskaźnik rozwoju społecznego odnotował w badanych latach wyraźny spadek (mimo stosunkowo dużej obecności pozarządowej pomocy rozwojowej na tych terenach).
Article
Public opinion polls conducted over the past five years point to a downward trend in African citizens’ support for civil society and media freedoms. This is despite the flourishing of civil society and media actors as well as the expansion of democracy on the continent in the post-Cold War period. What explains this downward trend in public support? We use cross-national polling data from the Afrobarometer survey to examine the decline in public support for freedoms of association and media between 2011 and 2018 in the African context, a continent that has experienced decades of democratization waves and pressure. Using a multilevel statistical modelling approach, we analyse the influence of government repression of civil society and media actors on citizen support for enhanced government control over freedoms of association and the media. Our study shows that the government’s repressive actions against civil society and media actors increases the probability that citizens will support control over association and media freedoms. Concerningly, this suggests government clampdowns on democratic rights influences the African publics to support such clampdowns, potentially legitimizing them.
Article
A crackdown on the activities of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) has recently swept the globe. When faced with increased restrictions, how do NGOs respond? We argue there is a curvilinear relationship between increases in NGO repression and the conflict-to-cooperative nature of NGO interactions with a government. On one end of the spectrum, when civil society repression is limited or nonexistent, NGOs have many reasons to be cooperative with the government. As NGO repression increases, we should see NGOs take more of a conflictual stance, publicly voicing their displeasure and bringing attention to the abuses and deficiencies they see within the regime. As NGO repression continues to increase, however, there will be a tipping point at which the NGOs that remain in the country will once again take a more cooperative tack with the government. We use a quantitative event data approach to examine the implications of our arguments.
Article
Urban bias theory predicts urban areas of developing countries receive disproportionately more resources than rural areas due to their concentration of numerically large, politically important “vote banks.” This has not been the case in Bangladesh. This study finds that this variation occurs due to non‐state providers (NSPs) changing the landscape of resource allocation. Operating on the premise that state control leads to more services in urban areas, urban bias fails to account for NSPs as critical service providers. Employing a grounded theory strategy to explore urban‐rural dynamics in service provision and to build on urban bias theory, this research highlights interactions between state and non‐state actors. It argues that spatialized political networks, networks of formal and informal leadership more difficult to access in urban areas, influence the locality of service provision. Though NSPs recognize increased need in urban areas of Bangladesh, their interventions in those areas remain peripheral due to differing structures of government accountability and differing levels of community acceptance facilitating these networks. The need for NSPs to adapt their activities to restrictive governance mechanisms reflects the changing space for NSPs in the context of semi‐democratic regimes.
Article
Aid on health, education and economy provided by Small Non-Profit Organizations (NPOs) in Africa should focus on transmitting transparency, responsibility and efficacy in their work concerning NPOs’ downward accountability for beneficiaries, as beneficiaries are one of the most important NPO stakeholders. This research focuses on NPOs’ downward accountability for beneficiaries, as beneficiaries are one of the most important NPO stakeholders where researchers have not focused thoroughly. A survey was designed and divided into various issues of accountability and their impact on the beneficiaries’ perception of economic improvement. The multivariate analysis obtained interesting results, showing that beneficiaries have a positive perception of NPOs’ aid to their families and village and find that the NPO discloses its objectives clearly and has high networking activity. However, they believe that the NPO should be more flexible and align its work more closely with local and public policy in the area. They also believe that the NPO should improve publication and dissemination of information on its objectives, activities and results. Based on these findings, small NPOs should receive more training in protocols about accountability issues to improve performance, as the majority of NPOs fail to use accountability outcomes to improve performance.
Article
Women-led civil society activism contributed to the adoption of the WPS Agenda and the Security Council’s recognition of these organisations as key WPS actors. However, civil society organisations (CSOs) are often allocated tokenistic roles during the national implementation of WPS resolutions. Drawing on Sabatier and Jenkin-Smith’s Advocacy Coalition Framework, this study analyses 35 semi-structured interviews and surveys with CSOs and state WPS actors in Nigeria to explore the opportunities provided and the methods used by the Nigerian government to engage civil society in processes to implement UNSCR 2242 as political measures. The article highlights that UNSCR 2242 can be used by CSOs to advocate for political participation within processes to implement CT/CVE measures. However, the implementation of the Resolution exposes these actors to greater risks in the domestic context. Further, operationalising WPS as a policy provides insights into how CSOs utilise their interaction within political sub-systems to influence policy processes.
Article
Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are a core component of a robust civil society and operate in a wide variety of sectors, ranging from service delivery to political advocacy. However, research has yet to systematically investigate whether the impact of government repression varies across NGO activities. We hypothesize that advocacy NGOs are more affected by repression than those in service delivery. Surveying 176 employees from 106 NGOs in Cambodia, we employ a conjoint experiment to examine how the level of repression affects a task crucial to NGOs’ survival: obtaining funding via grant applications. We find that while increases in the severity of repression appear to have a stronger deterrent effect for advocacy NGOs, repression has a large deterrent effect on service NGOs as well. Interviews and text analysis of open-ended questions suggest that local officials target both advocacy and service delivery NGOs, but for different reasons. Our findings speak to the spread of authoritarianism and the challenges NGOs face in countries with closing civic spaces.
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This chapter examines the organizational dynamics of the Russian third sector after the adoption of the so-called “foreign agents” law in 2012, which significantly restricted civil society organizations’ legal space and their access to key resources. Utilizing interviews with organizational leaders and activists in nine Russian regions as well as survey data on civil society’s interactions with authorities, we argue that despite the intent to target only a handful of organizations, the changes have affected a wide array of civil society organizations. We show the commonalities and differences in dynamics among organizations occupying various niches. We also document coping strategies and establish the sources of resilience of the third sector vis-à-vis the entrenching of the authoritarian state in Russia.
Article
Recent assessments of relations between states and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) claim a global wave of state crackdowns, raising questions about the continued authority and influence of NGOs. The works reviewed here challenge the idea of a pattern of global conflict, demonstrating a range of ways in which states work with, through, and alongside NGOs. They also demonstrate that the diversity of NGO–state relations can make it difficult to generalize about these interactions across national contexts. One way to reconceptualize these relationships may be to focus on the normative commitments that states and NGOs do or do not share. Conflictual and cooperative NGO–state dynamics emerge from the many and sometimes contradictory liberal values that enabled the rise of NGOs. NGOs can embody three liberal values: visions of civil society can emphasize political freedoms, market-based visions of private action, or universalism. States may embrace some of these values while rejecting others. Thus, while the era of the unimpeded rise of NGOs may have come to an end, the shifting political spaces for NGOs do not spell an end to their influence.
Article
Limited space to engage in advocacy is one manifestation of a restrictive civic environment. In environments where civil society organizations (CSOs) are keen to maintain a low profile, non-confrontational advocacy mechanisms are often preferred. Based on a case study on the adoption of an Egyptian law that criminalizes denial of inheritance to women, this paper investigates how CSOs engage in advocacy in restrictive settings. The aforementioned law was put forth by a coalition of CSOs in Egypt and led by an international NGO. Using an original analytical framework, I argue that the coalition’s ability to navigate the restrictive environment in Egypt can be explained by a confluence of factors, including that the issue did not conflict with beliefs of powerful decision-makers, that the CSOs were perceived as legitimate and had good network reach, and that the CSOs used insider tactics and non-controversial framing to mobilize support of influential government actors.
Article
Do initiatives to limit nongovernmental organization (NGO) activities work to limit terrorist attacks? Despite regime rhetoric, we argue that NGO restrictions and repression can heighten grievances and limit nonviolent options for citizens to express dissent, broadening support for terrorists and increasing terrorist incidents. Using novel data on NGO restrictions, we fail to find evidence that legal restrictions on NGOs reduce the number of terrorist attacks. Once we account for the unobservable factors that influence both the adoption of these initiatives and the terrorist violence via treatment effects regression models, we find much evidence that NGO restrictions instead exacerbate terrorism. Our findings call into question the counterterrorism and security benefits often used by regime leaders to justify restrictions and all-out repression to NGOs.
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The operation of strong Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) within a given country helps make the state democratic: CSOs struggle for justice, the respect of rights, equality, and freedom, and advocating changes against repression. This is especially true for CSOs in African countries lacking democratic practices. However, due to the repressive regulations passed by governing parties, CSOs have not fully played their role in the continent’s democratization process. The number of countries adopting legislationto curtails the potential roles of CSOs in promoting democracy and has increased. ls. The legal system of each country strongly determines the degree of involvement of CSOs in promoting democracy. The challenges CSOs are facing might deviate depending on the nature and content of legislation. Accordingly, this study mainly focused on investigating the challenges of imposing restrictive legislation on CSOs in promoting democracy, taking the lesson from Ethiopia.
Article
Over the last twenty years increasing attention has been paid to the ways in which diasporic communities can shape global development processes, thorough a variety of intersecting scales and spatialities. This promotion of diasporic-centred development has occurred in parallel to a narrowing of civic space and it is these juxtaposing narratives that this paper interrogates. This paper firstly considers diasporic-centred development before moving on to think about how the contemporary narrowing of civic space may be (re)shaping diasporic civic life and participation in global development processes. The paper concludes that the spaces for diasporic civic participation in development are vulnerable to being squeezed in multiple intersecting ways, including through the racialised marginalisation of diasporic communities in everyday life, restrictions on diasporic associational life, the delegitimising of diasporic organisations in the (formal) development sphere and the extra-territorial narrowing of diasporic civic space by state (and non-state) actors. It is imperative that we explore the intersections in the diasporic-civic space-development nexus, with further research needed to understand how diasporic communities are responding to these changes, how diasporic civic spaces are reconfiguring and reconstituting themselves in this context, and what this means for global development.
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Why do some donor governments pursue international development through recipient governments, while others bypass such local authorities? Weaving together scholarship in political economy, public administration and historical institutionalism, Simone Dietrich argues that the bureaucratic institutions of donor countries shape donor–recipient interactions differently despite similar international and recipient country conditions. Donor nations employ institutional constraints that authorize, enable and justify particular aid delivery tactics while precluding others. Offering quantitative and qualitative analyses of donor decision-making, the book illuminates how donors with neoliberally organized public sectors bypass recipient governments, while donors with more traditional public-sector-oriented institutions cooperate and engage recipient authorities on aid delivery. The book demonstrates how internal beliefs and practices about states and markets inform how donors see and set their objectives for foreign aid and international development itself. It informs debates about aid effectiveness and donor coordination and carries implications for the study of foreign policy, more broadly.
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Local human rights organizations (LHROs) are crucial allies in international efforts to promote human rights. Without support from organized civil society, efforts by transnational human rights reformers would have little effect. Despite their importance, we have little systematic information on the correlates of public trust in LHROs. To fill this gap, we conducted key informant interviews with 233 human rights workers from sixty countries, and then administered a new Human Rights Perceptions Poll to representative public samples in Mexico (n = 2,400), Morocco (n = 1,100), India (n = 1,680), and Colombia (n = 1,699). Our data reveal that popular trust in local rights groups is consistently associated with greater respondent familiarity with the rights discourse, actors, and organizations, along with greater skepticism toward state institutions and agents. The evidence fails to provide consistent, strong support for other commonly held expectations, however, including those about the effects of foreign funding, socioeconomic status, and transnational connections.
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Hafner-Burton, Emilie and James Ron. (2012) The Latin Bias: Regions, the Anglo-American Media, and Human Rights. International Studies Quarterly, doi: 10.1111/isqu.12023 © 2012 International Studies Association Media attention is unevenly allocated across global human rights problems, prompting anger, frustration, and recrimination in the international system. This article demonstrates that from 1981 to 2000, three leading Anglo-American media sources disproportionately covered Latin American abuses, in human rights terms, as compared to other world regions. This “Latin Human Rights Bias” runs counter to broader trends within the Anglo-American general coverage of foreign news, where Latin America’s share of reporting is far smaller. The Bias is partially explained by the region’s proximity to the United States (US), its relevance to US policy debates, and by path dependency. A significant portion of the Latin Bias remains unexplained, however, despite our best attempts to rigorously model explanations offered by leading Western journalists. These findings suggest that geographic regions are an important factor in the media’s perception of global human rights problems and that both human rights policymakers and scholars may be inappropriately drawing general lessons from regionally specific and biased patterns. We conclude with suggestions for future research.
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Departing from the population-level emphasis of density dependence research in organizational ecology, the authors examine how organizational niches within populations influence patterns of competition and mutalism. Organizational niches characterize intrapopulation variation in productive capacities and resource requirements and are operationalized for a population of day care centers (DCCs) based on the ages of children they are licensed to enroll. The authors find competitive effects of overlap density, the aggregate overlap of a DCC's organizational niche with those of all others, and mutualistic effects of nonoverlap density, the aggregate nonoverlap, which are strongest among neighboring DCCs. The authors discuss the implications of their findings for studying organizational population dynamics.
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At the start of 1988, the World Bank began an institution-wide effort to expand its work with NGOs. This chapter discusses what the Bank's recent outreach to NGOs has achieved, draws lessons from emerging experience, and projects how the Bank's work with NGOs is likely to evolve to the end of the century. -from Author
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Human rights have undergone a complete process of evolution. The history and development of human rights can be traced back to the days when the "rights of man" literally meant the "rights of white men." In those days, the rights of black men were not included in the concept of equality. As one writer aptly puts it, "It took a long time for the United States ... to include black men in their concept of equal rights ... it took an even longer time to include women in this process and thereby move away from 'the rights of man' to human rights" (Eide, Krause, and Rosas 1995: 25). The international community reinforced the idea of "all human rights for all" in 1948 when the United Nations adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). The General Assembly of the United Nations, in adopting this Declaration, proclaimed it "as a common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations, to the end that every individual and every organ of society, keeping this Declaration constantly in mind, shall strive by teaching and education to promote respect for these rights and freedoms, and by progressive measures, national and international, to secure their universal and effective recognition and observance."l There was already a recognition, at the time when the UDHR was adopted, that human rights were interrelated and interdependent. Hence the preamble of this Declaration states that "the highest of aspiration of the common people is the advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and freedom from fear and want."2 Although the intention to integrate different sets of rights into a single document existed, this was hampered by the controversy surrounding the different nature of civil and political rights on one hand and economic, social and cultural rights on the other hand. This controversy, which will be discussed later, led to the decision of the General Assembly that two separate covenants should be adopted, namely one on civil and political rights and the other on economic, social and cultural rights (Eide, Krause, and Rosas 1995: 22). Forty-five years after the adoption of the UDHR, the international community reiterated at the World Conference on Human Rights, held in Vienna, Austria, in June 1993, that human rights are interdependent. The Conference adopted the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action, which asserts that "all human rights are universal, indivisible, interdependent and interrelated" (United Nations 1993). The Declaration enjoins the international community to "treat human rights globally in a fair and equal manner, on the same footing and with the same emphasis." With the adoption of the Vienna Declaration the international community has finally acknowledged that the enjoyment of some rights is impossible without the enjoyment of all rights. As Eide, Krause, and Rosas, (1995: 19) assert: "Efforts to bring torture, arbitrary detention and capital punishment to an end are laudable.... What permanent achievement is there in saving people from torture, only to find that they are killed by famine or disease that could have been prevented had the will and appropriate controls been there?". Copyright
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This book is an eye-opening account of transnational advocacy, not by environmental and rights groups, but by conservative activists. Mobilizing around diverse issues, these networks challenge progressive foes across borders and within institutions. In these globalized battles, opponents struggle as much to advance their own causes as to destroy their rivals. Deploying exclusionary strategies, negative tactics and dissuasive ideas, they aim both to make and unmake policy. In this work, Clifford Bob chronicles combat over homosexuality and gun control in the UN, the Americas, Europe and elsewhere. He investigates the 'Baptist-burqa' network of conservative believers attacking gay rights, and the global gun coalition blasting efforts to control firearms. Bob draws critical conclusions about norms, activists and institutions, and his broad findings extend beyond the culture wars. They will change how campaigners fight, scholars study policy wars, and all of us think about global politics.
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The contemporary American political landscape has been marked by two paradoxical transformations: the emergence after 1960 of an increasingly activist state, and the rise of an assertive and politically powerful conservatism that strongly opposes activist government. Leading young scholars take up these issues inThe Transformation of American Politics. Arguing that even conservative administrations have become more deeply involved in managing our economy and social choices, they examine why our political system nevertheless has grown divided as never before over the extent to which government should involve itself in our lives.The contributors show how these two closely linked trends have influenced the reform and running of political institutions, patterns of civic engagement, and capacities for partisan mobilization--and fueled ever-heightening conflicts over the contours and reach of public policy. These transformations not only redefined who participates in American politics and how they do so, but altered the substance of political conflicts and the capacities of rival interests to succeed. Representing both an important analysis of American politics and an innovative contribution to the study of long-term political change, this pioneering volume reveals how partisan discourse and the relationship between citizens and their government have been redrawn and complicated by increased government programs.The contributors are Andrea Louise Campbell, Jacob S. Hacker, Nolan McCarty, Suzanne Mettler, Paul Pierson, Theda Skocpol, Mark A. Smith, Steven M. Teles, and Julian E. Zelizer.
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In this vivid ethnography, Harri Englund investigates how ideas of freedom impede struggles against poverty and injustice in emerging democracies. Reaching beyond a narrow focus on the national elite, Prisoners of Freedom shows how foreign aid and human rights activism hamper the pursuit of democratic citizenship in Africa. The book explores how activists aspirations of self-improvement, pursued under harsh economic conditions, find in the human rights discourse a new means to distinguish oneself from the poor masses. Among expatriates, the emphasis on abstract human rights avoids confrontations with the political and business elites. Drawing on long-term research among the Malawian poor, Englund brings to life the personal circumstances of Malawian human rights activists, their expatriate benefactors, and the urban and rural poor as he develops a fresh perspective on freedom-one that recognizes the significance of debt, obligation, and civil virtues.
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The theory of organizational niches may provide important bridging concepts upon which an integrated theory of interest groups might be developed. After discussing Hutchinson's (1957) n-dimensional niche concept, we develop several hypotheses about the reliance of interest organizations on multiple resource dimensions. These are tested with survey data on interest group leaders in the American states. On the basis of preliminary evidence of niche partitioning, we conclude that internal resource dimensions - exclusive access to members and finances - may be more critical than securing exclusive access to officials in a balkanized policy process in defining viable interest group niches. We conclude by outlining a research agenda using niche theory.
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Recent research on organizational ecology is reviewed. Three levels of analysis and approaches to evolution are distinguished: 1) the organizational level, which uses a developmental approach; 2) the population level, which uses a selection approach; and 3) the community level, which uses a macroevolutionary approach. Theoretical and empirical research is critiqued within this framework. Proposals to develop organizational taxonomies are considered. -Author
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In spite of the fact that chain referral sampling has been widely used in qualitative sociological research, especially in the study of deviant behavior, the problems and techniques involved in its use have not been adequately explained. The procedures of chain referral sampling are not self-evident or obvious. This article attempts to rectify this methodological neglect. The article provides a description and analysis of some of the problems that were encountered and resolved in the course of using the method in a relatively large exploratory study of ex-opiate addicts.
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This study explores whether an ecological, an adaptation, or a random organizational action perspective more appropriately describes the impact of organizational change in a population of voluntary social service organizations. The results indicate that some changes are disruptive, some have no impact on organizational mortality, and others are adaptive. One plausible interpretation of the results is that the effects of organizational changes depend on the location of the changes in the organization -- whether in the core or the periphery. Core changes, which are thought to be more disruptive, are best described by an ecological view. Peripheral changes are best described by an adaptation view. The study shows that selection and adaptation are complementary rather than contradictory views, and one clear implication is the need for simultaneous modeling of selection and adaptation processes to build a more complete theory of organizational change.
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Authoritarian leaders around the world have recently started to crack down on democracy-promotion efforts in their countries. The Bush administration's pro-democracy bombast has not helped matters, but has contributed to the false idea that liberalization is somehow a U.S.-driven phenomenon.
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The state plays an important role in structuring and channeling civic activism in Russia. Rather than eliminating advocacy, it privileges the advocacy forms that it prefers. The larger challenge facing Russian NGOs is an apathetic public.
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In Ethiopia, like in many African states, civil society organizations (CSOs) have played a role in addressing and promoting issues of public interest, especially since the beginning of the 1990s. They have been involved in service delivery and increasingly in advocacy on various issues, including in the areas of human rights and development. The work of CSOs particularly in governance and rights advocacy has often placed them at odds with governments, especially those with questionable democratic credentials. However, CSOs have also had problems of poor governance structure and lack of local constituency. The tension with governments and the accountability deficit of CSOs formed part of the reasons that justified the introduction of some restrictive CSO laws in a number of countries including Ethiopia. The Ethiopian Charities and Societies Proclamation of 2009 is believed to have entailed organizational, operational, and regulatory limitations against CSO work in the country. It has especially affected CSOs that work on human rights and governance and those which advocate for rights-based development. After laying out the effects of the law, this article weighs its justifications that extend from the restriction of the enjoyment of the freedom of association to Ethiopian nationals to the accusation of CSOs as promoters of a neo-liberal agenda. Underlining the need to address the accountability deficits in the CSO sector in the country, the piece finds that the restrictive elements of the law and their justifications exceed this purpose.
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The antigovernment protests that erupted in one ethnic region of Ethiopia can be attributed to the group's historical grievances or to its access to mobilizing resources. However, conventional explanations are insufficient in accounting for protest patterns in terms of their geographic distribution or varying levels of violence. The likelihood of protest onset was inversely related to local heterogeneity, intraethnic as well as interethnic. Protest violence spiraled through the interaction between ethnic homogeneity and the government's policing strategy. Woundings were less likely to occur in localities where protesters were repressed by police forces staffed by their own co-ethnics.
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Krain, Matthew. (2012) J’accuse ! Does Naming and Shaming Perpetrators Reduce the Severity of Genocides or Politicides? International Studies Quarterly, doi: 10.1111/j.1468-2478.2012.00732.x © 2012 International Studies Association This study tests the effectiveness of naming and shaming by transnational advocacy networks in reducing the severity of ongoing instances of genocide or politicide. I argue that naming and shaming should force perpetrators to reduce the severity of these ongoing atrocities in order to shift the spotlight, save their reputation, reframe their identity, maintain international legitimacy and domestic viability, and ease pressure placed on them by states or IOs. I test whether naming and shaming by NGOs, the media, and IOs significantly reduces the severity of the killing. Ordered logit analyses of ongoing genocides and politicides from 1976 to 2008 reveal that naming and shaming by Amnesty International, the Northern media, and the UNCHR have significant ameliorative effects on the severity of the most extreme atrocities. Transnational advocacy networks have the potential, through naming and shaming, to lead to life-saving changes in these murderous policies.
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The modern human rights movement, as it is known today, is largely the product of the horrors of the mainly European war of 1939-45. Its rise is mostly a direct result of the abominations committed by the Third Reich during that war. Drawing on the Western liberal tradition, the human rights movement arose primarily to control and contain state action against the individual. The two principal documents of the movement—the 1948 Universal Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR) and the 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)—largely establish negative rights that either limit or prohibit altogether government intrusion into the so-called “private realm.”
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Nongovernmental organizations (NGOS) both lobby states and work within and across societies to advance their interests. These latter efforts are generally ignored by students of world politics because they do not directly involve governments. A study of transnational environmental activist groups (TEAGs) such as Greenpeace, Friends of the Earth, and World Wildlife Fund demonstrates that NGO societal efforts indeed shape widespread behavior throughout the world. TEAGs work through transnational social, economic, and cultural networks to shift standards of good conduct, change corporate practices, and empower local communities. This type of practice involves “world civic politics.” That is, TEAGs influence widespread behavior by politicizing global civil society—that slice of collective life which exists above the individual and below the state yet across national boundaries. This article examines the activity of world civic politics as practiced by environmental activists and evaluates its relevance for the study of NGOs and world politics in general.
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Why do OECD countries vary in their regulatory approach towards non-governmental organizations (NGOs)? This paper introduces an index to assess NGO regulation regarding barriers to entry, NGOs’ political capacity, and economic activity. Our cross-section analysis of 28 OECD countries offers preliminary evidence of systematic differences in NGO regulation between corporatist and pluralist systems. We suggest corporatist systems have more restrictive regulations because NGOs risk upsetting the political order and managed social consensus. In pluralist countries, NGOs face fewer restrictions because governments view them as substitutes for formal communication channels. We present two cases, Japan (corporatist) and the United States (pluralist), to illustrate this argument. In sum, macro-institutional arrangements of political representation have a crucial bearing on national styles of NGO regulation. Future uses of this index include examining the effects of national context on international NGOs, explaining variations in organizational structures and strategies among NGOs, and tracking variations in NGO-state relations over time.
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Studying policy networks raises challenges in three important areas: identifying members of the policy network, gaining access to the network, and reporting findings from the study while maintaining confidentiality. Using the tobacco control policy and health policy networks in Victoria, Australia as a case study, the article describes how to use a reputational snowball to identify a policy network. I argue that the reputational snowball not only presents a useful tool for identifying micro‐level network members, but also provides a means for assessing which members of the policy network are core, and which ones are on the periphery. Issues around reporting in studies of policy influentials are also discussed.
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Obra que reconstruye el origen y evolución de las actuales redes transnacionales que, con la utilización de las nuevas tecnologías informativas como recurso organizador y aglutinador, han logrado constituirse en movimientos más o menos presionadores en la defensa de los derechos humanos, de la protección ambiental y de una mayor equidad de género, entre otros.
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Around the world, democratically elected regimes are routinely ignoring limits on their power and depriving citizens of basic freedoms. From Peru to the Philippines, we see the rise of a disturbing phenomenon: illiberal democracy. It has been difficult to recognize because for the last century in the West, democracy--free and fair elections--has gone hand in hand with constitutional liberalism--the rule of law and basic human rights. But in the rest of the world, these two concepts are coming apart. Democracy without constitutional liberalism is producing centralized regimes, the erosion of liberty, ethnic competition, conflict, and war. The international community and the United States must end their obsession with balloting and promote the gradual liberalization of societies.
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Explores the effects of environmental variability and grain on the niche width of organizational populations. Develops a model of the manner in which environmental variations affect the life changes of specialist and generalist organizations. This model predicts that death rates of generalists exceed those of specialists in fine-grained environments, regardless of the level of variability, but that generalists have lower death rates when environmental variation is both coarse grained and large. The model is applied to a sample of restaurant organizations in 18 California cities. Maximum likelihood estimates and tests confirm the major predictions of the model.-Authors
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Notwithstanding the increasing presence of foreign non-governmental organizations (“NGOs”) in China, currently only foreign foundations may register as international NGOs in China. This lag in legislation is largely due to the Chinese government’s concerns about foreign NGOs that try to broach politically sensitive subjects such as democracy, human rights, labor, or religion. Much confusion has resulted from the lack of explicit legal rules, and the situation has blocked foreign NGOs’ access to China and prevented them from carrying out work in the country. In practice, many foreign NGOs have resorted to alternative means of operation. It is time for the Chinese government to revisit this gray area and enact a clear and constructive legal framework for foreign NGOs to follow.
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Resource mobilization theory has recently presented an alternative interpretation of social movements. The review traces the emergence and recent controversies generated by this new perspective. A multifactored model of social movement formation is advanced, emphasizing resources, organization, and political opportunities in addition to traditional discontent hypotheses. The McCarthy-Zald (1973) theory of entrepreneurial mobilization is critically assessed as an interpretation of the social movements of the 1960s-1970s, and the relevance of the Olson (1968) theory of collective action is specified. Group organization is argued to be the major determinant of mobilization potential and patterns. The debate between the Gerlach-Hine (1970) and entrepreneurial theories of social movement organization is traced in terms of historical changes in the social movement sector and the persistence of organizational diversity. A model of social movement politics is outlined, building on Gamson’s (1975) theory of strate...