Article
To read the full-text of this research, you can request a copy directly from the authors.

Abstract

How do public regulations shape the composition and behavior of non-governmental organizations (NGOs)? Because many NGOs advocate for liberal causes such as human rights, democracy, and gender equality, they upset the political status quo. At the same time, a large number of NGOs operating in the Global South rely on international funding. This sometimes disconnects from local publics and leads to the proliferation of sham or “briefcase” NGOs. Seeking to rein in the politically inconvenient NGO sector, governments exploit the role of international funding and make the case for restricting the influence of NGOs which serve as foreign agents. To pursue this objective, states worldwide are enacting laws to restrict NGOs’ access to foreign funding. We examine this regulatory offensive through an Ethiopian case study, where recent legislation prohibits foreign-funded NGOs from working on politically sensitive issues. We find that most briefcase NGOs and local human rights groups in Ethiopia have disappeared, while survivors have either “rebranded” or switched their work from proscribed areas. This research note highlights how government can and do shape the population ecology of the non-governmental sector. Because NGOs seek legitimacy via their claims of grassroots support, a reliance of external funding makes them politically vulnerable. Any study of the NGO sector must include governments as the key component of NGOs’ institutional environment.

No full-text available

Request Full-text Paper PDF

To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the authors.

... Corruption is the sensitive issues, more especially, in developing countries (Mubecua, 2018). At some cases, people start NGOs with the hope of obtaining funding; if such people receive the funding, they deregister the NGO and use the funds of the sponsors to benefit themselves (Dupuy, Ron, & Prakash, 2015). For instance, NGOs in Ethiopia were the first organisation in Africa to obtain big funds from Overseas Development Assistance (Dupuy et al., 2015); however, about 45% of NGOs in Ethiopia deregistered after attaining funds (Dupuy et al., 2015). ...
... At some cases, people start NGOs with the hope of obtaining funding; if such people receive the funding, they deregister the NGO and use the funds of the sponsors to benefit themselves (Dupuy, Ron, & Prakash, 2015). For instance, NGOs in Ethiopia were the first organisation in Africa to obtain big funds from Overseas Development Assistance (Dupuy et al., 2015); however, about 45% of NGOs in Ethiopia deregistered after attaining funds (Dupuy et al., 2015). NGOs that did not deregister were also blamed of not being effective in serving the poor (Fafchamps & Owens, 2009). ...
... At some cases, people start NGOs with the hope of obtaining funding; if such people receive the funding, they deregister the NGO and use the funds of the sponsors to benefit themselves (Dupuy, Ron, & Prakash, 2015). For instance, NGOs in Ethiopia were the first organisation in Africa to obtain big funds from Overseas Development Assistance (Dupuy et al., 2015); however, about 45% of NGOs in Ethiopia deregistered after attaining funds (Dupuy et al., 2015). NGOs that did not deregister were also blamed of not being effective in serving the poor (Fafchamps & Owens, 2009). ...
Article
In the 1800s, the work of non‐governmental organisations (NGOs) focused on opposing slavery up until the 1900s where their work changed from anti‐slavery to focus on development‐related issues like education, poverty, hunger, and so forth. The transition of the NGOs was motivated by the failure of the public and private sector to provide the needs of the communities. Just like the other sectors (public and private sector), the work of NGOs is somewhere somehow failing to meet the needs of the needy because of the challenges in their operation. Against this background, the present study traces the transition of these NGOs and its present limitations in development. In order to explore the transition of NGOs and its limitations, the study used secondary data to collect relevant literature. Furthermore, the strict textual analysis of the existing literature is used. The results of the study show that NGOs face challenges of accountability and transparency, capacity, and corruption. In recommendation, the study suggests that NGOs have to be accountable and transparent; moreover, they should be capacitated with necessary skills. Lastly, NGOs should stay away with the acts of corruption.
... This has prompted the Ethiopian government to be suspicious of NGOs and rarely views them positively (Ariti et al., 2018;Clark, 2000;Nega & Milofsky, 2011). According to Clark (2000), Bekele et al. (2009) andDupuy, Ron, andPrakash (2015), the government views NGOs in Ethiopia as political opponents rather than as development partners. The Ethiopian government monitors domestic and foreign NGOs closely. ...
... This has prompted the Ethiopian government to be suspicious of NGOs and rarely views them positively (Ariti et al., 2018;Clark, 2000;Nega & Milofsky, 2011). According to Clark (2000), Bekele et al. (2009) andDupuy, Ron, andPrakash (2015), the government views NGOs in Ethiopia as political opponents rather than as development partners. The Ethiopian government monitors domestic and foreign NGOs closely. ...
... As mentioned by Nega and Milofsky (2011), the 2009 CSOs law was intended to regulate NGO activities and has been denounced as restrictive and as violating basic freedoms of association that are enshrined in the country's constitution and other international human rights obligations. The 2009 CSOs law has been described as the most restrictive of all laws passed by any country in Sub-Saharan Africa (Ariti et al., 2018;Bekele et al., 2009;Dupuy et al., 2015). The law prohibits NGOs from participating in any activity pertaining to human rights, women's rights, children's rights, citizenship rights, conflict resolution and policy and governance issues (Bekele et al., 2009;Dupuy et al., 2015). ...
Article
Full-text available
NGOs have become involved in ecotourism because of its potential to balance economic development, environmental conservation, and socio-cultural revitalisation. However, some critics have associated ecotourism with neo-colonialism and with the perpetuation of economic and political hegemonies because the concept has been advanced from the West. The present study adopts a qualitative research approach to explore the merits of two opposing views – that NGOs facilitate and advance sustainable development or that they are agents of neo-colonialism. The researchers focus on a nation which was spared the experience of colonisation – Ethiopia – to explore whether ecotourism practice can be accurately characterised as ‘neo-colonial’. Through a close examination of NGO involvement in ecotourism, the authors challenge the widely held view that NGOs use sustainable development as a pretext to promote neo-colonial ideas. The paper contributes to theory and practice by explaining the relationship between neo-colonialism and ecotourism. Implications and opportunities for future research are also discussed.
... The May 2005 election is seen by many as a turning point in Ethiopian politics towards the worst or towards increased governmental repression in Ethiopia (Dupuy et al, 2015;Gill, 2010;Del-Biondo, 2014;and Brechenmacher, 2017 Dupuy, Ron, and Parakash (2015), these laws served the government to repress and raise the cost of political dissent and to penalize its political opponents. ...
... The May 2005 election is seen by many as a turning point in Ethiopian politics towards the worst or towards increased governmental repression in Ethiopia (Dupuy et al, 2015;Gill, 2010;Del-Biondo, 2014;and Brechenmacher, 2017 Dupuy, Ron, and Parakash (2015), these laws served the government to repress and raise the cost of political dissent and to penalize its political opponents. ...
... Thus, the 2009 CSO proclamation can be seen as part of this crackdown (Dupuy, Ron and Parakash, 2015;Gill, 2010;Del-Biondo, 2014;and Brechenmacher, 2017). But this doesn't mean that CSOs were freely functioning in Ethiopia in the pre-2005 era; even though the legal framework was relatively better, CSOs have always been harassed by the government when they tried to work on politically sensitive issues and areas (HRW, 1996;FH, 2004;HRW, 2006). ...
Thesis
Full-text available
This study analyzed the US’s human right promotion efforts in Ethiopia and the impacts of security concerns on these efforts. By doing so, it has remedied the gap created by the lack of literature that focuses primarily on assessing how security interests affected the US’s human rights promotion efforts in Ethiopia. To this end, the study has primarily utilized a qualitative method. The WikiLeaks US diplomatic cables, governmental reports, foreign policy documents, and legal documents were analyzed as primary sources of data. Moreover, books, articles, journals, news websites, and human rights reports have been utilized in this research as secondary sources of data. This thesis has deliberated that the US has indispensable security interests in the Horn of Africa, namely, to protect its citizens, embassies, businesses, and ‘the homeland’ from terrorist attacks. To protect these interests, it has primarily relied on its partners; and Ethiopia has been among the US government’s major security partners. Nonetheless, because of Ethiopia’s bad and deteriorating human rights record, the partnership between Ethiopia and the US has been highly criticized. The findings of this thesis suggest that the desire for maintaining stability, fear of antagonizing the security partnership, fear of losing Ethiopia to China and Russia played a significant role in deterring the US from utilizing more confrontational and more coercive human rights promotion mechanisms. Moreover, because of the reliance of the US on Ethiopia (as one of its main security partners) for its security interests in the Horn of Africa, security has been utilized by the Ethiopian government as leverage against the US’s attempts to put stronger pressure against Ethiopia. Key Words: Ethiopia, Human Rights, Human Security, Security, USA
... The May 2005 election is seen by many as a turning point in Ethiopian politics towards the worst or towards increased governmental repression (Gill, 2010;Del-Biondo, 2014;Dupuy Ron, and Parakash, 2015;and Brechenmacher, 2017 (2015), these laws served the government to repress the opposition, to raise the cost of political dissent, and to penalize its political opponents. ...
... Based on their analysis Dupuy Ron and Parakash (2015) concluded that within the six years since the enactment of the 2009 CSO proclamation 90% of local rights advocating groups 'died out' (Dupuy, et al. 2015, p. 433). And the remaining few were forced to scale back the amount of the work they were working on; they had to close some of their offices; and they had to reduce the number of staff members (Mihret, 2010;Brechenmacher, 2017). ...
... The government increased its cracked-down against CSOs ever-since the 2005 election; in part because it blamed them for the opposition's unprecedented electoral gain and for the post-election violence. Thus, the 2009 CSO proclamation can be seen as part of this crackdown(Del-Biondo, 2014;Dupuy, et al, 2015;Gill, 2010;and Brechenmacher, 2017 ...
Preprint
Full-text available
The following discussion shows what the status of human rights looked like in the past 28 years (since 1991), in Ethiopia. It starts by discussing the constitutional provisions that provide protection to the basic rights of the citizens of the country, then it will assess the status of the civil and political rights. This paper was part of a MA Thesis titled: The Nexus Between the US's Security Interests and Human Rights Promotion Efforts in Ethiopia (1991-2017). But, it has been updated to fit with the realities of 2018 and 2019. Thus, the reader might detect some change. The original thesis report can be accessed from the following address: Negalign, Lamesgnew. (2019). The Nexus Between the US's Security Interests and Human Rights Promotion Efforts in Ethiopia (1991-2017). 10.13140/RG.2.2.17959.70567.
... Yet, since 1990, 13 of Africa's 54 states have also adopted new legislation that restricts the inflow of foreign funds to domestically operating NGOs. 1 As the literature on this subject notes, governments enact such restrictions to ensure their political survival (Dupuy et al., 2015(Dupuy et al., , 2016. They view foreign-funded NGOs as working with their political opponents and seek to weaken the political opposition through legal restrictions on resource inflows to NGOs. ...
... Anecdotal evidence suggests that these restrictions have had a major impact on the NGO sector. Dupuy et al. (2015) report that such restrictions have changed the population ecology of the NGO sector in law-adopting countries, leading to a significant decline in the number of NGOs, most notably in the numbers of groups promoting good governance, democracy, and human rights. These laws have also resulted in reduced foreign aid flows to law-adopting countries (Dupuy & Prakash, 2018). ...
... But in the mid-to late-1990s, a curious counter trend emerged: Several developing countries began enacting laws that restricted the ability of NGOs (both foreign and domestic) to operate in their territories (Dupuy et al., 2015(Dupuy et al., , 2016. Of particular interest, many laws restricted NGOs' access to foreign funding. ...
Article
Full-text available
Laws that restrict foreign funding to nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) can depress voting through two mechanisms. First, they can signal a democracy recession. Consequently, citizens might fear rigged elections where their vote will not influence who forms the next government. Second, by denying funding to NGOs, these laws can undermine NGOs’ ability to generate social capital, which is crucial to mitigate collective action problems associated with voting. Since 1990, 13 of Africa’s 54 states have enacted laws restricting foreign funding for NGOs. Drawing on the 2016 Afrobarometer survey (36 countries, 53,936 respondents), we find support for the argument that restrictive NGO laws reduce citizens’ electoral participation in national elections probably by signaling democracy recession, and not by undermining social capital that foreign-funded NGOs are supposed to generate. In fully democratic countries, respondents are around 94% more likely to report having voted in a recent national election even after controlling for restrictive NGO laws
... First, it investigates the understudied consequences of restrictions on CSOs and the closing civic space. To date, two studies have explored this topic by examining how legal restrictions constraining foreign funding harm the domestic activity of CSOs in a select set of countries (Christensen and Weinstein 2013, 86;Dupuy, Ron and Prakash 2015). We add to their work by investigating the international consequences for human rights advocacy in a global set of countries. ...
... Thirdly, we employ a new dataset on a comprehensive range of different types of restrictions imposed by governments on CSOs over time in a global sample. Comparative studies have examined restrictions on foreign funding (Christensen and Weinstein 2013;Dupuy, Ron and Prakash 2015;Dupuy, Ron and Prakash 2016). But governments also use other measures to impede CSOs' operations, such as creating travel difficulties, manipulating taxation schemes and orchestrating smear campaigns (for example Carothers and Brechenmacher 2014;Nah et al. 2013). ...
... While the international consequences of restrictions remain under-researched, in addition to what we know of Uzbekistan and China (Carothers and Brechenmacher 2014;Noakes and Teets 2018;Sidel 2018, 11), a few case studies have investigated how restrictions affect CSO operations domestically (Bratton 1989;Dupuy, Ron and Prakash 2015;Pousadela and Cruz 2016). Examining civil society in Africa, Bratton (1989, 581) shows that, in response to government monitoring, co-optation and dissolution, some CSOs reduce activity, while others engage in counterstrategies ranging from selective collaboration with the government to protest and advocacy. ...
Article
Full-text available
International ‘naming and shaming’ campaigns rely on domestic civil society organizations (CSOs) for information on local human rights conditions. To stop this flow of information, some governments restrict CSOs, for example by limiting their access to funding. Do such restrictions reduce international naming and shaming campaigns that rely on information from domestic CSOs? This article argues that on the one hand, restrictions may reduce CSOs’ ability and motives to monitor local abuses. On the other hand, these organizations may mobilize against restrictions and find new ways of delivering information on human rights violations to international publics. Using a cross-national dataset and in-depth evidence from Egypt, the study finds that low numbers of restrictions trigger shaming by international non-governmental organizations. Yet once governments impose multiple types of restrictions, it becomes harder for CSOs to adapt, resulting in fewer international shaming campaigns.
... The pivotal moment for INGOs can be traced back to the passing of the Charities and Societies Proclamation -or CSO law -in 2009. Framed by the government as a way to strengthen the accountability of NGOs, this legislation de facto "established barriers to NGO entry, determined permissible issue areas and activities, dictated organizational structures, and announced new NGO monitoring mechanisms" (Dupuy et al., 2014). It also divided NGOs into three distinct categories: Ethiopian Charities and Societies, which would not use more than 10% funding received from foreign sources; Ethiopian Resident Charities and Societies, which are formed under the laws of Ethiopia and receive more than 10% of their funding from foreign sources; and Foreign Charities and Societies, that are formed under the laws of foreign countries or which consist of members who are foreign nationals or are controlled by foreign nationals or receive funds from foreign country sources. ...
... De facto, as studied in other contexts which have introduced restrictive legislation for civil society, it is not a simple either/or question. Besides withdrawal, the options are far more numerous and tend to involve a combination of different approaches, from altering the organisation's internal structure or merging with others less affected by the regulatory changes (internal transformation) to attempts to change the external environment through advocacy or trying to fly under the radar and delaying or avoiding the implementation of the new rules (See Cunningham, 2018;Dupuy et al., 2014;Hillman et al., 2009). For most organisations in Ethiopia, the choice ended up being how to 28 For a more in-depth review of possible strategies, see Cunningham, 2018. ...
... Similarly, organisations specialising in one sector or issue area had fewer alternatives available to them. For example, many INGOs with a single human rights or peace-building focus -which is intended by the government as the specific domain of the state -did not survive (Dupuy et al., 2014). Organisations focusing on several issue areas were able to engage more easily in key strategies such as rebranding or restructuring (Dupuy et al., 2014). ...
Article
Full-text available
For decades, aid agencies in Ethiopia have been responding mainly to refugee influxes and needs flowing from slow-onset recurrent natural disasters. This has been in line with certain requirements of the context, but also the preference of the government to frame humanitarian action as subsidiary to development goals and within a state development agenda. Operating within the strict parameters dictated by the authorities, humanitarian organisations have hence largely come to follow an idea of humanitarian action that is synonymous with resilience-building. The priority has been to strengthen the capacities of local communities and institutions to anticipate, prepare, and respond to climate-driven needs. At the same time, while conflict-induced displacement – both because of regional and internal dynamics – is a long-standing issue in Ethiopia, it has gained significantly in proportion over the past two years. With this recent increase in acute conflict-induced needs, organisations failed to quickly shift gears. Not only did the timeliness and effectiveness of the response hence suffer, but tensions surfaced between organisations’ humanitarian identity and principled stance and the government humanitarian/development agenda largely followed until then.
... However, state-civil society relations have never been easy in general and get even more complicated with the state's attempts to erect barriers that overpower CSOs. Though state-civil society relations in Ethiopia have been the subject of rising interest following the introduction of restrictive regulation (Yeshanew 2012;Dupuy et al. 2014), the effect of political ideology has been overlooked. In this paper, we explore state-civil society relations within the framework of political ideology and try to understand how the nature of Ethiopia's existing developmental state ideology affects these relations. ...
... Understanding the relation between state and civil society is incomplete given the traditionally weak and underdeveloped civil society in Ethiopia (Clark 2000), the suspicions between state and civil society in the past (Clark 2000;Rahmato et al. 2010), the tight legal framework that controls CSOs (Yeshanew 2012;Dupuy et al. 2014), and shifting political ideologies (Bach 2011;Feyissa 2011). In fact, the leading party, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), 1 has long been wary of ''the emergence of competitors, whether for the allocative power of government office (opposition parties), or over the distribution of other resources and delivery of services (non-governmental organizations (NGOs), churches)'' (Vaughan and Tronvoll 2003: p 16). Party publications (e.g., Addis Ra'iyi 2008) refer to the civil society movement as a ''neo-liberal concept'' that drives social organizations inside the country to promote ''rent-seeking,'' and further destabilizes the state. ...
... With the coming to power of EPRDF, state and non-state relations warmed, resulting in the flourishing of various local and international NGOs, and professional associations (CRDA 2006;Rahmato 2002Rahmato , 2008. Most importantly, the number of local NGOs and their capacity to play a serious role in addressing the country's complex development agenda has been growing (Clark 2000), as shown in the number of Ethiopia-based NGOs having grown from 368 in 2000 to 2275 in 2009 (Dupuy et al. 2014). Furthermore, CSOs actively engage in service-oriented projects that supplement the state development programs, among others, on education and health (CRDA 2006). ...
... By 2011, more than 500 Ethiopian NGOs had shut down in response to this crackdown (Dupuy et al., 2015). Many of those remaining "rebranded" as service providers or focused on less controversial issues (Dupuy et al., 2015;Gebre, 2016). ...
... By 2011, more than 500 Ethiopian NGOs had shut down in response to this crackdown (Dupuy et al., 2015). Many of those remaining "rebranded" as service providers or focused on less controversial issues (Dupuy et al., 2015;Gebre, 2016). The few NGOs that continued to work on contentious topics had difficulty generating local support and funding, and their international allies were unable to apply significant pressure on the Ethiopian government, in part because of the suppression of NGOs inside Ethiopia (Dupuy et al., 2015). ...
... Many of those remaining "rebranded" as service providers or focused on less controversial issues (Dupuy et al., 2015;Gebre, 2016). The few NGOs that continued to work on contentious topics had difficulty generating local support and funding, and their international allies were unable to apply significant pressure on the Ethiopian government, in part because of the suppression of NGOs inside Ethiopia (Dupuy et al., 2015). ...
Article
Full-text available
Activists in the global South have been navigating two powerful trends since the mid-1990s: intensifying state repression and rising investment in extractive projects from the emerging economies of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS). In this context, this article explores the underlying forces determining the formation, endurance, and power of BRICS–South transnational advocacy networks (TANs) opposed to BRICS-based corporate extraction in the global South. By analyzing activism against Chinese, Indian, and Brazilian extractive projects in Ecuador, Ethiopia, and Mozambique, respectively, the research reveals the critical importance of domestic politics and civil society characteristics in both the BRICS and host states for shaping BRICS–South TANs, including which groups assume leadership, the extent of cross-national cooperation, and the role of nonprofits headquartered in the global North. The findings uncover core reasons for the variable resiliency and capacity of BRICS–South TANs, opening up new avenues of research and offering valuable insights for activists and policymakers.
... We now have a fairly good understanding of why countries have been increasing political repression of NGOs, as well as the trends in that repression (Bromley et al., 2020;Buyse, 2018;Christensen and Weinstein, 2013;Dupuy et al., 2014;Dupuy et al., this issue;Glasius et al., 2020;Howell et al., 2008). However, the effects of these new regulations on the entities they seek to constrain (NGOs) have been less well examined. ...
... Preliminary evidence suggests that the repressive attack on NGO funding and activities is upending traditional development aid delivery models, forcing thousands of NGOs to shut their doors and driving donors to reduce overall foreign aid-disbursements to countries repressing civil society (Dupuy and Prakash, 2017;Dupuy et al., 2014;Hossain, 2018). Case studies in Ethiopia, Egypt and Russia furthermore report that domestic NGOs see foreign funding reduced and find themselves forced to organize more informally or move to service-oriented activities (Brechenmacher, 2017;Dupuy et al., 2014;Toepler et al., 2020aToepler et al., , 2020b. ...
... Preliminary evidence suggests that the repressive attack on NGO funding and activities is upending traditional development aid delivery models, forcing thousands of NGOs to shut their doors and driving donors to reduce overall foreign aid-disbursements to countries repressing civil society (Dupuy and Prakash, 2017;Dupuy et al., 2014;Hossain, 2018). Case studies in Ethiopia, Egypt and Russia furthermore report that domestic NGOs see foreign funding reduced and find themselves forced to organize more informally or move to service-oriented activities (Brechenmacher, 2017;Dupuy et al., 2014;Toepler et al., 2020aToepler et al., , 2020b. ...
Article
Full-text available
This paper examines through qualitative study the effect of government regulatory restriction and repression on non‐governmental organizations (NGOs) engaging in transnational advocacy. The focus is on NGO’s advocacy activities, in the realm of human rights, environment, labor and development in particular, using illustrations from Bangladesh and Zambia. It finds that next to some NGOs disbanding and moving towards service activities, many NGOs shift in terms of substantive advocacy and form of organizational collaboration. To continue cross‐border interactions with their foreign partners, many NGOs adjust to circumvent or compensate for restrictions and repression. Because of this, transnational advocacy can be said to continue, but repression and restrictions have significant substantive and organizational effects for the collaborations studied, and cross‐border NGO collaborations in our sample are increasingly fragile and their advocacy more tempered. Our research found that most of the time, non‐governmental organization representatives themselves planned and enacted changes in their transnational collaborations as a response to pressures. Donors involved in sponsoring activities mostly accommodated these changes, and exercised flexibility.
... However, state-civil society relations have never been easy in general and get even more complicated with the state's attempts to erect barriers that overpower CSOs. Though state-civil society relations in Ethiopia have been the subject of rising interest following the introduction of restrictive regulation (Yeshanew, 2012;Dupuy et al, 2014), the effect of political ideology has been overlooked. In this paper, we explore state-civil society relations within the framework of political ideology and try to understand how the nature of Ethiopia's existing developmental state ideology affects these relations. ...
... Understanding the relation between state and civil society is incomplete given the traditionally weak and underdeveloped civil society in Ethiopia (Clark, 2000), the suspicions between state and civil society in the past (Clark, 2000;Rahmato et al., 2010), the tight legal framework that controls CSOs (Yeshanew, 2012;Dupuy et al, 2014), and shifting political ideologies (Bach, 2011;Feyissa, 2011). In fact, the leading party, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) 3 , has long been wary of "the emergence of competitors, whether for the allocative power of government office (opposition parties), or over the distribution of other resources and delivery of services (non-governmental organizations (NGOs), churches)" (Vaughan & Tronvoll, 2003: 16). ...
... With the coming to power of EPRDF, state and non-state relations warmed, resulting in the flourishing of various local and international NGOs, and professional associations(Dessalegn, 2002; CRDA, 2006; Rhamato, 2008). Most importantly, the number of local NGOs and their capacity to play a serious role in addressing the country's complex development agenda has been growing(Clark, 2000), as shown in the number of Ethiopia-based NGOs having grown from 368 in 2000 to 2275 in 2009(Dupuy et al., 2014). ...
Article
Full-text available
How does a state govern civil society organizations (CSOs) under the framework of a developmental state? This article theorizes state-CSO relations by examining control and autonomy strategies employed by both the state and civil society actors within the framework of the developmental state. The article examines the case of a specific collaborative project that involves both state and non-state actors in the Amhara region, North Shewa zone of Ethiopia. Findings suggest that the state agencies apply cross-purpose strategies simultaneously repressing and/or co-opting organizations. The nature and applicability of the developmental state generate their own dilemma on the part of CSOs and induce them to develop autonomy strategies that are used in sustaining their interaction with state agencies.
... INGOs comply with some of the rules, delaying and sequencing compliance. An INGO may also find itself co-opting the constraint`s source or trying to alter its nature, hiding away from possible scrutiny by the State agents, changing the internal structure of the organisation and merging with other similar organisations in less conflict with the laws (Dupuy, Ron, & Prakash, 2014). ...
... Confrontation as a coping strategy in a hostile political environment involves the INGOs resisting and defying the State"s coercive control and policy (Najam, 2000). This can be in the form of remaining in the host country as opposed to fleeing and evading the rules, or openly opposing the rules through media campaigns and political advocacy and lobbying (Dupuy, Ron, & Prakash, 2014). Pereira (2005) describes this as a strategy in which the INGOs challenge the State and its government operations proving the effectiveness of INGO action. ...
... Strategies open to INGOs may also include rebranding to lessen the danger posed by those activities the State has outlawed, and restructuring in which they totally change operational activities, focus, partners and redirect their resources to areas the State deems as not contentious (Dupuy, Ron, & Prakash, 2014). De Waal (1997) points out that an apolitical humanitarian imperative is futile and the States may need the nature of politics that may transform humanitarianism in due course. ...
Article
Full-text available
Coping strategies of international nongovernmental organisations (INGOs) operation in authoritarian regimes have received much scholarly attention. These organisations are repressed and pushed into adopting ways of remaining operational in such hostile political environments. Analyses of coping strategies of INGOs operating in post-2000 Zimbabwe are still very low and incidental in literature. This paper described coping strategies of INGOs engaged in humanitarian and developmental work in post-2000 Zimbabwe. The aim was to contribute to a body of knowledge on INGO coping strategies in an authoritarian political environment. The paper used a qualitative case study of INGOs operating in post-2000 Zimbabwe to explore and describe the nature of coping strategies they employ. In-depth interviews were conducted on a sample of 10 INGO officials purposively selected from the array of INGOs operating in Zimbabwe. Thematic analysis was employed in analysing the data regarding the specific coping strategies INGOs employed. The study found that INGOs resorted to coping strategies such as accommodation, collaboration, complementarity, compromising and co-optation. Keywords: Accommodation, Collaboration, Complementarity, Compromising, Coping strategy.
... The space in which civil society can operate legally and without fear has been shrinking worldwide for a decade (Carothers and Brechenmacher, 2014;ICNL, 2016). The phenomenon of 'closing civic space' has taken the form of legal frameworks and regulations to limit the operational freedoms of civil society actors; intimidation, criminalization, and surveillance; official discourses that delegitimize and undermine civil society and social movements; and other formal and informal restrictions on civil society actors that reduce their effectiveness or legitimacy (Brechenmacher, 2017;Buyse, 2018;Dupuy et al., 2015). The impact of 'shrinking civic space' on the work of human rights and democracy advocates has been extensively assessed and measured (see, for instance, Brechenmacher, 2017;Buyse, 2019). ...
... To assess the extent of 'closing civic space' we reviewed evidence on the various tactics deployed by state agents to undermine civil society actors, which have been extensively documented in scholarship on civic space: changes in legal frameworks restricting political freedoms; forms of intimidation, harassment and surveillance; and discourses that delegitimize and thus undermine civil society and movements (Brechenmacher, 2017;Dupuy et al., 2015). Based on the literature on the role of civil society in development, we identified two broad mechanisms through which the fit between civil society and state shapes action on poverty and hunger. ...
... International development donors thronged to invest in CSOs to promote liberal values of rights, equality and social justice (Reimann, 2006). CSO numbers grew from 70 in 1991 to 2300 by 2007 (Rahmato, 2008;Dupuy et al., 2015). However, civic space narrowed after the 2005 elections, when the EPRDF experienced significant electoral losses, and accused foreignfunded civil society of opposing it in foreign interests (Aalen and Tronvoll, 2009). ...
Article
Full-text available
Concerns about closing civic space have focused on human rights, and little to date has been known of the impacts on development. This article traces impacts of closing civic space on civil society and social movements addressing poverty and hunger in Brazil, Ethiopia, Pakistan and Zimbabwe. Countries that clamped down on civil society and social movements have not all fared badly in terms of poverty and hunger, as the ‘developmental states’ of China and Vietnam demonstrate. This article proposes that how closures of civic space affect development outcomes will depend on the role civil society plays in development, and specifically on the ‘fit’ between civil society and the state with respect to development policy and programming. Despite diversity in political and economic context, restrictions on civic space commonly prevent broad civic engagement in policy processes, in particular critique or scrutiny of government policy and practice, and hamper non‐governmental organizations’ service delivery. Because civic engagement matters most for marginalized and disempowered people, their exclusion from policy processes and services will deepen. Reversals or stagnation in progress towards addressing poverty and hunger indicate that as civic space narrows, the most marginalized and disempowered groups face a growing risk of being left behind.
... An organisation has a choice to abide or not. Organisations can try to evade the law, comply, delay, attempt to co-opt the source of coercion, or even merge with those less affected (Dupuy, Ron and Prakash, 2014). These themes will be more fully explored in the chapter on desecuritisation. ...
... The capacity and desire of states to regulate NGOs has become increasingly apparent globally. Nearly half of the world's states -86 of 195 countries, or 44 per centhave passed more restrictive NGO laws since 1955, most of which (69) have appeared after the end of the Cold War (Dupuy, Ron and Prakash, 2014 Post-apartheid South Africa has gone through a process of centralisation of state power, particularly in the executive, coupled with the exclusion of civil society and citizen's participation (Helliker, 2011: 45). The Zambian government also tightened NGO regulations as it became less enthusiastic about the role of civil society, especially as it related to advocacy activities as opposed to straight service delivery. ...
... Carothers and Brechenmacher 2014; Dupuy, Prakash, and Ron 2016; Dupuy and Prakash 2018). More recent empirical work has shown that regulatory measures -whether populist or other -have changed the composition and size of organized civil society (see the Ethiopian case, Dupuy, Ron, and Prakash 2015), and others propose that still further nuanced questions are warranted (e. g. Alscher el at., 2017;Anheier, Lang, and Toepler 2018). ...
... Alscher el at., 2017;Anheier, Lang, and Toepler 2018). While previous work shows that some CSOs are "disappearing" and others "rebranding" their policy areas or programmatic functions (Dupuy, Ron, and Prakash 2015), the Ecuador case demonstrates, as our findings will show, the reconfiguration of organizational forms as coping and adaptive strategies to the changing institutional and operational space in which it occupies under an authoritarian populist government. ...
Article
Full-text available
This article examines how civil society organizations (CSOs) in Latin America cope with authoritarian populism. In particular, it outlines cases of coping and adaptive strategies by CSOs in Ecuador during the years of President Rafael Correa’s presidency (2007–2017). Ecuador provides an example of an authoritarian, leftist populist administration; thus situating our discussion in the general civil society-government relations literature, we link together trends of authoritarianism and populism and its implications on CSOs. Using a qualitative-interpretive approach with long-term fieldwork in Ecuador, we outline a selection of coping strategies used by organized civil society that include formal, semi-formal and informal organizational configurations.
... Initial findings from a small number of cases show that such challenges generally negatively affect CSOs, particularly those with financial and/or political ties to foreign governments and CSOs (Dupuy, Ron, and Prakash 2015). But to date, very few studies have been conducted on the effects that these new, restrictive legal measures have on CSOs. ...
... How can we explain this phenomenon of decreasing aid amounts, yet stable or even increasing organizational numbers? The data on organizational numbers is unfortunately not disaggregated by type of organization, and it is likely, based on earlier research, that advocacy and rights-focused organizations have been more impacted by the new repressive legislation in each country than have service delivery organizations (Dupuy, Ron, and Prakash 2015). Our interviewees informed us that many CSOs in Bangladesh and Zambia that engage in political advocacy have disappeared or gone 'off the radar', operating out of the public eye, in response to repression. ...
Article
Full-text available
How does an increase in political repression of civil society affect the ability of civil society organizations (CSOs) to form, function, and survive? CSOs are important actors in society: they advocate for respecting human rights, provide services to citizens, and help hold governments accountable. Yet in recent years, dozens of countries have been closing civil society space, clamping down on the ability of CSOs to operate freely. Alarmingly, this trend is taking place not only in countries with autocratic governments, but also in democratic countries. We examine the effects of legal repression on CSOs in two democracies, Zambia and Bangladesh, and find that new legal restrictions on civil society have had a generally negative effect on CSOs in each country.
... As Kabiri (2016) and van Niekerk (2014) underlined, successful grassroots community participation is imperative to enhance environmental governance and they recommended for broader public participation in land use and ecosystem governance through comprehensive legislation. The existing NGOs functioning in Bale Mountains National Park do refrain from promoting active community participation in fear of potential conflict with the government and its undesirable consequences since they are restricted to do so by law (Ariti et al., 2018b;Bekele et al., 2009;Dupuy et al., 2015;Nega and Milofsky, 2011). Subsequently, in contrast to what literature suggests (Barkin and Bouchez, 2002;Halpenny, 2003;Kabiri, 2016;Stone, 2015;Zhuang et al., 2011), non-profit organizations operating in Bale Mountains National Park, including in Dinsho district, fail to pressurize the government and thereby leverage the current power imbalance (Ariti et al., 2018b;Asmamaw and Verma, 2013). ...
... First, it could be argued that, given the characteristics and nature of the current government in Ethiopia, people have already lost faith in the government due to several previous experiences of unfulfilled promises (Lepp, 2008b;Yitbarek et al., 2013;Wondirad, 2017) and thereby defy and contempt the role of government in tourism development process due to its obsolete top-down imposition of regulations, power struggles and pseudo-public participation (Ruhanen, 2013;Wondirad, 2017). The second possible anecdote could be the fact that communities might be mixing up the roles between non-governmental institutions and governmental organizations since the government always closely aligns itself with NGOs for monitoring and espionage purposes (Bekele et al., 2009;Dupuy et al., 2015). Compared to governmental organizations, non-governmental organizations perform notable jobs (Wondirad, 2018) in some national parks of the country including Bale Mountains National Park (Asfaw, 2004;Nega and Schneider, 2014). ...
... Such restrictions can be consequential; according to a recent report, the registrations of more than 18,000 NGOs in India were canceled between 2011 and 2017, and foreign funding to NGOs fell more than 60 percent between 2016 and 2017 (Chauhan 2017; see Jalali 2008 for an in-depth case study of India). In Ethiopia, a 2009 proclamation introduced a new classification of NGOs as well as monitoring mechanisms for those receiving foreign funds; by 2011, the number of registered international and local NGOs had fallen by 45% (Dupuy et al. 2015). And in a study of 134 developing countries, Dupuy & Prakash (2018) find that bilateral aid drops by 32% among countries that adopt more restrictive laws. ...
... The argument that foreign funding is seen as a potential political threat certainly carries weight in a number of cases. For example, Dupuy et al (2015) describe the case of Ethiopia, where, in 2005, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi's government misrepresented the number of opposition members who were elected to the national parliament. The government suppressed the protests that followed, which it claimed were "spurred by outside actors and funds, and in 2009, passed a law dramatically restricting the foreign funding to locally operating NGOs" (Dupuy et al. 2016: 301). ...
Article
Full-text available
The last two decades have witnessed an unprecedented rise in government restrictions on foreign funding to nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Often in the name of defending the nation from outside influences, over 60 countries have implemented laws limiting foreign funding to NGOs. We use event history analyses to evaluate domestic and global explanations for the adoption of these policies over the period 1994 to 2015. Prior work has argued that funding restrictions result from real or perceived threats to political regimes, especially in countries with competitive elections. We add to this story by situating it in a larger global and cultural context: new funding laws are part of a growing backlash against the liberal international order, which has long sponsored international and domestic NGOs devoted to issues such as human rights and the environment. In an era of increasing resistance towards globally-linked civil society groups-the primary carriers of liberal world society-NGO funding restrictions are now diffusing widely across the international system. We argue that restriction policies will be most common among countries that are linked to illiberal or anti-Western organizations and discourses in the international community. Moreover, adoption will accelerate as more countries do it, representing a growing "wave" or backlash against the liberal international order. Findings support the prior literature as well as our new arguments regarding illiberal international organizations and global backlash.
... This phenomenon of increased state-imposed restrictions on CSOs has captured the attention of social science scholars, who have been studying the causes, dynamics, and consequences of this shift in state-society relations. As a result, the literature on the topic is growing, and so is our understanding of the reasons that states adopt restrictive CSO regulations (Bakke et al., 2019;Bromley et al., 2019;Christensen and Weinstein, 2013;Dupuy et al., 2016;Gilbert and Mohseni, 2018;Glasius et al., 2020;Howell et al., 2008); the types of restrictions states are adopting (Buyse, 2018;Musila, 2019;Rutzen, 2015); the dynamics of NGO restrictions in particular countries like Russia (Tysiachniouk et al., 2018), Kenya (Wood, 2016), Egypt (Brechenmacher, 2017) and Ethiopia (Dupuy et al., 2015), and the implications for the advancement of human rights and democratic values (Carothers, 2016;Smidt et al., 2020). Knowledge is also growing on the efforts of foreign aid donors and civil society organizations to respond, react, and push back against the clampdown (Bossuyt and Ronceray, 2020;ICNL, 2018;Kreienkamp, 2017). ...
... Legal restrictions negatively affect the rights-based organizations working on them (Buyse, 2018). Dupuy et al. (2015) found that in the case of Ethiopia, the draconian Charities and Societies Proclamation of 2009 led to the demise of the country's independent human rights organizations, while Brechenmacher (2017) found that new legal measures in Egypt helped to crush groups working on democracy promotion. Beyond a handful of case studies, however, we lack a more systematic understanding of the ways in which restrictive CSO laws impact on particular types of organizations, including service delivery groups and groups focused on specific issues like the environment (Matejova et al., 2018). ...
... These concerns resonate with empirical evidence about the negative implications of foreign funding for NGOs in Ethiopia (Dupuy et al., 2015). Foreign funding is considered responsible for undermining local grassroots mobilisation and accountability among Nicaraguan CSOs (Chahim and Prakash, 2014). ...
... Recent literature has recognised situations of 'norm regress' (Heller and Kahl 2013;McKeown 2009;Panke and Petersohn 2012), the limitations of NGOs and their often organic relations with the state system (Cooley and Ron 2002;Dupuy et al. 2015;Prakash and Gugerty 2010), the similarities between SM strategies and those of corporate and state actors (Busby and Greenhill 2015;Sell and Prakash 2004), and the international activities of illiberal, exclusive, and reactionary SM and civil society actors (Blee 2002;Bob 2012;Wiktorowicz and Kaltenthaler 2016). 5 However, many IR analyses still depart from progressive assumptions regarding SM goals, values, and identities. ...
Article
Social movements are increasingly recognised as significant features of contemporary world politics, yet to date their treatment in international relations theory has tended to obfuscate the considerable diversity of these social formations, and the variegated interactions they may establish with state actors and different structures of world order. Highlighting the difficulties conventional liberal and critical approaches have in transcending conceptions of movements as moral entities, the article draws from two underexploited literatures in the study of social movements in international relations, the English School and social systems theory, to specify a wider range of analytical interactions between different categories of social movements and of world political structures. Moreover, by casting social movement phenomena as communications, the article opens international relations to consideration of the increasingly diverse trajectories and second order effects produced by social movements as they interact with states, intergovernmental institutions, and transnational actors.
... Yet complete reliance on international funding, as opposed to local sources, may create vulnerabilities in cases of crackdown on foreign-funded organizations. 90 e INGOs can also help to absorb political risk associated with direct engagement with civilian opposition, or non-state armed groups. Donors may be constrained by their own mandates or by multiple principals wanting to steer action in opposite directions. ...
Article
Full-text available
Local peacebuilding has been embraced principle by many donors, but the practice of external support to local initiatives needs further systematic study. While previous research has exposed the weaknesses of externally supported peacebuilding, less attention has been given to alternative strategies that can be taken to scale. This article puts the focus on international nongovernmental organizations as key intermediary actors in peacebuilding, and how they deal with dilemmas attached to local peacebuilding support. It contributes to the research on external-local dimensions of peacebuilding practice by identifying constructive functions that can be fulfilled by INGOs in situations where local institutions and actors are not able to address conflict on their own. Specifically, it uncovers the role of INGOs as risk absorbers and enablers of local peacebuilding action through the accompaniment of local partners.
... The new government under the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front endeavoured to reform the sector, by insisting on less foreign dependence and greater sustainability of projects, as demarcated in the 1995 'Guidelines for NGO Operations'. As a consequence, the mid-to late-1990s witnessed an expansion of homegrown Ethiopian NGOs from 70 in 1994 to 368 in 2000 and 2,775 in 2009 ( Dupuy et al., 2014). The 2005 elections marked a souring of relations between the state and NGO sector, with NGOs being accused of supporting opposition parties and the ensuing violence due to electoral disputes. ...
Article
Full-text available
本文主要研究中国非政府组织在埃塞俄比亚和马拉维的海外运作情况。这两个非洲国家有着截然不同的政治制度。研究显示,不管什么样的政治制度,中国非政府组织都未能对其产生深刻的影响。本文作者认为,虽然中国政府力量强大,且大力支持国际化发展,东道国的国内政治和规章制度仍然起着重要的作用。本文研究显示,中国的国际化发展模式将一如既往支持一次性和短暂性的项目。至于民间团体的角色,官办非政府组织将会占主导地位,而非草根非政府组织。[提供中英文]
... 73 Dupuy, Ron, and Prakash note that the 2009 Proclamation divided NGOs into three categories: (1) Ethiopian charities, (2) Ethiopian resident charities and societies vi , and (3) foreign societies, or rather INGOs. 74 Only the first category, Ethiopian NGOs, are permitted to work on democracy, equality, gender, ethnicity, religion, disability, conflict resolution and reconciliation, justice and law, and democratization. 75 Ethiopian NGOs are also strictly limited in terms of their spending, encounter burdensome reporting and registration procedures, and in 2010 were stripped of any resources exceeding $27,000 USD at the time of registration. ...
Article
This study investigates the rise of legislative restrictions on foreign funding to NGOs, focusing on the influence of neighbourhood effects of countries within the same region adopting similar legislation. Legislative restrictions on foreign funding to NGOs are most likely to occur in hybrid and authoritarian regimes, which are most prevalent in the developing world. Drawing from a dataset of sixty-five countries implementing foreign-funding restrictions to NGOs between 1993 and 2016, this study uses comparative historical analysis to examine neighbourhood effects of foreign funding restrictions in Eurasia and East Africa. In a final step, it uses preliminary social network analysis based on Twitter API to examine counter-mobilization in the only two countries that have successfully resisted foreign funding restrictions: Kyrgyzstan and Kenya. In a departure from previous scholars, the study finds strong support for neighbourhood effects, evidenced by Russia's 2012 foreign agent law in Eurasia, as well as Ethiopia's 2009 legislation in East Africa. These neighbourhood effects are often due to historical and economic ties (Russia and Central Asia), including regional economic organizations, migration ties, or the experience of regional conflict spillover due to recent democratization revolt or terrorist attack in a neighbouring country. Finally, transnational linkages to international NGOs, particularly in terms of human rights and environmental organizations, are evident in social media networks of civil society organizations contesting foreign funding restrictions in Kenya and Kyrgyzstan. This provides support for the importance of interorganizational linkages with international organizations in countries where restrictive legislation is being contested.
... The literature on political space, on the other hand, concentrates on external environment, namely the restrictions placed on civil society groups, rather than how organisations themselves might influence this space. Where the characteristics and behaviours of organisations are considered, possible connections to civil society legitimacy are not addressed (van der Borgh and Terwindt 2014; Dupuy et al. 2015). However, there are some authors that highlight the connections between broader struggles for political legitimacy and either organisational legitimacy (Walton 2008(Walton , 2013, or political space for civil society (Wood 2016;van der Borgh and Terwindt 2014). ...
Article
Full-text available
This paper examines legitimacy and political space for civil society in violent and divided contexts. It draws on qualitative fieldwork with civil society groups in Burundi, where government restrictions and political violence have increased in recent years. However, not all civil society groups experienced these pressures in the same way, and some were more vulnerable to restrictions than others. This paper asks why and considers whether civil society legitimacy can help to explain some of these differences. In doing so, it develops a more nuanced understanding of the relationship between legitimacy and political space, and processes of legitimation and delegitimation in violent and divided contexts. The paper finds that the experiences of civil society groups in Burundi prior to the 2015 elections not only related to their organisational legitimacy, but also the extent to which they were perceived to challenge the political legitimacy of government elites.
... Connections between civil society and money have predominantly been conceptualised through 'Western' viewpoints, which concentrate on international flows, aid and remittances, with less attention paid to the economic systems of development that arise from the global South and how traditional aid systems are contested and negotiated (Pollard et al., 2009). Studies directed at civil society have concentrated on flows of foreign aid and its effects (Bebbington, 2004;Kaag, 2011), the regulation and delegitmisation of organisations associated with foreign funding (Dupuy et al., 2015), and professionalisation driven by the demands of increasingly neoliberal donor agencies (Ahmad, 2003;Mawdsley et al., 2002). Donor funding is often seen as responsible for building particular civil society landscapes, and the aid system is considered a powerful force, shaping civil society in a number of complex ways including organisational formation, language spoken and programmatic focus (Banks et al., 2015;Bebbington, 2004;Kamstra and Schulpen, 2015;Mawdsley et al., 2002). ...
... Many different factors may explain this worldwide trend, including the 'war on terror' since the terrorist attacks in the USA on 11 September 2001, a backlash against foreign aid within developed countries, the challenges that increasingly powerful NGOs pose to sovereignty in repressive states, and authoritarian leaders looking to control foreign influences over domestic politics (Christensen and Weinstein 2013;Dauvergne and LeBaron 2014;Dupuy, Ron, and Prakash 2015). Many leaders in these states specifically see the boomerang strategy as a political threat, and many of these laws are designed to turn the tables on NGOs with foreign funding and foreign allies, framing them as enemies of the national interest. ...
Article
Full-text available
Theoretically, this article reveals the long-term risk for local non-governmental organisations (NGOs) of participating in transnational advocacy networks (TANs), accepting money from foreign sources and throwing ‘boomerangs’ internationally—a strategy used by local NGOs to seek international allies to pressure repressive and unresponsive states at home. Focusing primarily on the suppression of environmental NGOs that oppose natural-resource extraction, this article examines three cases—Russia, India and Australia—to illuminate the consequences of this trend for local civil society and TANs. It also documents a global trend towards states depicting local NGOs with international linkages as subversive agents of foreign interests, justifying legal crackdowns and the severing of foreign funding and ties. State framing of NGOs as agents of foreign interests is repressing local environmental activism, depoliticising civil society and weakening international NGO alliances—a conclusion with far-reaching consequences for the future of TANs, local NGOs and environmental activism.
... In this respect, Clark (2000) discussed that the Ethiopian Government perceives NGOs as enemies rather than development partners and see civil society actors as political opponents. In this regard, a widely criticized civil society law issued in 2009 by the Ethiopian Government raised numerous questions for compromising the power of non-governmental organization and restricting their roles alike (Bekele, Hopkins, & Noble, 2009;Dupuy, Ron, & Prakash, 2015;Human Rights Watch, 2009). ...
Article
Full-text available
Ecotourism has emerged within the umbrella of alternative tourism development in the 1980s. Since its emergence ecotourism has been championed as a tool to achieve the dual aims of conservation and development. However, ecotourism is criticized for not attaining the objectives it purports. In contrast to a self-fulfilling prophesy research approach whose intent is to prove something with preconceived assumptions, this study seeks to explore and better understand the reality on the ground under the lenses of stakeholder and collaboration theories and the principles of triple bottom-line predominantly from participants point of view. The study argues that in destinations of developing countries where there are limited livelihood opportunities, failure to meaningfully participate ecotourism stakeholders, especially host communities accelerates not only the demise of ecotourism but also jeopardizes the entire ecosystem. Based on the findings, recommendations are made for the various stakeholders to redress the current situation and develop the ecotourism sector in a more participative and sustainable manner.
... In the international context, scholars suggest that foreign funding for local NPOs undermines their local support. This is because the local community perceives such funding as undermining NPOs' downward accountability to the local community by prioritizing foreign preferences over local concerns (Chahim and Prakash 2014;Dupuy et al. 2015;Jakimow 2010). ...
Article
Full-text available
Donors support faith-based organizations whose missions and work cohere with their religious values. Might such donors located in the local community be less likely to donate to a hypothetical Madrasa, an Islamic seminary providing K-12 education, which receives funding from non-local sources, specifically the federal government or foreign donors? We examine this question using a survey experiment in Lahore, Pakistan. Because some Madrasa students have indulged in acts of terrorism, the government of Pakistan has offered Madrasas financial assistance to secularize their curriculums. Most Madrasas, however, have refused government funding because they fear it will harm their reputations in the local community for piety and religious training. Alongside, several foreign donors also provide funds to Madrasas, some to aid governmental reform efforts, and others for religious reasons. Based on the survey of 530 respondents, we find that acceptance of government funding does not diminish the respondents’ willingness to donate to the hypothetical Madrasa. Additionally, we find modest evidence that willingness to donate diminishes when the Madrasa accepts money from donors in Saudi Arabia and the United States (but not Germany).
... However, despite the substantial supports that NGOs provide, the Ethiopian government perceives them as foreign agents and political opponents which negatively influence NGOs' performance (Clark, 2000). The federal government strictly monitors the practices of NGOs by introducing prohibitive civil society decrees (Clark, 2000;Bekele, Hopkins & Noble, 2009;Dupuy, Ron & Prakash, 2015). Nevertheless, it could be also argued that these NGOs performed well because of the presence of strict monitoring and evaluation schemes pressing them to deliver some sort of discernible outcomes. ...
Article
Full-text available
Ecotourism has been widely championed by academics and practitioners as a potential contributor of conservation and development. However, others have questioned whether sustainability goals can be achieved through this form of tourism. Of the various factors reported in the literature as hindering the success of ecotourism, the lack of effective stakeholder collaboration features prominently. This study draws upon stakeholder and collaboration theories and on triple-bottom-line principles, to investigate the contributions of stakeholder collaborations to sustainable ecotourism. The researchers adopted an exploratory research design and conducted stakeholder in-depth interviews and focus group discussions between 2016 and 2018. The findings revealed poor interactions and collaborations amongst ecotourism stakeholders. Consequently, ecotourism in Southern Ethiopia accelerates the degradation of natural resources, neglecting communities while benefiting other ecotourism stakeholders. Therefore, in poorly resourced and remote destinations, failure to empower and participate communities undermines ecotourism and jeopardizes the long-term survival of ecosystems and communities themselves.
... Governments worldwide have thus implemented restrictive regulations to monitor INGOs' activities. As Dupuy, Ron, and Prakash (2015) show, nearly half of the world's states have passed more restrictive NGO laws. This regulatory crackdown is still occurring and stands in contrast to international efforts during the 1980s and 1990s to create more liberal NGO laws. ...
Article
Full-text available
International non-governmental organizations (INGOs) are increasingly important players in global politics and development. However, they are undergoing significant adaptations as governments worldwide have instituted restrictions to regulate their activities. What explains the various ways in which they respond to these institutional pressures? In our study of INGO responses to a new restrictive law in China, we identify four strategic responses with varying levels of compliance: legal registration, provisional strategy, localization, and exit. The institutional pressures—strategic responses link is influenced by INGOs’ adaptive capacity, which is in turn shaped by an organization’s issue sensitivity, value-add, government ties, and reputational authority. The integrated framework we develop for INGO strategic responses can shed light on state-INGO relations in other countries, many of which are subject to increasingly stringent regulations and a closing political environment.
... To the extent that scholars have started to look into responses of local and/or external actors to governmental attempts to restrict civic space, the focus has very much been on responses after the fact. Studies have analyzed, for instance, how local and international NGOs (INGOs) adapt to the implementation of civic space restrictions (Dupuy et al., 2015) or how such restrictions shape 'naming and shaming' campaigns by INGOs (Smidt et al., 2020). Up to now, evidence on successful attempts to prevent the very introduction of civic space restrictions mainly comes from policy-oriented reports by and for civil society activists (see, for instance, Brechenmacher and Carothers, 2019;Dodsworth and Cheeseman, 2018;ICNL, 2010). ...
Article
Full-text available
Since the turn of the century, an increasing number of governments around the world has introduced or tightened restrictions on civil society organizations (CSOs). Attempts by local CSOs and external actors to counter this trend of shrinking civic spaces have been mostly unsuccessful. In a few notable cases, however, civic space restrictions have been reversed or even prevented from being adopted in the first place. Focusing on resistance to so‐called NGO laws, this paper explores the strategies, causal mechanisms and scope conditions that help explain the successful defense of civic space. In a first step, the paper develops a theoretical framework by drawing on research on the diffusion and promotion of international norms, civic resistance and social movements. Second, it looks at two cases – Kenya (2013) and Kyrgyzstan (2013–2016) – in which governmental attempts to impose legal restrictions on foreign‐funded NGOs were effectively aborted. The analysis finds that successful resistance in both cases was based on domestic campaigns organized by broad alliances of local CSOs, which were able to draw on preexisting mobilizing structures and put forward a socioeconomic narrative to lobby against civic space restrictions. In Kyrgyzstan, but not in Kenya, external actors also played a significant role. The question of how governments respond to resistance to NGO laws brings us to a final issue that merits further investigation. Instead of trying to push through planned legal restrictions, governments may also turn to non‐ or extralegal measures.
... Yu (2016) uses organisational ecology in conjunction with social movement theory to explain the rise and development of HIV NGOs in China. In a similar vein, Dupuy et al (2015) examines the impact of restrictive public regulatory laws on the behaviour and survival trajectories of foreign-funded NGOs in Ethiopia. Bush & Hadden (2019) operationalise the ecological concept of population density (Hannan & Freeman, 1977) to understand rates of INGO formation in the US and globally. ...
Thesis
What happens when organisations get what they want? How do external shifts which advance organisational goals affect survival? Existing literature on goal advancement tends to conceptualise it as a normatively ‘good’ thing and focuses on how to attain it. What remains undertheorised is how organisations can paradoxically create problems for themselves when they get what they want. This puzzle is particularly important to understand vis-à-vis the third sector and policy change, as states increasingly rely on nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) for social policy provision. Insofar as ‘getting what you want’ via policy change can have unintended consequences for organisational sustainability, it has direct implications for social policy, governance, and the communities these NGOs serve. Despite its growing policy relevance, however, this puzzle remains understudied. This doctoral thesis fills this gap by examining the case of LGBT NGOs in Calgary, Montreal, and Toronto in the context of long-term same-sex marriage legalisation, a policy change widely seen as socially and politically progressive for LGBT equality and one advancing LGBT NGO goals. Drawing upon organisational management, development management, resource dependence, and organisational ecology literatures, this policy-relevant thesis advances scholarly understandings of organisational continuity. Across city cases, I find that structural forces, organisational factors, and policy shift shape resource availability, resource mobilisation, and resource dependencies. But LGBT NGOs are not simply acted upon, instead exercising agency through adaptive behaviour—illustrating this, I introduce a new concept of organisational hibernation, an adaptation to resource scarcity or an evolving policy domain to maintain continuity. But not all adaptations are beneficial: in the post-marriage political economic context, adaptations made for immediate persistence may negatively impact the sustainability of the LGBT NGO sector. Goal advancement via policy change can be costly with broader impacts for continuity of policy provision and LGBT interest representation in policy processes. This thesis contributes to debates in social policy, NGO studies, LGBT politics, and Canadian politics.
... As they write: "human rights are a class of social phenomena that are often unreported, misreported, under-reported, and over-reported in ways that make their systematic measurement highly problematic." Monitoring bodies, for example, have finite resources to collect and corroborate evidence (Fariss, 2019), 9 can face anti-NGO laws (Dupuy et al., 2015), and may shift the forms of repression in a country, decreasing some forms but increasing others (DeMeritt & Conrad, 2019). Events can be especially opaque in governments that are rife with repression (Brysk, 1994), and yet easier to detect in regimes that seldom repress (e.g., Sweden) (Eck & Fariss, 2018). ...
Article
Full-text available
Is expropriation - the seizure of assets from foreign investors - a sign of wider repression in host countries? If so, under which circumstances? The relationship between expropriation and human rights has been under-explored in the international relations and international political economy literatures. We argue that domestic repression and expropriation are interrelated: both can be part of a state’s repertoire of coercive activities, the use of these tools reflecting a leader’s insecurity about their power position. Expropriation, however, often attracts widespread media attention, and thus may signal wider repressive acts against citizens, which are typically harder to detect. We present an exploratory analysis using a cross-country sample of seventy-eight non-OECD countries (1960-2006). Results show that expropriation is connected to higher repression, and that the effect is stronger in countries with higher historical human rights protection, which are in the middle of the democracy-autocracy spectrum. Our theoretical and empirical contributions illuminate a relationship between property rights and human rights, and give important insights to understanding state incentives to repress.
... Analyzing such relationships, Sternberg (2010) noted that "such NGOs belie the term 'non-governmental'; many are not part of civil society." The growth of foreign government funding led analysts to coin the terms FONGO or FFUNGO (foreign funded NGOs) (Dupuy et al., 2015). In these cases, the presumed independence of the recipients is clearly compromised. ...
Article
Full-text available
Strategic Assessment - A Multidisciplinary Journal on National Security For two decades, the European Union and individual states of Western Europe have been major funders of Palestinian non-governmental organizations (NGOs), under banners of economic development, peace, and human rights. European governments together provide approximately €35 million annually to a small and largely unchanging group of selected organizations. The recipients are substantial political and economic actors, and are among the leaders of intense soft power conflict, voicing repeated allegations of fundamental Israeli wrong-doing and encouraging anti-Israel campaigns through boycotts and lawfare. This paper argues that in contrast to the formal justifications of support for independent civil society organizations, the relationship is best explained through a unique subcontracting model. The EU and West European governments provide funding and access (particularly to media and international institutions such as the UN and ICC), in return for political services from the carefully selected Palestinian NGOs. This is evidenced by a detailed examination of repeated and overlapping grants and contracts from numerous European funding frameworks to the same group of recipients, including some linked to the PFLP terror organization.
... In this context, partnership activities including research were expected to come under the administrative budget 2 This meant that, to participate in research, NGOs needed to have a large budget to include research within the allowable limit of 30% set for administration. In this climate, representatives from NGOs working in the areas of health and education, for whom research is vital to their change objectives, particularly welcomed the opportunity to delegate research activities to external parties (Berhanu and Getachew 2013; Daniel 2014; Dupuy et al. 2015;Gebre 2016;Verschuuren 2018). These organisations sought for changes in the law to recognise research activities and partnerships as a core part of their work, and if the policy environment allowed it, they welcomed involvement in action research projects as part of an interdisciplinary team, as a flexible approach for the ongoing improvement of their programmes. ...
Article
Against a backdrop of historic inequities between Northern and Southern scholars, the UK's Global Challenges Research Fund (GCRF) calls for "meaningful and equitable" research partnerships between UK-based academics and partners in the Global South. This paper draws on qualitative data from three workshops in the Ethiopia, Rwanda and the UK to interrogate GCRF funding criteria from the perspectives of African-based research partners. The GCRF criteria are considered with respect to African partners' experiences of, and aspirations from, such international research partnerships in order to enrich and extend ongoing debates about power relations in development research. The study finds that GCRF criteria do address many of the familiar historic concerns of African partners, while also identifying ways in which this and similar funding schemes may unintentionally reproduce structural inequities within the South. In highlighting these less visible equity concerns, the paper draws lessons for funders, academics and others concerned with establishing genuinely equitable research partnerships.
... In a bid to avoid reliance on government funding, many NGOs turn to foreign donors for funds, foreign donors like World Bank, Save the Children, Oxfam, Population Council (Dupuy et al., 2015), among others. Foreign funding tends to lead to some innovative experiments, new initiatives and new approaches but it is much more complicated as stated earlier in the previous section. ...
Thesis
Non-formal education has been attributed with many benefits for rural women who are unable to participate in formal schooling. However, little is known about the perspectives of non-formal education programs (NFEPs) from the lived experiences of females—especially in Nigerian Islamic conservative communities. To address this gap, this thesis explored multiple perspectives of NFEP from the lived experiences of females in a region with high rates of child marriage. Using a qualitative case study design, the data were collected through focus group discussions and interviews in two rural communities in northern Nigeria. Participants comprised two leaders from each community; three NFEP personnel; 28 females who had participated in a NFEP, and 24 females who had not participated in a NFEP (n=59). The findings provide unique insight that can guide the phenomenon of NFEPs for rural females in religiously conservative communities. The participants reported a need for literacy skills and economic independence and were generally quite positive about NFEPs in their communities. Most participants in NFEPs reported having increased knowledge, positive attitude and behaviours, improved ability to express themselves, partake in decision-making in the family, and to organise themselves for collective action—all of which resulted to empowering experiences. Also, most male partners (spouses), parents of the participants and male participants (community leaders) were supportive of the NFEP, supportive of women working outside the home and women earning money. The program participants reported that NFEP has been a positive influence on their self-worth, role in the society, future aspirations and dreams for their daughters because of their relative economic independence and the status they seem to enjoy within their communities. Female program non-participants support NFEP but many of them could not participate because their spouses and parents did not allow them. Thus, while many males supported the participation of women and girls in NFEP, gendered barriers still existed. In conclusion, females can be empowered in these conservative communities if it is done in a way that respects socio-cultural traditions.
... In 2016, Human Rights Watch claimed that civil society was under more aggressive attack than at any time in recent memory (Roth, 2016). Globally, governments are repressing civil society organizations (CSOs) and non-governmental organizations (NGOs)a phenomenon known as 'closing civic space' (Carothers and Brechenmacher, 2014;CIVICUS, 2017;Dupuy et al., 2015Dupuy et al., , 2016. 1. Legal restrictions, or what we refer to as legal crackdowns, are a core part of these efforts. These crackdowns create barriers to entry, funding, and advocacy for NGOs in an effort to control, obstruct, and repress these organizations. ...
Article
The phenomenon of closing civic space has adversely impacted international non‐governmental organization (INGO) funding. We argue that individual private donors can be important in sustaining the operations of INGOs working in repressive contexts. Individual donors do not use the same performance‐based metrics as official aid donors. Rather, trust can be an important component of individual donor support for nonprofits working towards difficult goals. How does trust in charitable organizations influence individuals' preferences to donate, especially when these groups face crackdown? Using a simulated market for philanthropic donations based on data from a nationally representative sample of individuals in the United States who regularly donate to charity, we find that trust in INGOs matters substantially in shaping donor preferences. Donor profiles with high levels of social trust are likely to donate to INGOs with friendly relationships with host governments. This support holds steady if INGOs face criticism or crackdown. In contrast, donor profiles with lower levels of social trust prefer to donate to organizations that do not face criticism or crackdown abroad. The global crackdown on NGOs may thus possibly sour NGOs' least trusting individual donors. Our findings have practical implications for INGOs raising funds from individuals amid closing civic space. Research on international giving by individuals, especially in the era of closing civic space, is not meant to find answers that can act as substitutes for strategic policy responses, especially by official aid donors and foundations. However, many INGOs are under immediate threat, and individual‐level philanthropy can help support these organizations.
... In countries that have introduced repressive NGO laws, such as Ethiopia, researchers have documented the disappearance of smaller NGOs and those focused on human rights, as well as substantial declines in bilateral aid as NGOs are removed from the aid-delivery ecosystem. 24 Fortunately, in the case of Ethiopia, a more liberal law regulating NGOs was introduced in 2019, though it is not yet clear whether human-rights NGOs and bilateral aid levels will recover. ...
... Bukenya 2017;Power and Wanner 2017). Others have looked at the challenges NGO sectors are facing across the global South, including changes to global development agendas such as the shift from the MDGs to the SDGs, the reduction of aid to countries transitioning to lower-middle-income status (Appe 2017), or the challenges posed by increasingly restrictive operating environments (Dupuy, Ron, and Prakash 2015). These diverse literatures recognise the importance of analysing across NGOs within countries or along operational settings. ...
... With severely constrained state resources, NGO programmes funded by international donors constituted a large amount of the activity to address SRGBV at local levels, particularly in Côte d'Ivoire, Togo and Zambia, though less so in Ethiopia with the regulatory restrictions on human rights NGOs following the 2009 Charities and Societies Proclamation 2 (Dupuy et al., 2015). Interviewees from NGOs described a broad array of initiatives, including clubs for young people, teacher training initiatives on comprehensive sexuality education, life skills and counselling, training in legal skills or community engagement, helplines and support services for victims. ...
Article
While school-related gender-based violence (SRGBV) is increasingly on the agenda of international development agencies and national governments, there is little evidence on the policy processes that can more effectively address violence. Drawing on data from studies conducted during an innovative three year action research project with UNICEF and governments in Ethiopia, Togo, Côte d’Ivoire and Zambia, this paper explores the struggles of actors and organisations engaged in developing and implementing policies linked to SRGBV at national, mid and local levels. We examine interlinked political, conceptual and resource challenges that frequently hinder the multi-dimensional work needed to respond to and prevent the many forms of everyday violence in girls’ and boys’ lives. Finally, we explore the potential for strengthening government structures, and networks across sectors and state and non-state organisations, that are able to support the creative work of school communities to recontextualise policies, in order to generate more effective multi-dimensional policy enactments.
Article
Popular and academic discourses frame civil society as a key factor that prevented Tunisia from following the unfortunate path of other “Arab Spring” states. But while such discourses tend to portray it as a monolithic political force, Tunisian civil society comprises a diverse range of different types of actors with different backgrounds, interests, views and approaches towards activism. Drawing upon interviews with Tunisian activists, this article maps a range of tensions within Tunisian secular civil society along these lines and sets out to explain their origins. Notably, it identifies a generational division between those activists that started to engage in the late 2000s or during and after the 2011 ouster of Ben Ali and those who were already active before. This division is based on a range of factors, including a sense of entitlement to the leadership of post-2011 Tunisian civil society on both sides, a lack of mutual respect for and trust in each other as well as differences regarding practices and priorities of civil society engagement.
Article
A growing body of literature focuses on restrictions imposed on the space for civil society, or civic space. Recent research has noted that over the past decade, states have expanded their repertoire of legal and extra‐legal measures to curtail the freedoms of association, expression and assembly. Although time‐series data show that the state apparatus continues to be the primary perpetrator of restrictions on civil society organisations (CSOs) and activists, increasing evidence suggests that non‐state actors (NSAs) also play a relevant role in restricting civic space. A broad and heterogeneous category, NSAs include paramilitary forces, private corporate security, criminal gangs and religious fundamentalist groups, among others. This article analyses civic space restrictions driven by a specific type of NSA, that of so‐called ‘anti‐rights groups’. Research conclusions suggest that this distinct set of actors, which usually cultivates close links to the state, is increasingly playing an understudied role in restricting human rights CSOs. Anti‐rights groups are an important, yet understudied driver of civic space restrictions.
Article
Full-text available
Since 2005, international civil society support has faced increasing resistance around the world. Ethiopia is widely recognized as a key example of this so-called Closing Space phenomenon. With the 2009 Charities and Societies Proclamation (CSP) Ethiopia has established strict regulations on civil society organizations that, in particular, restrict the ability of local associations to make use of foreign funding and the range of activities allowed for foreign (funded) organizations. This paper traces the process of international negotiations that has accompanied the drafting of the CSP and identifies the consequences of these negotiations for international civil society support in the country. Focusing on the interaction between foreign “donors” and the Ethiopian government, it analyzes (a) what precisely these negotiations have been about, (b) to what extent these negotiations have actually influenced the content of the CSP, and (c) how the CSP as finally adopted has actually affected international civil society support in Ethiopia.
Chapter
Social movements have long developed within and in response to transnational contexts and conditions. Recent advances in communications and transportation make these all the more accessible. This chapter examines both structural and interactive aspects of these contexts, emphasizing the dynamics of conflict among social movements, states, and international entities. It considers various institutions, forms, and mechanisms of transnationalism. Finally, it probes the under‐examined question of effects – on national and international policy, on movements themselves, and on the broader transnational context itself.
Article
Full-text available
The operation of strong Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) within a given country helps make the state democratic: CSOs struggle for justice, the respect of rights, equality, and freedom, and advocating changes against repression. This is especially true for CSOs in African countries lacking democratic practices. However, due to the repressive regulations passed by governing parties, CSOs have not fully played their role in the continent’s democratization process. The number of countries adopting legislationto curtails the potential roles of CSOs in promoting democracy and has increased. ls. The legal system of each country strongly determines the degree of involvement of CSOs in promoting democracy. The challenges CSOs are facing might deviate depending on the nature and content of legislation. Accordingly, this study mainly focused on investigating the challenges of imposing restrictive legislation on CSOs in promoting democracy, taking the lesson from Ethiopia.
Chapter
Farmer explores the ways in which sexual orientation and gender identity politics are negotiated and contested in international relations in order to highlight the contemporary international contexts in which UK-based NGOs and other actors participate. The chapter examines the ways in which LGBT rights are contested at the United Nations, noting how coalitions of states have attempted to either advance or restrict rights protections for sexual and gender minorities. The development of the Ugandan Anti-Homosexuality Act (2014) is also used as a case study to highlight how some states attempt to restrict LGBT rights as part of broader attempts to strengthen domestic political control, as well as how transnational networks have been used in opposition to LGBT rights. The chapter concludes with an examination of the ways in which simplistic understandings of global homophobias and the homonationalist deployment of LGBT rights by Western states, contribute to a pinkwashed European modernity/coloniality that presents challenges for effective transnational LGBT activism.
Article
Limited space to engage in advocacy is one manifestation of a restrictive civic environment. In environments where civil society organizations (CSOs) are keen to maintain a low profile, non-confrontational advocacy mechanisms are often preferred. Based on a case study on the adoption of an Egyptian law that criminalizes denial of inheritance to women, this paper investigates how CSOs engage in advocacy in restrictive settings. The aforementioned law was put forth by a coalition of CSOs in Egypt and led by an international NGO. Using an original analytical framework, I argue that the coalition’s ability to navigate the restrictive environment in Egypt can be explained by a confluence of factors, including that the issue did not conflict with beliefs of powerful decision-makers, that the CSOs were perceived as legitimate and had good network reach, and that the CSOs used insider tactics and non-controversial framing to mobilize support of influential government actors.
Chapter
Full-text available
This chapter examines the organizational dynamics of the Russian third sector after the adoption of the so-called “foreign agents” law in 2012, which significantly restricted civil society organizations’ legal space and their access to key resources. Utilizing interviews with organizational leaders and activists in nine Russian regions as well as survey data on civil society’s interactions with authorities, we argue that despite the intent to target only a handful of organizations, the changes have affected a wide array of civil society organizations. We show the commonalities and differences in dynamics among organizations occupying various niches. We also document coping strategies and establish the sources of resilience of the third sector vis-à-vis the entrenching of the authoritarian state in Russia.
Chapter
Full-text available
Article
Full-text available
In this unique longitudinal examination of the "third sector" of the economy, the authors explore why, in a major U. S. metropolitan area, some nonprofit organizations grew while others shrank during the 14-year period of the study. The authors' striking conclusions contribute to an understanding of how organizations juggle commitments to donors, grantmakers, members, and service populations, while trying to keep costs down and worker morale high. In the face of these often conflicting tasks, the study demonstrates that it is ultimately an organization's coping strategies that keep it afloat.
Article
Full-text available
Local human rights organizations (LHROs) are crucial allies in international efforts to promote human rights. Without support from organized civil society, efforts by transnational human rights reformers would have little effect. Despite their importance, we have little systematic information on the correlates of public trust in LHROs. To fill this gap, we conducted key informant interviews with 233 human rights workers from sixty countries, and then administered a new Human Rights Perceptions Poll to representative public samples in Mexico (n = 2,400), Morocco (n = 1,100), India (n = 1,680), and Colombia (n = 1,699). Our data reveal that popular trust in local rights groups is consistently associated with greater respondent familiarity with the rights discourse, actors, and organizations, along with greater skepticism toward state institutions and agents. The evidence fails to provide consistent, strong support for other commonly held expectations, however, including those about the effects of foreign funding, socioeconomic status, and transnational connections.
Article
Full-text available
Hafner-Burton, Emilie and James Ron. (2012) The Latin Bias: Regions, the Anglo-American Media, and Human Rights. International Studies Quarterly, doi: 10.1111/isqu.12023 © 2012 International Studies Association Media attention is unevenly allocated across global human rights problems, prompting anger, frustration, and recrimination in the international system. This article demonstrates that from 1981 to 2000, three leading Anglo-American media sources disproportionately covered Latin American abuses, in human rights terms, as compared to other world regions. This “Latin Human Rights Bias” runs counter to broader trends within the Anglo-American general coverage of foreign news, where Latin America’s share of reporting is far smaller. The Bias is partially explained by the region’s proximity to the United States (US), its relevance to US policy debates, and by path dependency. A significant portion of the Latin Bias remains unexplained, however, despite our best attempts to rigorously model explanations offered by leading Western journalists. These findings suggest that geographic regions are an important factor in the media’s perception of global human rights problems and that both human rights policymakers and scholars may be inappropriately drawing general lessons from regionally specific and biased patterns. We conclude with suggestions for future research.
Article
Full-text available
A substantial section of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in the global South depend on foreign funds to conduct their operations. This paper explores how the availability of foreign funding affects their downward accountability, abilities to effect social change, and their relative influence in relation to traditional grassroots, membership‐based organizations (GROs), which tend not to receive such funding. Drawing on a case study of Nicaragua, we challenge the notion that foreign funding of domestic NGOs leads to the evolution of civil society organizations, which have incentives and abilities to organize the marginalized sections of society in ways to effect social change in their interests. Instead, we find that foreign funding and corresponding professionalization of the NGO sector creates dualism among domestic civil society organizations. Foreign funding enhances the visibility and prestige of the “modern” NGO sector over traditional GROs. This has grave policy implications because foreign funded NGOs tend to be more accountable to donors than beneficiaries and are more focused on service delivery than social change oriented advocacy.
Article
Full-text available
This article develops a political economy approach to the study of contemporary transnational networks. We argue that many aspects of International Organization (IO) and International Non Governmental Organization (NGO) behavior can be explained by materialist analysis and an examination of the incentives and constraints produced by the transnational sector’s institutional environment. We advance two theoretical propositions. First, the growing number of IOs and INGOs within a given transnational sector increases uncertainty, competition, and insecurity for all organizations in that sector. This proposition disputes the liberal view that INGO proliferation is, in and of it- self, evidence of a robust global civil society. Second, we suggest that the marketization of many IO and INGO activities—particularly the use of com- petitive tenders and renewable contracting—generates incentives that produce dysfunctional outcomes. This claim disputes the popular assumption that market-based institutions in the transnational sector increase INGO efficiency and effectiveness. In advancing these arguments, we do not criticize the normative agendas, moral character, or nominal goals of individual transnational groups. Rather we suggest that dysfunctional organizational behavior is likely to be a rational response to systematic and predictable institutional pressures. In many cases, uncooperative local actors will take advantage of the transnational sector’s perverse incentives to further their own opportunistic agendas.
Article
Full-text available
Departing from the population-level emphasis of density dependence research in organizational ecology, the authors examine how organizational niches within populations influence patterns of competition and mutalism. Organizational niches characterize intrapopulation variation in productive capacities and resource requirements and are operationalized for a population of day care centers (DCCs) based on the ages of children they are licensed to enroll. The authors find competitive effects of overlap density, the aggregate overlap of a DCC's organizational niche with those of all others, and mutualistic effects of nonoverlap density, the aggregate nonoverlap, which are strongest among neighboring DCCs. The authors discuss the implications of their findings for studying organizational population dynamics.
Article
Full-text available
What influences the Northern media's coverage of events and abuses in explicit human rights terms? Do international NGOs have an impact, and, if so, when are they most effective? This article addresses these questions with regression analysis of human rights reporting by The Economist and Newsweek from 1986 to 2000, covering 145 countries. First, it finds that these two media sources cover abuses in human rights terms more frequently when they occur in countries with higher levels of state repression, economic development, population, and Amnesty International attention. There is also some evidence that political openness, number of battle-deaths, and civil societies affect coverage, although these effects were not robust. Second, it finds that Amnesty International's press releases appear to have less impact on media coverage when discussing abuses in countries that are central to the media's zone of concern. Indeed, Amnesty's press advocacy may be more effective when addressing violations in lesser-noticed countries. The article attributes this to the saturation of coverage of abuses in highly mediatized countries. Cumulative attention by multiple journalists and others raises a country's media profile but also makes it more difficult for any one voice to be heard. The authors conclude that Amnesty's press advocacy may have greater media impact when focusing on abuses in countries located away from the media's core areas of concern. Overall, the authors are encouraged by the Northern media's sensitivity to actual patterns of repression and to Amnesty's lobbying, since both indicate that the media is potentially a useful ally in efforts to combat abuses worldwide. Yet, the discouraging effects of poverty on the media's human rights coverage are cause for concern.
Article
Full-text available
Diaspora groups link processes of globalisation and transnational migration to homeland politics and conflicts. In some cases, diaspora groups produced by a specific set of traumatic memories create ‘conflict-generated diasporas’ that sustain and often amplify their strong sense of symbolic attachment to the homeland. Conflict-generated diasporas tend to be less willing to compromise and therefore reinforce and exacerbate the protractedness of homeland conflicts. Economists have focused on the links between remittances and civil war. Beyond resources, however, conflict-generated diasporas frequently have a prominent role in framing conflict issues and defining what is politically acceptable. Diaspora groups created by conflict and sustained by traumatic memories tend to compromise less and therefore reinforce and exacerbate the protracted nature of conflicts. The 2005 political opening and subsequent crackdown in Ethiopia illustrates how this diaspora shaped recent political developments and points to broader patterns of transnational linkages among diasporas and homeland political processes.
Article
Full-text available
This article focuses on what role human rights organizations (HROs) actually play in the development of a rights-protective regime and a rights-respective society in Uganda, given structural, internal, and regime limitations. We argue that Uganda HROs are significantly limited in their ability to help create a positive human rights culture in Uganda by historical/structural legacies that have created a culture of political apathy and fear amongst the general population. Regime repression of vocal "political" non-state actors and foreign donor-implicit acceptance of regime human rights transgressions in light of neo-liberal economic reforms reinforce this fear and political apathy. Ugandan HROs, not willing to risk state repression or lose foreign aid, thus resort to non-contentious human rights issues that do not engage the regime or test the resolve or interest of society to demand for human rights for all.
Article
Aiding Violence? The Development Enterprise and Ethno-National Conflict - Volume 95 - Peter Uvin
Article
At the start of 1988, the World Bank began an institution-wide effort to expand its work with NGOs. This chapter discusses what the Bank's recent outreach to NGOs has achieved, draws lessons from emerging experience, and projects how the Bank's work with NGOs is likely to evolve to the end of the century. -from Author
Article
Long a fruitful area of scrutiny for students of organizations, the study of institutions is undergoing a renaissance in contemporary social science. This volume offers, for the first time, both often-cited foundation works and the latest writings of scholars associated with the "institutional" approach to organization analysis. In their introduction, the editors discuss points of convergence and disagreement with institutionally oriented research in economics and political science, and locate the "institutional" approach in relation to major developments in contemporary sociological theory. Several chapters consolidate the theoretical advances of the past decade, identify and clarify the paradigm's key ambiguities, and push the theoretical agenda in novel ways by developing sophisticated arguments about the linkage between institutional patterns and forms of social structure. The empirical studies that follow--involving such diverse topics as mental health clinics, art museums, large corporations, civil-service systems, and national polities--illustrate the explanatory power of institutional theory in the analysis of organizational change. Required reading for anyone interested in the sociology of organizations, the volume should appeal to scholars concerned with culture, political institutions, and social change.
Chapter
Human rights have undergone a complete process of evolution. The history and development of human rights can be traced back to the days when the "rights of man" literally meant the "rights of white men." In those days, the rights of black men were not included in the concept of equality. As one writer aptly puts it, "It took a long time for the United States ... to include black men in their concept of equal rights ... it took an even longer time to include women in this process and thereby move away from 'the rights of man' to human rights" (Eide, Krause, and Rosas 1995: 25). The international community reinforced the idea of "all human rights for all" in 1948 when the United Nations adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). The General Assembly of the United Nations, in adopting this Declaration, proclaimed it "as a common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations, to the end that every individual and every organ of society, keeping this Declaration constantly in mind, shall strive by teaching and education to promote respect for these rights and freedoms, and by progressive measures, national and international, to secure their universal and effective recognition and observance."l There was already a recognition, at the time when the UDHR was adopted, that human rights were interrelated and interdependent. Hence the preamble of this Declaration states that "the highest of aspiration of the common people is the advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and freedom from fear and want."2 Although the intention to integrate different sets of rights into a single document existed, this was hampered by the controversy surrounding the different nature of civil and political rights on one hand and economic, social and cultural rights on the other hand. This controversy, which will be discussed later, led to the decision of the General Assembly that two separate covenants should be adopted, namely one on civil and political rights and the other on economic, social and cultural rights (Eide, Krause, and Rosas 1995: 22). Forty-five years after the adoption of the UDHR, the international community reiterated at the World Conference on Human Rights, held in Vienna, Austria, in June 1993, that human rights are interdependent. The Conference adopted the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action, which asserts that "all human rights are universal, indivisible, interdependent and interrelated" (United Nations 1993). The Declaration enjoins the international community to "treat human rights globally in a fair and equal manner, on the same footing and with the same emphasis." With the adoption of the Vienna Declaration the international community has finally acknowledged that the enjoyment of some rights is impossible without the enjoyment of all rights. As Eide, Krause, and Rosas, (1995: 19) assert: "Efforts to bring torture, arbitrary detention and capital punishment to an end are laudable.... What permanent achievement is there in saving people from torture, only to find that they are killed by famine or disease that could have been prevented had the will and appropriate controls been there?". Copyright
Article
This book is an eye-opening account of transnational advocacy, not by environmental and rights groups, but by conservative activists. Mobilizing around diverse issues, these networks challenge progressive foes across borders and within institutions. In these globalized battles, opponents struggle as much to advance their own causes as to destroy their rivals. Deploying exclusionary strategies, negative tactics and dissuasive ideas, they aim both to make and unmake policy. In this work, Clifford Bob chronicles combat over homosexuality and gun control in the UN, the Americas, Europe and elsewhere. He investigates the 'Baptist-burqa' network of conservative believers attacking gay rights, and the global gun coalition blasting efforts to control firearms. Bob draws critical conclusions about norms, activists and institutions, and his broad findings extend beyond the culture wars. They will change how campaigners fight, scholars study policy wars, and all of us think about global politics.
Article
The contemporary American political landscape has been marked by two paradoxical transformations: the emergence after 1960 of an increasingly activist state, and the rise of an assertive and politically powerful conservatism that strongly opposes activist government. Leading young scholars take up these issues inThe Transformation of American Politics. Arguing that even conservative administrations have become more deeply involved in managing our economy and social choices, they examine why our political system nevertheless has grown divided as never before over the extent to which government should involve itself in our lives.The contributors show how these two closely linked trends have influenced the reform and running of political institutions, patterns of civic engagement, and capacities for partisan mobilization--and fueled ever-heightening conflicts over the contours and reach of public policy. These transformations not only redefined who participates in American politics and how they do so, but altered the substance of political conflicts and the capacities of rival interests to succeed. Representing both an important analysis of American politics and an innovative contribution to the study of long-term political change, this pioneering volume reveals how partisan discourse and the relationship between citizens and their government have been redrawn and complicated by increased government programs.The contributors are Andrea Louise Campbell, Jacob S. Hacker, Nolan McCarty, Suzanne Mettler, Paul Pierson, Theda Skocpol, Mark A. Smith, Steven M. Teles, and Julian E. Zelizer.
Article
In this vivid ethnography, Harri Englund investigates how ideas of freedom impede struggles against poverty and injustice in emerging democracies. Reaching beyond a narrow focus on the national elite, Prisoners of Freedom shows how foreign aid and human rights activism hamper the pursuit of democratic citizenship in Africa. The book explores how activists aspirations of self-improvement, pursued under harsh economic conditions, find in the human rights discourse a new means to distinguish oneself from the poor masses. Among expatriates, the emphasis on abstract human rights avoids confrontations with the political and business elites. Drawing on long-term research among the Malawian poor, Englund brings to life the personal circumstances of Malawian human rights activists, their expatriate benefactors, and the urban and rural poor as he develops a fresh perspective on freedom-one that recognizes the significance of debt, obligation, and civil virtues.
Article
The theory of organizational niches may provide important bridging concepts upon which an integrated theory of interest groups might be developed. After discussing Hutchinson's (1957) n-dimensional niche concept, we develop several hypotheses about the reliance of interest organizations on multiple resource dimensions. These are tested with survey data on interest group leaders in the American states. On the basis of preliminary evidence of niche partitioning, we conclude that internal resource dimensions - exclusive access to members and finances - may be more critical than securing exclusive access to officials in a balkanized policy process in defining viable interest group niches. We conclude by outlining a research agenda using niche theory.
Article
Recent research on organizational ecology is reviewed. Three levels of analysis and approaches to evolution are distinguished: 1) the organizational level, which uses a developmental approach; 2) the population level, which uses a selection approach; and 3) the community level, which uses a macroevolutionary approach. Theoretical and empirical research is critiqued within this framework. Proposals to develop organizational taxonomies are considered. -Author
Article
In spite of the fact that chain referral sampling has been widely used in qualitative sociological research, especially in the study of deviant behavior, the problems and techniques involved in its use have not been adequately explained. The procedures of chain referral sampling are not self-evident or obvious. This article attempts to rectify this methodological neglect. The article provides a description and analysis of some of the problems that were encountered and resolved in the course of using the method in a relatively large exploratory study of ex-opiate addicts.
Article
This study explores whether an ecological, an adaptation, or a random organizational action perspective more appropriately describes the impact of organizational change in a population of voluntary social service organizations. The results indicate that some changes are disruptive, some have no impact on organizational mortality, and others are adaptive. One plausible interpretation of the results is that the effects of organizational changes depend on the location of the changes in the organization -- whether in the core or the periphery. Core changes, which are thought to be more disruptive, are best described by an ecological view. Peripheral changes are best described by an adaptation view. The study shows that selection and adaptation are complementary rather than contradictory views, and one clear implication is the need for simultaneous modeling of selection and adaptation processes to build a more complete theory of organizational change.
Article
Authoritarian leaders around the world have recently started to crack down on democracy-promotion efforts in their countries. The Bush administration's pro-democracy bombast has not helped matters, but has contributed to the false idea that liberalization is somehow a U.S.-driven phenomenon.
Article
The state plays an important role in structuring and channeling civic activism in Russia. Rather than eliminating advocacy, it privileges the advocacy forms that it prefers. The larger challenge facing Russian NGOs is an apathetic public.
Article
In Ethiopia, like in many African states, civil society organizations (CSOs) have played a role in addressing and promoting issues of public interest, especially since the beginning of the 1990s. They have been involved in service delivery and increasingly in advocacy on various issues, including in the areas of human rights and development. The work of CSOs particularly in governance and rights advocacy has often placed them at odds with governments, especially those with questionable democratic credentials. However, CSOs have also had problems of poor governance structure and lack of local constituency. The tension with governments and the accountability deficit of CSOs formed part of the reasons that justified the introduction of some restrictive CSO laws in a number of countries including Ethiopia. The Ethiopian Charities and Societies Proclamation of 2009 is believed to have entailed organizational, operational, and regulatory limitations against CSO work in the country. It has especially affected CSOs that work on human rights and governance and those which advocate for rights-based development. After laying out the effects of the law, this article weighs its justifications that extend from the restriction of the enjoyment of the freedom of association to Ethiopian nationals to the accusation of CSOs as promoters of a neo-liberal agenda. Underlining the need to address the accountability deficits in the CSO sector in the country, the piece finds that the restrictive elements of the law and their justifications exceed this purpose.
Article
The antigovernment protests that erupted in one ethnic region of Ethiopia can be attributed to the group's historical grievances or to its access to mobilizing resources. However, conventional explanations are insufficient in accounting for protest patterns in terms of their geographic distribution or varying levels of violence. The likelihood of protest onset was inversely related to local heterogeneity, intraethnic as well as interethnic. Protest violence spiraled through the interaction between ethnic homogeneity and the government's policing strategy. Woundings were less likely to occur in localities where protesters were repressed by police forces staffed by their own co-ethnics.
Article
Krain, Matthew. (2012) J’accuse ! Does Naming and Shaming Perpetrators Reduce the Severity of Genocides or Politicides? International Studies Quarterly, doi: 10.1111/j.1468-2478.2012.00732.x © 2012 International Studies Association This study tests the effectiveness of naming and shaming by transnational advocacy networks in reducing the severity of ongoing instances of genocide or politicide. I argue that naming and shaming should force perpetrators to reduce the severity of these ongoing atrocities in order to shift the spotlight, save their reputation, reframe their identity, maintain international legitimacy and domestic viability, and ease pressure placed on them by states or IOs. I test whether naming and shaming by NGOs, the media, and IOs significantly reduces the severity of the killing. Ordered logit analyses of ongoing genocides and politicides from 1976 to 2008 reveal that naming and shaming by Amnesty International, the Northern media, and the UNCHR have significant ameliorative effects on the severity of the most extreme atrocities. Transnational advocacy networks have the potential, through naming and shaming, to lead to life-saving changes in these murderous policies.
Article
Nongovernmental organizations (NGOS) both lobby states and work within and across societies to advance their interests. These latter efforts are generally ignored by students of world politics because they do not directly involve governments. A study of transnational environmental activist groups (TEAGs) such as Greenpeace, Friends of the Earth, and World Wildlife Fund demonstrates that NGO societal efforts indeed shape widespread behavior throughout the world. TEAGs work through transnational social, economic, and cultural networks to shift standards of good conduct, change corporate practices, and empower local communities. This type of practice involves “world civic politics.” That is, TEAGs influence widespread behavior by politicizing global civil society—that slice of collective life which exists above the individual and below the state yet across national boundaries. This article examines the activity of world civic politics as practiced by environmental activists and evaluates its relevance for the study of NGOs and world politics in general.
Article
Why do OECD countries vary in their regulatory approach towards non-governmental organizations (NGOs)? This paper introduces an index to assess NGO regulation regarding barriers to entry, NGOs’ political capacity, and economic activity. Our cross-section analysis of 28 OECD countries offers preliminary evidence of systematic differences in NGO regulation between corporatist and pluralist systems. We suggest corporatist systems have more restrictive regulations because NGOs risk upsetting the political order and managed social consensus. In pluralist countries, NGOs face fewer restrictions because governments view them as substitutes for formal communication channels. We present two cases, Japan (corporatist) and the United States (pluralist), to illustrate this argument. In sum, macro-institutional arrangements of political representation have a crucial bearing on national styles of NGO regulation. Future uses of this index include examining the effects of national context on international NGOs, explaining variations in organizational structures and strategies among NGOs, and tracking variations in NGO-state relations over time.
Article
Studying policy networks raises challenges in three important areas: identifying members of the policy network, gaining access to the network, and reporting findings from the study while maintaining confidentiality. Using the tobacco control policy and health policy networks in Victoria, Australia as a case study, the article describes how to use a reputational snowball to identify a policy network. I argue that the reputational snowball not only presents a useful tool for identifying micro‐level network members, but also provides a means for assessing which members of the policy network are core, and which ones are on the periphery. Issues around reporting in studies of policy influentials are also discussed.
Article
Obra que reconstruye el origen y evolución de las actuales redes transnacionales que, con la utilización de las nuevas tecnologías informativas como recurso organizador y aglutinador, han logrado constituirse en movimientos más o menos presionadores en la defensa de los derechos humanos, de la protección ambiental y de una mayor equidad de género, entre otros.
Article
Around the world, democratically elected regimes are routinely ignoring limits on their power and depriving citizens of basic freedoms. From Peru to the Philippines, we see the rise of a disturbing phenomenon: illiberal democracy. It has been difficult to recognize because for the last century in the West, democracy--free and fair elections--has gone hand in hand with constitutional liberalism--the rule of law and basic human rights. But in the rest of the world, these two concepts are coming apart. Democracy without constitutional liberalism is producing centralized regimes, the erosion of liberty, ethnic competition, conflict, and war. The international community and the United States must end their obsession with balloting and promote the gradual liberalization of societies.
Article
Explores the effects of environmental variability and grain on the niche width of organizational populations. Develops a model of the manner in which environmental variations affect the life changes of specialist and generalist organizations. This model predicts that death rates of generalists exceed those of specialists in fine-grained environments, regardless of the level of variability, but that generalists have lower death rates when environmental variation is both coarse grained and large. The model is applied to a sample of restaurant organizations in 18 California cities. Maximum likelihood estimates and tests confirm the major predictions of the model.-Authors
Article
Notwithstanding the increasing presence of foreign non-governmental organizations (“NGOs”) in China, currently only foreign foundations may register as international NGOs in China. This lag in legislation is largely due to the Chinese government’s concerns about foreign NGOs that try to broach politically sensitive subjects such as democracy, human rights, labor, or religion. Much confusion has resulted from the lack of explicit legal rules, and the situation has blocked foreign NGOs’ access to China and prevented them from carrying out work in the country. In practice, many foreign NGOs have resorted to alternative means of operation. It is time for the Chinese government to revisit this gray area and enact a clear and constructive legal framework for foreign NGOs to follow.
Article
Resource mobilization theory has recently presented an alternative interpretation of social movements. The review traces the emergence and recent controversies generated by this new perspective. A multifactored model of social movement formation is advanced, emphasizing resources, organization, and political opportunities in addition to traditional discontent hypotheses. The McCarthy-Zald (1973) theory of entrepreneurial mobilization is critically assessed as an interpretation of the social movements of the 1960s-1970s, and the relevance of the Olson (1968) theory of collective action is specified. Group organization is argued to be the major determinant of mobilization potential and patterns. The debate between the Gerlach-Hine (1970) and entrepreneurial theories of social movement organization is traced in terms of historical changes in the social movement sector and the persistence of organizational diversity. A model of social movement politics is outlined, building on Gamson’s (1975) theory of strate...