ArticlePDF Available

Avatars and Nicknames in Adolescent Chat Spaces

Authors:

Figures

Content may be subject to copyright.
Avatars and Nicknames in
Adolescent Chat Spaces
Lois Ann Scheidt
L597 – Gender and Computerization
Spring 2001
Introduction
Synchronous computer-mediated communication (CMC) environments have opened new
channels for adolescents to explore their personhood. In this medium they engage in
written conversation under a nickname, a participant selected name used to disguise their
real identity. Adolescents meet and talk about their lives, their personal problems, their
activities, or nothing in particular. In this way CMC mirrors real life face-to-face (FtF)
dialogue. Many of its CMC’s unique qualities revolve around the fact that it is an austere
mode of communication. There are no changes in voice, no facial expressions, no body
language, no (or very little) visual spatial environment as a context of meaning. (Suler
1997) Additional visual representation may be made by using an avatar
1
to create a
graphical representation of a physical “body” in chat space. Thereby creating a thicker
medium using facets of written, oral, and visual languages to communication with others.
HTML chat spaces, which support GMUKS (graphical multi-user konversations) (Suler
1999), allow written, oral, and visual communication in the familiar frames-based HTML
format used by many commercial and personal websites. GMUKS create a unique
graphical social environment, rather then being purely text-based as Donath, Karahalios,
Viégas (1999) discuss in their review of the design of graphical interfaces. Multimedia
characteristics add a visual dimension that allows users to create the illusion of
movement, space, and individuality. Avatars allow users to express their personalities
through pictures using standard jpg/gif format or through animated gif files
Upon entering the chat space, the participant is entreated to select a nickname, referred to
in chat spaces as a “nic”. This nickname then becomes the participant’s identifier when
talking to others or when others talk to them. Nicknames can be very fluid, and are easily
and quickly changed to meet the participant’s needs or desires. However Bechar-Israeli
(1995), found that nicknames become highly personal markers and that if forced to
change from a favored identity, participants maintain strong ties to their earlier selections.
(pg. 5)
Avatars add additional visual clues, though Walther (1999) postulates they are more
analogues to the clues a user receives from the chat nickname than to actual visual cues
1
A Sanskrit word that roughly translates to “God’s appearance on Earth.” (pg. xv) (Damer 1998)
received during a FtF exchange. In text-based communication, users selectively present
themselves, concentrating on purposeful message construction and eliminating
involuntary nonverbal clues from interaction. This interplay can magnify their sense of
the similarity and desirability of others, while they become more friendly and attractive to
other users. (Walther 1999)
In today's media-saturated world, identities are no longer built solely within the close-knit
communities of family, neighborhood, school, and work. Media and on-line
environments are part of our world today and therefore play an important role in the
formulations of our identities or constructions of self. (Grodin and Lindlof 1996) Young
people, in the midst of discovery and their own self-development, populate adolescent
chat spaces.
Adolescents approach the development of self, setting forth stages through which the self
differentiates and becomes connected to themselves and others throughout their lifetimes.
Gender is one variable with which adolescent’s must develop a personal performance.
“From early childhood, individuals learn to signal their gender identity in accord with
gender stereotypes. They learn to perform ‘masculinity’ or ‘femininity’.” (Danet 1998)
Adolescence has been identified by all approaches as a time of heightened activity for
most in the loss and creation of new balances.
Given technological limitations, users and designers’ first impulse is to create versions of
physical bodies that conform to a predictably narrow band of stereotypes. Given that any
assertion of a virtual self is itself a rhetorical act, this tendency to create avatars that serve
as stereotypical shorthand is indicative of a host of attitudes underlying our interaction
with computers. (Kolko 1999)
This paper explores the ways, in which adolescents represent themselves through avatars
and nicknames, and how gender is presented through their avatar and nickname choices
in adolescent chat spaces. Research on adolescents in this medium is severely lacking. If
we are to understand how the Internet shapes their lives, and have sufficient background
to foretell what their impact on the World Wide Web (WWW) is likely to be, it is
essential that we seek an understanding of how adolescents utilize the personal
communication opportunities available to them on the WWW. This study aims to begin
to fill this research void.
Background
Communication in Internet communication in chat spaces allows participants to
communicate in the relative safety of anonymity. Walther (2001) has noted that CMC
participants, bereft of nonverbal cues, may engage in “selective self-promotion.” (pg. 4)
“It is important to remember that virtual community originates in, and must return to, the
physical. Life is lived through bodies.” (pg. 113) (Stone 1991)
Without visual clues and societal norms gender becomes more malleable in CMC.
(Bruckman 1993) Danet (1998) states that participants “typed nick is their mask.”
Though malleable, gender does not disappear; Reid (1991) argues that users construct
gender through nicknames they choose. Although it is possible to change one's nickname
at any time, and repeatedly within a single chat space session, Bechar-Israeli, (1995)
found that participants generally choose their nick carefully and then use it consistently
over long periods of time.
The richest form of identity expression, and self-promotion, can be achieved with avatars,
visual representations of a participant’s chosen online identity. (Kim 2000) McIlvenny
(2001) states “Avatars are clearly (ac)cultured and socialized: virtual embodiment and
materiality is socially constructed, just as it is in ‘meat space’.” Kolko (1999) states that
“on-line identity develops a kind of mediated electronic body that resulted in certain
inconsistencies between the virtual and physical self.” (pg. 177) In the real world we
have limited control over how we look, however when the participant selects an avatar as
a visual representation, they make a decision to present themselves with an artifact over
which they have significant control they can also change the avatar at will.
Three levels reveal gender in CMC chat spaces - nicknames, avatars, and discourse. This
becomes a hierarchy in that nickname selection is a default requirement of the computer
interface for access to the chat space. Once logged into a chat space the participants can
“lurk
2
,” watch the conversation without adding their own remarks, thereby limiting
additional gender related information. Finally if the participants choose to use an avatar
to represent themselves that pictorial image is entered into the system at the same time as
the nickname. Again the participant could “lurk,” or “spam
3
” with only their
nickname/avatar combination, thereby limiting gender information to the nickname or
nickname/avatar combination.
Gender may also be obscured, further separating the real body and the online
representation. (Stone 1991) CMC is less revealing of personal information than FtF
communication, and some user names and/or avatars are gender-neutral. Female
participants can choose to present themselves in ways so as to minimize discrimination
and harassment by adopting a gender-neutral nickname. (Bruckman 1993)
Jacobson (1999) showed that in text-based virtual communities people develop image of
one another. These impressions are based not only on cues provided, but also on the
conceptual categories and cognitive models people use in interpreting those cues. We sit
in front of a computer terminal not only as conscious beings but also as carnal beings.
Our vision is not abstracted from our bodies or from our other sensory modes of
perception that allow us to access the world. (Sobchack 1988)
In addition analyzing even the most gender-stereotyped of avatars requires deciding,
which bodily representation is the result of cultural conceptions and which is the result of
technological limitations. How physical bodies can be represented in electronic spaces,
ultimately reveals how gendered bodies come to affect gendered voices. (Kolko 1999)
2
“Refuse to communicate.” (pg. 2) (Marvin 1995)
3
Excess and/or repetitive posting of communication. (pg. 2) (Marvin 1995)
Many authors have referenced the developing gender exploration of adolescents, as a
time of separation, autonomy, and exploration. (Marcia 1993) Tanner (1990) argues,
“because boys and girls grow up in what are essentially different cultures…talk between
women and men is cross-cultural communication.” (pg. 18) For men, conversation is for
“holding center stage” and maintaining that attention. (pg 77) Morahan-Martin (1998)
and Tapscott (1998) discuss that girls want to explore relationships, whereas boys search
for self-identity through differentiating themselves from others. “Nowhere are these two
orientations toward relationships more obvious than in cyber play” and chat spaces. (pg.
168) (Tapscott 1998) Rushkoff’s (1996) postulates that “screenager,” the child born into
a culture mediated by television and the computer will interact with their world. This
point of view would necessitate a change in how adolescents view and utilize gender and
gender-stereotypes.
Nicknames and avatars are used as stand-ins for the participant in their process of self-
promotion, as signs. The metaphor of standing-in for is the basis of the observation that
signs are used to infer something not directly perceptible, or not directly obvious, from
something that simply is. Therein lies the point of sign use, representational conceptions
of signs, construing their perceptibility as a replacement or representative of that which is
not directly perceptible: The expression stands for that which is meant. (Keller 1998)
Semiotics occurs whenever we stand back from out ways of understanding and
communication, and ask how these ways of understanding and communication arise,
what form they take, and why. Semiotics is above all an intellectual curiosity about the
ways we represent our world to each other and ourselves. (Sless 1986)
Methodology
Data Collection
The adolescent chat space used for this study is part of a chat site consisting of 181
chatrooms, twenty-four of which are designated for General Chat and populated by
adolescents. Each room has a capacity of 30 participants. The total General Chat
participation regularly exceeds 200 participants. One General Chat room was selected for
this study based on the consistent use of avatars, and the regularity of 10 or more
participants around the clock.
The space in question is utilized 24-hours a day, therefore data was collected by dividing
the day into four time blocks. Data was collected in one-hour increments, two hours was
collected in each time block as both direct feed and source code. Individual avatars were
collected and saved for analysis.
Since this research is based solely on adolescents in a single chat space, it only accounts
for one of many types of the online space in which adolescents participate, and
conclusions about the construction of adolescents as chat space participants relate strictly
to this particular site. Samples were taken between February 26, 2001 and March 4,
2001.
Data was cleaned to remove avatars and nicknames for persons over 18 i.e., Hot M(35).
Site Moderators were also removed, as they must be 21 to hold that position.
Final data consisted of 119 unique avatars, and 396 unique nicknames.
Avatars
Content analysis was the primary method used to evaluate the avatars. Semiotic analysis
was incorporated to the extent possible. The coding scheme was developed during an
earlier pilot study. Coding categories were non-exclusive, so a single avatar may be
coding in multiple categories.
Avatars
Advertising logos
Baggy clothes
Combination
Coy Gaze
Exaggerated Secondary Sexual
Characteristics
Eyes covered
Revealing Clothing
Sexually Suggestive
Tagged as belonging to a "gang"
or group
Nicknames
Content analysis was used to evaluate the nicknames. The 14 category coding scheme
framework as used in, Bechar-Israeli, H.(1995). Again coding was non-exclusive.
Bechar-Israeli Coding Scheme
Age related
Famous people/groups
Flora & fauna
Inanimate objects
Literature, fairy tales, characters
from films, plays, television
Meta comment on the anonymity
of the medium
Onomatopoeia
Place names
Provocative
Relationships to others
Self character traits
Sex-related
Technology related
Typography
6 additional categories were added.
Additional Categories
Actual name/Nickname
(diminutive)
Ethereal
Multiple chatters
Popular sayings
Tagged as belonging to a "gang"
or group
Social/status comments
A single rater was used for this project, though ad hoc input was solicited in some
situations.
Results
Avatars
The 58 avatars female avatars (table 2) were represented in all coding categories with the
exception of “eyes covered”. A coy gaze (Example 1) was present in 69.245 of the
female avatars. 55.17% were rated as sexually suggestive (Example 2). 41.38% were
wearing revealing clothing. Exaggerated secondary sexual characteristics, oversized
breasts, were present in 39.66% of the female avatars (Example 4). Combination avatars
- those that use a variety of elements including text, graphics, etc., to produce a unique
avatar – were used by 31.03% (Example 5). Baggy clothing primarily pants, and often in
combination with revealing tops, were present in 29.31% of the avatars (Example 6).
12.07% were wearing advertising logos (Example 6). Finally 6.9% of the avatars
reviewed were tagged as belonging to a “gang” or group (Example 7).
The 36 male avatars were represented in all coding categories. Baggy clothing, pants and
shirts, were present in 83.33% of the male avatars (Example 9). The eyes of the males
were covered in 66.67% of the avatars, most often by hats or sunglasses (Example 10).
33.33% of the males clothing shows advertising logos (Example11). Exaggerated
secondary sexual characteristics (Example 12), chest and arm muscles, were seen in
30.56%. Combination avatars (Example 13) were used by 19.44%. Revealing clothing
was seen in 15.89%, all cases were shirtless male doll avatars (Example 14). 5.56% of
the male avatars show coy gaze (Example 15). Sexually suggestive (Example 16) and
those tagged as belong to a “gang” or group accounted for 2.78% each of the male
avatars (Example 13).
Three avatars displayed both females and males and were represented in all coding
categories. The category breakdown for this group is a mix of the coding seen in the two
previous categories. However the group more closely mirrors the male only category.
100% of the avatars show baggy clothing. 66.67% each were combination avatars, show
covered eyes, revealing clothing, were sexually suggestive, show coy gaze, and
exaggerated secondary sexual characteristics. Advertising logos, and those tagged as
belong to a “gang” or group accounted for 33.33% each of the female & male avatars.
Two avatars of unknown gender (Example 17) display human characters whose gender is
not obvious from their physical characteristics or dress. These avatars were represented
in two of the coding categories and each is an exclusive coding, baggy clothing and eyes
covered.
Four avatars were non-human characters, including a bunch of cherries and a gnome.
These avatars were represented in none of the coding categories.
The 16 graphical avatars (Example 17) were those that show purely textual and graphical
elements. These avatars were represented in two coding categories. 56.25% were
combination avatars utilizing combinations of graphics, often publicly available, and text
to create a unique avatar. 25% were tagged as belong to a “gang” or group (Example 18).
Nicknames
The 150 nicknames of female participants were represented in 17 categories. Those not
represented were: meta comment on the anonymity of the medium, place names, and
tagged as belonging to a “gang” or group. 95% use an actual name/nickname/diminutive
(example 20). 51.33% utilized typography and special character sets to stylize their
nicknames (example 21). Self character traits represent 28.67% (example 22). 14.67%
include an age related component (example 23). Sex-related comments were present in
14.67% (example24). 10.00% were provocative comments, not sexually provocative
(example25). The category literature, fairy tales, characters from film, plays, and
television account for 8.67% of the female nicknames (example 26). Social/Status
comments also account for 8.67% of the nicknames (example 27). 5.33% were flora and
fauna nicknames (example 28). 5.33% were also stating their relationships to other
(example 29). Inanimate objects constitute 2.67% (example 30). Famous people &
groups were seen in 2.00% (example 31). Five categories represent 1.33% of the
categories. These include, ethereal (example 32), multiple chatters (example 33),
onomatopoeia (example 34), popular sayings (example 35), and technology related
(example 36).
The 112 male nicknames were represented in categories except onomatopoeia. 63.39%
utilize actual name/nickname/diminutive (example 37). Self character traits were seen in
25.00% (example 38). 19.64% utilized typography and special characters in their
nickname choice (example 39). 11.61% were sex-related (example 40). Famous
people/groups contribute 9.82% (example 41). 8.04% were tagged as belonging to a
“gang” or group (example 42). Age related nicknames appear in 5.36% (example 43).
The category literature, fairy tales, characters from film, plays, and television account for
5.36% (example 44). 4.46% were provocative (example 45). Three categories account
for 3.57% each. These include, place names (example 46), relationships to others
(example 45), and technology related (example 47). Inanimate objects were found in
2.68%, (example 45). Both flora & fauna (example 48), and meta comment on the
anonymity of the medium constitute (example 49) 1.79% each. Four categories
constitute 0.89% each: ethereal, multiple chatters, popular sayings, and social/status
comments.
The 134 of the nicknames of unknown gender were represented in 17 of the 20
categories. Three coding categories were not represented in this grouping, popular
sayings, relationship to others, and technology related. 35.07% show self character traits
in their nicknames (example 50). Typography and special characters were present in
29.85% of the nicknames. 14.93% show provocative comments. Sex-related nicknames
were present in 11.19% (example 51). The category literature, fairy tales, characters
from film, plays, and television account for 8.96%. Two categories account for 5.97%
each, flora & fauna, and social/status comments. Three categories show 5.22% each,
inanimate objects, ethereal, and tagged as belonging to a “gang” or group. 4.48% utilize
famous people/group names. Three categories account for 3.73% each,
name/nickname/diminutive, age related, and meta-comment on the anonymity of the
medium. 2.99% of the nicknames were onomatopoeia. 2.24% were place names.
Finally 0.75% indicated multiple chatters utilizing a single nickname.
Qualitative Results
Avatars
Table 1
Avatars
Female
58
Males
36
With Both Female and Male
3
Unknown Gender
2
Non-Human
4
Graphical
16
Table 2
Female
n = 58
Avatars Totals Percentages
Coy Gaze
39 67.24%
Sexually Suggestive
32 55.17%
Revealing Clothing
24 41.38%
Exaggerated Secondary Sexual
Characteristics
23 39.66%
Combination
18 31.03%
Baggy clothes
17 29.31%
Advertising logos
7 12.07%
Tagged as belonging to a "gang"
or group
4 6.90%
Eyes covered
0 0.00%
Table 3
Male
n = 36
Avatars Totals Percentages
Baggy clothes
30 83.33%
Eyes covered
24 66.67%
Advertising logos
12 33.33%
Exaggerated Secondary Sexual
Characteristics
11 30.56%
Combination
7 19.44%
Revealing Clothing
5 13.89%
Coy Gaze
2 5.56%
Sexually Suggestive
1 2.78%
Tagged as belonging to a "gang"
or group
1 2.78%
Table 4
Female & Male
n = 3
Avatars Totals Percentages
Baggy clothes
3 100.00%
Combination
2 66.67%
Eyes covered
2 66.67%
Revealing Clothing
2 66.67%
Sexually Suggestive
2 66.67%
Coy Gaze
2 66.67%
Exaggerated Secondary Sexual
Characteristics
2 67.00%
Advertising logos
1 33.33%
Tagged as belonging to a "gang"
or group
1 33.33%
Table 5
Unknown Gender
n = 2
Avatars Totals Percentages
Baggy clothes
1 50.00%
Eyes Covered
1 50.00%
Advertising logos
0 0.00%
Combination
0 0.00%
Coy Gaze
0 0.00%
Exaggerated Secondary Sexual
Characteristics
0 0.00%
Revealing Clothing
0 0.00%
Sexually Suggestive
0 0.00%
Tagged as belonging to a "gang"
or group
0 0.00%
Table 6
Non-Human
n = 4
Avatars Totals Percentages
Advertising logos
0 0.00%
Baggy clothes
0 0.00%
Combination
0 0.00%
Coy Gaze
0 0.00%
Exaggerated Secondary Sexual
Characteristics
0 0.00%
Eyes covered
0 0.00%
Revealing Clothing
0 0.00%
Sexually Suggestive
0 0.00%
Tagged as belonging to a "gang"
or group
0 0.00%
Table 7
Graphical
n = 16
Avatars Totals Percentages
Combination
9 56.25%
Tagged as belonging to a "gang"
or group
4 25.00%
Advertising logos
0 0.00%
Baggy clothes
0 0.00%
Coy Gaze
0 0.00%
Exaggerated Secondary Sexual
Characteristics
0 0.00%
Eyes Covered
0 0.00%
Revealing Clothing
0 0.00%
Sexually Suggestive
0 0.00%
Nicknames
Table 8
Nicknames
Female
150
Male
112
Unknown
Gender
134
Table 9
Female
n =150
Nicknames Totals Percentages
Actual name/Nickname
(diminutive)
95 63.33%
Typography
77 51.33%
Self character traits
43 28.67%
Age related
22 14.67%
Sex-related
22 14.67%
Provocative
15 10.00%
Literature, fairy tales, characters
from films, plays, television
13 8.67%
Social/status comments
13 8.67%
Flora & fauna
8 5.33%
Relationships to others
8 5.33%
Inanimate objects
4 2.67%
Famous people/groups
3 2.00%
Ethereal
2 1.33%
Multiple chatters
2 1.33%
Onomatopoeia
2 1.33%
Popular sayings
2 1.33%
Technology related
2 1.33%
Meta comment on the anonymity
of the medium
0 0.00%
Place names
0 0.00%
Tagged as belonging to a "gang"
or group
0 0.00%
Table 10
Male
n = 112
Nicknames Totals Percentages
Actual name/Nickname
(diminutive)
71 63.39%
Self character traits
28 25.00%
Typography
22 19.64%
Sex-related
13 11.61%
Famous people/groups
11 9.82%
Tagged as belonging to a "gang"
or group
9 8.04%
Age related
6 5.36%
Literature, fairy tales, characters
from films, plays, television
6 5.36%
Provocative
5 4.46%
Place names
4 3.57%
Relationships to others
4 3.57%
Technology related
4 3.57%
Inanimate objects
3 2.68%
Flora & fauna
2 1.79%
Meta comment on the anonymity
of the medium
2 1.79%
Ethereal
1 0.89%
Multiple chatters
1 0.89%
Popular sayings
1 0.89%
Social/status comments
1 0.89%
Onomatopoeia
0 0.00%
Table 11
Unknown Gender
n = 134
Nicknames Totals Percentages
Self character traits
47 35.07%
Typography
40 29.85%
Provocative
20 14.93%
Sex-related
15 11.19%
Literature, fairy tales, characters
from films, plays, television
12 8.96%
Flora & fauna
8 5.97%
Social/status comments
8 5.97%
Inanimate objects
7 5.22%
Ethereal
7 5.22%
Tagged as belonging to a "gang"
or group
7 5.22%
Famous people/groups
6 4.48%
Name/Nickname (diminutive)
5 3.73%
Age related
5 3.73%
Meta comment on the anonymity
of the medium
5 3.73%
Onomatopoeia
4 2.99%
Place names
3 2.24%
Multiple chatters
1 0.75%
Popular sayings
0 0.00%
Relationships to others
0 0.00%
Technology related
0 0.00%
Examples
Coy Gaze (Female)
Example 1
Sexually Suggestive (Female)
Example 2
Revealing Clothing (Female)
Example 3
Exaggerated Secondary Sexual Characteristics (Female)
Example 4
Combination (Female)
Example 5
Baggy Clothing (Female)
Example 6
Advertising logos (Female)
Example 7
Tagged as belonging to a “gang” or group (Female)
Example 8
Baggy Clothing (Male)
Example 9
Eyes Obscured (Male)
Example 10
Advertising logos (Male)
Example 11
Exaggerated Secondary Sexual Characteristics
(Male)
Example 12
Combination & Tagged as belonging to a “gang” or
group (Male)
Example 13
Revealing Clothing (Male)
Example 14
Coy Gaze (Male)
Example 15
Sexually Suggestive (Male)
Example 16
Unknown Gender
Example 17
Combination (Unknown Gender)
Example 18
Tagged as belonging to a “gang” or group (Unknown Gender)
Example 19
Example Nickname
20
Kristine
21
*~DeNeLLe~*
22
Ashley ~Pure Sugar~
23
Devil_babygrl_17
24
READY TO SCREW 2 HOT CHICKS
25
*^Prettie Mandy^* *~Jason's Angel~* œAn Angel To
Sum But A Bitch To Othersœ<
26
*~juliet~*(14F)
27
~Buffy~ *Single and looking* *Beauty Runs Within*
28
KITTEN......SOFT,CUDDLY,PLAYFUL,WITHCLAWS
29
Tracey14/Step-DaddysGirl
30
*aShLeIgH* ....DiScOmBoBuLaTeD.... -I Had to Fall to
Lose it All- ^In the End it Doesn't Even Matter^ a.k.a
....::Lil Green Bong::.…
31
~*Twiztid kLown girL*~
32
~§~Prin(c)ess ºf the Night~§~
33
MandyandChristina
34
Lzzy
35
~*Spoiled Brat*~(F)
36
Sugar & Spice (ICQ)
37
RON
38
SoUrBoY420
39
j
øë jøë Death be not prompt Thou so have called me
mighty and dreadful Thou art not so Quote of Children of
Bodom
40
HooTer Lover
41
N
o limit soldie
r
42
Snowboarder Boy Creator of the Hard Core
Snowboarders
43
HOT GUY 16
44
MAKAVELI ***kandi's man 4life******LEADER OF
THA MURDERERS******CO-LEADA OF THA
GANGSTA BOYZ***
45
JaKoB *The Voice In Your Head* *The Super Seeexay
Pieemp* *Burnin Buddies With Sle And Jack* *Weapon
Of Choice Platinum Lighter With DoCkTa JaKoB
Writin On It In Dimonds And A Can Of Gas* *Down
With The Klowns 4 Life* *Body Gaurd Of Sle and
Wizz* *I walk with a lieemp cuz i'm da greatest Pieemp*
*Pieemps in the front freeks in the back push em all into
the cadalacs
46
im alone in dor
47
matt (webcam)
48 k_dog
49 (M)e
50
~Hype~ ~CO-LEADA OF THE 2 RIPPED 4 U CREW~ I HAD
TO FALL TO LOSE TO IT ALL
51 ~spicy~
Discussion & Conclusions
The Bechar-Israeli (1995) coding format was not best suited to this data set. The low
numbers identified show that the adolescents were selecting nicknames from different
realms or with different motivations then the mostly adult IRC participants from whom
the coding scheme was developed. A future challenge will be to develop a scheme that
more closely mirrors this participant group.
In reviewing both the avatar and nickname categories several overarching interpretations
present themselves. Uniker-Sebeok (1996) in her semiotic analysis of magazine
advertising describes ritualized subordination as the female’s pictured adopt posture
which indicate submission to control of others. Adolescent females avatars show this
characteristic in coy gazes, sexually suggestiveness, adopting revealing clothing styles,
idealized bodies (Exaggerated Secondary Sexual Characteristics), and utilizing sex-
related nicknames.
Ware & Stuck (1985) in their content analysis of computer magazines advertisements
found that many stereotypical portrayals were found. Men appear more often then
women; women were relegated to roles as clerical worker or sex object. The current
study shows that sex object identification has continued through avatar and nickname
selection.
Adolescent females also advertise their true selves by utilizing nicknames that advertise
their age, actual name/nickname/diminutive, self character traits, and showing their
originality by utilizing innovative typography in their nicknames.
Umiker-Sebeok (1996) also found that “psychological withdrawal from the social context
(males stay attuned and ready for potential threats to their control of the situation while
females' attention drifts away).” (pg. 3) One common way to signify withdrawal is to
cover the face. In this study male participants showed this characteristic more then
females, distancing and obscuring the self through covered eyes, and baggy clothing.
While the adolescent male must “disconnect, must separate himself, must assert his right
to be distinct,” they also strive to create in group connects as shown through the use of
logos on clothing. (pg.81) (Archer 1993)
Finally adolescent males strive to be known for their true selves in the same way as
adolescent females. The advertise their true selves by using their actual
name/nickname/diminutive, self character traits, and showing their originality by utilizing
innovative typography in their nicknames.
Previous writes including Bruckman (1993), have discussed that participants who adopt
nicknames that do not disclose their gender are often female. In this study it had been
expected that the participants who adopted personas of unknown gender would mirror the
categories used by identified female participants. It was interesting that this expectation
was not born out. Participants in this study mirrored the advertising of the true self, using
both self character traits and typography innovatively. The participants in this group do
take the anonymity of their status to utilize provocative nicknames to challenge and
agitate the chat space.
Implications
The primary implication of this study is that adolescents vary from established research
findings based in adults in chat spaces. Research on adolescents in CMC spaces has been
limited, Thomas (2000) she found through her ethnographic study of children (8 – 15), in
the Palace 3D environment, that are “learning to converse with new semiotic systems,
some of which directly relate to computer programming cues, other are signs of their own
invention, both of which combine to create a new form of text which requires correct
interpretation for inclusively in the cyber world of children.” (pg. 13) Part of this new
semiotic system is bound within and around their developing sense of gender for
themselves, and their expectations of others. Further research is needed to establish how
contact with other adolescents through computer-mediated environments impacts and is
impacted by their personal explorations.
Suggestions for future research
First it appears that nickname selections of adolescents in internet based chat spaces vary
from those of adults in IRC spaces. A coding scheme that more accurately reflects these
participants must be developed.
Of the 119 avatars reviewed for this study only three avatars represented non-white
persons. Two show groups of adolescent males, dressed in hip-hop style and pointing
guns at the viewer. The third is a photo of a famous Hispanic actress who is scantily clad
and shown in a suggestive pose. Additional research is needed to evaluate the
representation of race in adolescent chat spaces.
Additional gender research is suggested by this study. A full semiotic analysis of the
nickname, avatar, HTML formatting, etc as a single unit of analysis may show additional
insight into adolescent behavior in CMC spaces.
The addition of discourse analysis and interviews, and/or ethnographic research to this
study would allow the researcher to evaluate the participants intended messages and the
messages received by avatar and nickname selections.
Finally this study raises research questions relating to the creators of the avatars and those
that maintain the publicly available avatar libraries from which most of the avatars in this
study were selected: What are their genders, how do they make design decisions, what
messages do they perceive are sent by their designs.
Bibliography
1. Archer, Sally L. 1993. Identity in relational contexts: A methodological proposal. In
Discussions on ego identity, edited by Kroger, Jane (Hillsdale NJ: Lawrence
Erlbaum).
2. Bechar-Israeli, Haya. 1995. From <Bonehead> to <cLoNehEAd>: Nicknames,
play, and identity on internet relay chat. Journal of Computer-Mediated
Communication [On-line] 1, no. 2.
3. Bruckman, Amy S. 1993. Gender swapping on the internet. at San Francisco CA.
4. Damer, Bruce. 1998. Avatars! Exploring and building virtual worlds on the
internet. Berkely CA: Peachpit Press.
5. Danet, Brenda. 1998. Text as mask: Gender, play, and performance on the net. In
Cyberspace 2.0, edited by Jones, Steve (Thousand Oaks CA: Sage
Publications).
6. Donath, J., K. Karahalios, and F Viegas. 1999. Visualizing conversation. Journal of
Computer-Mediated Communication [On-line] 4, no. 4.
7. Grodin, Debra and Thomas. R. Lindlof. 1996. The self and mediated
communication. In Constructing the self in a mediated world, edited by
Grodin, Debra and Thomas. R. Lindlof (Thousand Oaks CA: Sage
Publications, Inc.).
8. Jacobson, David. 1999. Impression formation in cyberspace: Online expectations
and offline experience in text-based virtual communities. Journal of
Computer-Mediated Communication [On-line] 5, no. 1.
9. Keller, Rudi. 1998. A theory of linguistic signs. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
10. Kim, Amy Jo. 2000. Community building on the Web: Secret strategies for
successful, online communities. Berkley CA: Peachpit Press.
11. Kolko, Beth E. 1999. Representing bodies in virtual space: The rhetoric of avatar
design. The Information Society 15:177-186.
12. Marcia, James E. 1993. The relational roots of identity. In Discussions on ego
identity, edited by Kroger, Jane (Hillsdale NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum).
13. Marvin, Lee-Ellen. 1995. Spoof, spam, kurk, and lag: The aesthetics of text-based
virtual realities. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication [On-line] 1,
no. 2.
14. McIlvenny, Paul. 2001. Avatars r us? Discourses of community and embodiment in
intercultural cyberspace. Intercultural Communication 1, no. 1.
15. Morahan-Martin, J. 1998. Males, females, and the internet. In Psychology and the
internet, edited by Gackenbach, J. (San Diego CA: Academic Press).
16. Reid, Elizabeth M. 1991. Electropolis: Communication and community on internet
relay chat. Masters Electropolis: Communication and community on
internet relay chat, Department of History, University of Melbourne.
17. Rushkoff, Douglas. 1996. Children of chaos. London: Harper Collins.
18. Sless, David. 1986. In search of semiotics. Beckenham, Kent: Croom Helm.
19. Sobchack, Vivian. 1988. The scene of the screen: Toward a phenomenology of
cinematic and electronic 'presence'. In Materialities of Communication,
edited by Gumbrecht, Hans Ulrich and K. Ludwig Preiffer (Stanford CA:
Stanford University Press).
20. Stone, Allcquere Rosanne. 1991. Will the real body please stand up? Boundary
stories about virtual cultures. In Cyberspace: First steps, edited by Benedikt,
M 5th ed. (Cambridge MA: The MIT Press).
21. Suler, J. 1997. Psychological dynamics of online synchronous conversations in text-
driven chat environments. In Psychology of Cyberspace, edited by Suler, J.
Web-Publishing).
22. Suler, J. 1999. The psychology of avatars and graphical space in multimedia chat
communities (or how I learned to stop worrying and love my Palace props).
In Psychology of Cyberspace, edited by Suler, J. Web-Publishing).
23. Tannen, Debra. 1990. You just don't understand: Women and men in conversation.
New York: William Morrow.
24. Tapscott, Don. 1998. Growing up digital. New York: McGraw-Hill.
25. Thomas, Angela. 2000. Cyber Children: Discursive and subjective practices in the
Palace.
26. Umiker-Sebeok, Jean. 1996. Power and the Construction of Gendered Spaces.
International Review of Sociology 6, no. 3:389-403.
27. Walther, Joseph B. 1999. Visual cues and computer-mediated communication:
Don't look before you leap. 1999, at San Francisco CA.
28. Walther, Joseph B. 2001. Is a picture worth a thousand words? Communication
Research 28, no. 1:105-135.
29. Ware, Mary Catherine and Mary Frances Stuck. 1985. Sex-role messages vis-a-vis
Microcomputer use: A look at the pictures. SexRoles: A journal of research
13, no. 5/6:205-214.
... For example, Ko?odziejczyk (2004), Naruszewicz-Duchli?ska (2003) and Rutkiewicz (1999) offer attempts of description and the classification of usernames in Polish journals. Some examples of classifications are also available in English ( Lev and Lewinsky, 2004;Scheidt, 2001;Bechar-Israeli, 1995). Van Langendonck (2007) and Sidorova (2006) included usernames in their books as part of their topics: as an example of unofficial names in names' typology, and as an aspect of Internet linguistics respectively. ...
... Similarly, pseudonymous usernames might be used to 'protect a CMC user from adverse social reactions' ( Jaffe et al., 1995). 53.2% of users with usernames other than their own surveyed by Swennen (2001: 62) reported anonymity as the main reason for not using real names online; gender swapping as well as gender neutral usernames have been reported, too (Scheidt, 2001;Swennen, 2001). Jaffe et al. (1995) reports a higher tendency to mask gender in female participants than in males. ...
... Usernames are also often etymologically transparent and share with nicknames a number of thematic fields from which they are derived (Van Langendonck, 2007: 301-306;Sidorova, 2006: 95-96;Naruszewicz-Duchli?ska, 2003;Scheidt, 2001;Swennen, 2001: 97-136;Bechar-Israeli, 1995), such as: ...
Thesis
Full-text available
The Internet represents an abundant source material for linguistic research, which continues to pose new challenges and opportunities on how language is used by its speakers. Its personal naming system, for example, has remained largely unexplored. Of the many facets of names on the Internet awaiting closer scrutiny, the phenomenon of usernames is perhaps the most fundamental. This thesis investigates the role they play in online life, the most suitable methods to approach them, and how they compare with the names used offline and where their place is in onomastics in general. With people’s names inevitably connected with one or another aspect of identity, this work focuses on the relationship between usernames and online identities. The data has been gathered from a forum on the Russian-speaking sector of the Internet (RuNet) and comprises all registered usernames (676 at the time of collection) as well as an extensive and methodically selected sample of users’ conversations. As a general analytical framework, it utilises Garfinkel’s (1967) ethnomethodology, which conceptualises identity as a result of the ongoing interaction that people negotiate and achieve in everyday life rather than a set of inherent inner qualities. More specifically, the following methodological tools devised by Sacks (e.g. 1995, 1984a, 1984b) have been used to perform the analysis: Membership Categorisation Analysis (MCA) to categorise the usernames of the forum participants, and Conversation Analysis (CA), to observe how usernames contribute to the construction of individual identities. Finally, the concept of Stance, as presented by Du Bois (2007), has been used as a lens to identify relevant evidence in the conversation samples. The analysis has demonstrated the need for a systematic categorisation of usernames. The way in which they associate sets of attributes, facilitates the allocation of named entities as members of certain categories of persons. Both linguistic and typographic elements of usernames contribute to how they are perceived and what impression they create. It is also argued that usernames have an important role to play in the active and ongoing construction of individual identities. The study concludes that CMC participants operate their usernames as meaningful linguistic devices to construct and co-construct each other’s identities. CA and MCD are confirmed to be relevant methods to analyse onomastic data. This study has generated a reliable body of evidence for the assertion that usernames are far from meaningless, and demonstrates, moreover, how their meanings are established. In so doing, it constitutes an important contribution to onomastic theory with the potential to shed new light on personal naming in general.
... As a particular type of name used for interactions online, it belongs to the broader family of Internet names. Though terminologies vary with respect to Internet names (e.g., nicknames, usernames, pseudonyms, handles), previous studies have centered their discussions on the use of Internet names as an embodiment of the self-representation of identity (Scheidt 2001;Stommel 2007). These studies support van Langendonck's argument that Internet names are chosen based on a psychological motivation of "a personal appraisal of the sound, the image, the length, the attractiveness, or the aesthetic value" (2007, 300) embedded in certain names. ...
... Communicating personal information to others (Jourard 1971), they represent self-disclosure which risks encroachment on privacy (Bazarova and Choi 2014). For participants who adopted usernames which disguised their real names, their obvious concern to de-identify themselves conformed to the findings of previous studies that have revealed a propensity for Internet names being used to disguise one's real identity (Scheidt 2001). On the contrary, the participants were galvanized to communicate the complexity of their cultural identity via usernames. ...
Article
Full-text available
As one of the most popular social networking applications in China, WeChat has recently attracted scholarly attention. To date, these studies have tended to concentrate on how it has been used as a social networking and emerging business model. However, little is known about the practices users follow when selecting usernames on WeChat. Using an onomastic lens, this study addresses this gap by examining 501 WeChat usernames. With data collected through an online survey, this study first investigates categories emerging from the name corpus and explores the reasons behind each of these categories. It then analyzes the sociocultural ramifications embedded within this use of names. As one of the first of its kind, the article provides key insight into how the interplay of online discourse, acquaintance networks, and Chinese culture contribute to the development of this important onomastic phenomenon.
... Based on onomastics, the study of names and name-giving, provocative, relationships to others, personal character traits, sex-related, technologyrelated, typography and special characters. This scheme was applied by Scheidt (2001) when she looked for gender differences in the semiotic significance of the avatars and nicknames adopted by adolescents online, with the addition of six more categories: actual name, diminutive, ethereal, popular sayings, belonging to a gang, and social status comments. ...
... Besides avatars (user's display picture) and written -and more recently multi-modaldiscourse, gender was partly constructed through the choice of nicknames developing a personal performance of femininity or masculinity (Scheidt, 2001). This finding is in line No claims could be made about the first language of the contributors in the present thesis because of the absence of demographic or interview data, but since the language of the tweets is mainly Arabic, more specifically Saudi dialect, it can be assumed that their first language is Arabic. ...
Thesis
Full-text available
This study is motivated by Twitter’s growing popularity as a space where Saudi men and women discuss issues pertaining to their lives without being stigmatised in an otherwise gender-segregated society. It aims to shed light on the multiple perspectives adopted by them to reveal an existing tension between tradition and modernity in SA (Yamani, 2000). Adopting an eclectic qualitative method, I draw from Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) tools to analyse the constellation of discourses that are related to gender and the discursive strategies used as resources for stance taking in a corpus of 1000 unique text-based tweets derived from two selected topical hashtags collected in June, 2015. These two hashtags mark the public reaction to a) newly-announced travel controls for Saudi women and b) statistics about the percentages of unmarried Saudi women. in. The data provides evidence that voices of difference, protest, and dissent regarding women’s rights and their social role are in a dialogic relation with dominant conservative discourses. The analysis reveals that hashtag contributors mainly engage in the evaluation of gendered discourses, epitomised by a predominant Discourse of Patriarchy, and a Discourse of Gender Equality and Human Rights. A Discourse of Patriarchy manifests in two mutually-supporting discourses: a discourse of dominance that privileges men and gives them control over women, and a discourse about the subordination of women. The Discourse of Gender Equality discusses women’s retrieval of their full citizenship status, without the need for guardianship, and an equal social respect for their life choices, including those related to marriage and mobility. While drawing on these discourses, contributors position themselves on a spectrum of conservative (anti-change) and progressive (pro-change) stances. By way of critiquing them, and sometimes, constructing new democratic social worldviews, the contributors show signs of engaging in a form of linguistic intervention to promote social change. Invocations of these discourses were manipulated for the macro-functions of perpetuating, undermining, or transforming existing discriminatory practices against women. Within these macro-strategies, other meso-discursive strategies were employed, namely referential and predicational strategies, assimilation and differentiation, legitimation and delegitimation, intensification and mitigation, and humour. These meso-strategies were fulfilled drawing on linguistic and semantic means including sarcasm, laughter, mock suggestions, comparison, metaphors, etc. I argue that the identified patterns found in the Twitter data reflect as well as facilitate (on the discursive level) an ongoing gradual social change in the Saudi society since the unheard can now be heard and the dominant social practices involving women are being presented for public deliberation. In addition to contributing to the Arabic literature on discourse and gender, this study engages in an act of historicising these changes in SA and provides an assessment of the transformative potential of Twitter.
... Din punct de vedere structural, bibliografia de specialitate (Felecan și Bugheșiu 2013, Bugheșiu 2011, 2012a, 2012b, Lakaw 2006, Langendonck 2007, Scheidt 2001 relevă o serie de particularități specifice numelor de utilizatori: unicitatea, autoatribuirea, caracterul substituibil, atributul multiplicității, dimensiunea variabilă, dar și reflectarea, în numeroase cazuri, a unei identități compensative: "Most users exploit the chance of being makers of their own onomastic destiny by giving themselves a compensative identity in the virtual civil registry" (Felecan și Bugheșiu 2013: 525) 3 . ...
... Din perspectivă semiotică, "numele de utilizatori pot fi percepute ca indici ai identității" (Bugheșiu 2012b: 35) digitale. Relevant în acest sens, putem menționa un alt studiu privind avatarurile și poreclele folosite de adolescenți în mediul online, Avatars and Nicknames in Adolescent Chat Spaces (Scheidt 2001). Rezultatele acestei cercetări subliniază faptul că, în general, adolescenții care comunică în mediul virtual "își promovează identitatea prin folosirea propriilor nume, porecle, diminutive, trăsături de personalitate și își pun în valoare originalitatea prin utilizarea tipografiei inovatoare în poreclele lor" (Scheidt 2001: 21) 4 . ...
... • the need for acceptance by a certain social group and • involvement in a problematic or cultural context of interest. (Bechar-Israeli, 1995;Jens, Schlobinski & Siever, 1998) und erlangte in der Zeit nach der Jahrtausendwende höchste Popularität (Akhrenova, 2009;Aleksiejuk, 2013;Anikina, 2011;Asmus, 2005;Balkunova, 2012;Gatson, 2011;Scheidt, 2001;Schlobinski & Siever, 2019;Whitty & Buchanan, 2010 Runkehl, P. Schlobinski und T. Siever durchgeführt wurde (Jens et al., 1998). Das Thema bekam eine Weiterentwicklung in den Untersuchungen von Nicknamen im Onlineforum zu Essstörungen (Stommel, 2007), im ICQ-Messenger (Kaziaba, 2013), in Online-Spielen wie World of Warcraft, World of Tanks (Kaziaba, 2016), im Sozialnetz Twitter und im Chatportal PlanetRomeo (Gkoutzourelas, 2015 Jugendalter ist in der deutschen Sprache eher ein Bestandteil der Alltagssprache (Wischmann, 2010, S. 32). ...
... The above questions have prompted many academicians to conduct observations regarding this issue. Some of them are Acquisti, Gross, and Stutzman (2011), Boyd (2010), Boyd, Hargittai, Schultz, and Palfrey, (2011), De Koster and Houtman (2008, Ellison, Heino, and Gibbs (2006), Ellison, Hancock and Toma (2012), Lev andLewinsky (2004), Nakamura, (1999), Scheidt (2001), Ashirova et.al (2016), Gonibeed (2014), Starks (---), and many others. ...
Article
Full-text available
This study investigates nicks (nicknames) of Facebook users (Facebookers). It specifically reveals the process of how Facebookers associate themselves with their nicknames and with all things around them. This study also finds out the factors that contribute to the choice of Facebookers to use their nicknames. This study uses sociolinguistic to approach the data. The data were obtained by using content analysis method. The data analysis method used to analyze the data was the Correlation Method with referents as the determining elements. The result of the study shows that there are personal identities associated to the nicknames used by Facebook users. It also shows that the uses of the nicknames by the Facebook users are influenced by their personal fancies (personal labelization). Besides, there are fifteen factors contributing to the choices of nicks (nicknames) by Facebook users, five major reasons that caused the informants to create the unique nicks and three issues which can be summarized related to personal autolabelization phenomena.
... Beberapa diantaranya adalah Alder (1978), Acquisti, Gross, dan Stutzman (2011), Boyd (2010dan 2011), Boyd, Hargittai, Schultz, dan Palfrey, (2011), Chandler & Roberts-Young. (1998), Chandler (1998, De Koster dan Houtman (2008), Ellison, Heino, dan Gibbs (2006), Ellison, Hancock dan Toma (2012), Lev dan Lewinsky (2004), Nakamura, (1999, Scheidt (2001), dan masih banyak lagi lainnya. Sayangnya, meskipun topic identitas telah seringkali dikaji dan diungkap di public, dan identitas dari persona dapat diklasifikasikan ke dalam wacana "publik," mereka tampaknya telah diabaikan dalam dunia penelitian linguistik. ...
Conference Paper
Full-text available
Abstrak Artikel ini mendiskusikan nick (nama julukan) dari pengguna facebook '(facebooker'). Alasan dipilihnya nick sebagai subjek kajian ini didasarkan pada fakta bahwa meskipun nick facebooker dapat diklasifikasikan ke dalam wacana "publik," mereka tampaknya telah diabaikan dalam dunia penelitian linguistik. Artikel ini secara khusus menjelaskan proses bagaimana facebooker mengasosiasikan diri melalui nick mereka dengan sesuatu yang ada di sekitar mereka, serta faktor-faktor yang berkontribusi terhadap pemilihan nick para facebooker. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan sosiolinguistik dan membatasi data pada nick yang digunakan oleh teman-teman facebook penulis. Data diperoleh dengan menggunakan metode observasi nonpartisipan melalui teknik catat. Metode analisis data yang digunakan adalah Metode Korelasi dengan Teknik Pilah Unsur Penentu dengan Unsur penentunya adalah referen. Hasil analisis data menunjukkan empat hal, yaitu: (1) nick facebooker dapat diklasifikasikan menjadi 19 macam identitas asosiatif hipotetis, (2) terdapat inovasi alasan pemakaian nick yang semula disebabkan karena proses ascribed (keturunan) dan achieved (kerja keras) sekarang menjadi disebabkan oleh kemauan personal (otolabelisasi persona), (3) ditemukan 7 faktor besar dan beberapa faktor keci; yang memotivasi anggota kelompok ini menggunakan nick, (4) nick facebooker tidak selalu dapat diasumsikan sebagai ekspresi egalitarian; tetapi juga sebagai penunjuk terhadap ekspresi dependensi personal yang berciri khas. Kata kunci: Identitas, nama panggilan, Facebookers, teori hipotetis, asosiatif PENDAHULUAN Identitas mencakup cara kita berpikir tentang diri kita sendiri dan peran kita dalam lingkungan sosial yang lebih besar. Tidak ada manusia di dunia ini yang tidak memiliki identitas. Identitas akan selalu ditunjukkan oleh seseorang atau kelompok masyarakat dalam segenap interaksi sosial mereka dengan orang lain serta dalam setiap proses pengakuan diri seseorang atau kelompok masyarakat akan hubungannya dengan seseorang atau kelompok masyarakat yang lain. Satu identitas dapat dipahami sebagai sebuah persona yang memiliki ciri pembeda (baik itu fisik maupun pengalaman seperti alur hidup pribadi seseorang), serta komponen yang terkait dengan peran seseorang dalam kelompok sosial, seperti cara kita berinteraksi dengan orang lain (termasuk juga dalam komunitas online yang sedang kita bicarakan). Selain dua hal di atas, sebuah identitas dapat dipahami sebagai sebuah karakter yang menjadi atribut (julukan, gelar, penciri, dll) dari sebuah individu maupun kelompok masyarakat. Karakteristik identitas ini dapat dilekatkan pada tubuh, seperti jenis kelamin atau etnis, atau rekam jejak alur hidup seperti riwayat pendidikan atau afiliasi politik yang kita pilih. Besar kecilnya perspektif kita untuk menilai diri kita serta melihat peran kita dalam lingkungan sosial yang lebih besar, dapat berpengaruh
... site, where women and men post photographs of themselves to be rated and commented on by others, female images are more sexually provocative, and more likely to attract comments about physical appearance, than are male images, which are more likely to be humorous or deliberately offensive in their presentation (Bella, 2001). In both of the above cases, photographs of the actual individuals seem mostly to be involved, although graphical avatars in chat environments display similar tendencies when users represent themselves with photographs of famous people or cartoon images (Kolko, 1999;Scheidt, 2001). ...
Article
Full-text available
Indiana University
Article
Full-text available
The paper aims to explore the Internet nickname as a main anthroponymic unit of Internet communication, an integral part of a virtual personality, and an outcome of complex psycholinguistic processes of self-naming. An overview of key studies of this phenomenon leads the author to conclude that it still lacks proper theoretical grounding, which is largely due to its specific properties that impede research. The article focuses on the issues that arise at the stage of material selection. The main points for discussion were suggested both by the analysis of existing research on the topic, as well as empirical data collected during almost ten years of anthroponymic studies of German-language virtual communication. The first issue relates to the necessity of using external sources (users’ personal data, their social media imprint) for reliable analysis and interpretation of nicknames. Thereby, the paper argues the relevance of content and discourse analysis for studying virtual personality, as well as interviewing the users to obtain a comprehensive research file. Since random sampling remains the key method for selecting factual material, the question persists about the sufficient amount of the data. The article highlights the solutions proposed by different researchers and gives sociolinguistic groundings to the minimal number of data that ensures a representative sample of aliases. Finally, the question of the choice of sources is raised. The author concludes that an unconditional trend in anthroponymic research of nicknames is the study of units within one specific Internet service.
Article
Full-text available
This paper examines the recent emergence of visions of globalised virtual communities who inhabit graphical versions of cyberspace implemented on the Internet. Often it is claimed that geography, nationality, 'race' and gender (are) no longer matter in these novel domains. In regard to the contemporary debates over the nature of intercultural communication, the paper considers how human communication is envisaged in these so-called transcultural 'virtual communities', whether the pervasive troubles of 'off-line' intercultural communication are really transcended 'online', and how participants shape their talk and language use to constitute their virtual intercultural encounters. Lastly, the role of graphical avatar embodiments for participants who communicate a 'virtual ethnicity' to others is analysed in a particular setting. The focus is on our changing conceptions and practices of, as well as relations between identity, community and embodiment in intercultural cyberspace.
Chapter
Full-text available
Visual chat is a simple way to describe them, although they have gone by a variety of other names, such as multimedia chat, GMUKS (graphical multiuser konversations), and " habitats " , a term coined by Randy Farmer, the first to invent them. They are something of a cross between a MOO and a traditional chat room. As social environments, they are unique in that they are graphical. Rather than limiting users to text-only communications, as in most chat rooms, multimedia programs add a visual dimension that creates the illusion of movement, space, and physicality. It allows people to express their identity visually, rather than just through written words. The result is a whole new realm for self-expression and social interaction with subtleties and complexities not seen in text-only chat rooms. One excellent example of a multimedia environment is the client/server program called the " Palace ". There are basically two visual components to this environment. The first is the backdrop or " room " in which people interact with each other. There are hundreds of Palace sites located across the inter-net, many with their own unique graphical themes for the collection of rooms that make up the site (e.g., a bowling alley, a futuristic Cybertown, a haunted house, etc.). The oldest and one of the most populated sites is the " Main Mansion " (or simply " Main ") which has consisted of approximately 30 rooms, including a bar, a game room, bedrooms, a study, a beach, a moor, and several surrealistic scenes, such as the orbit of an alien planet and an underground cave that looks like Hades. Users can move freely within and between the rooms. Like characters in comic strips, you communicate with others via typed text that appears in balloons that pop out from your head or body. Head? Body? This is the second visual feature of Palace: " avatars " or " props ". Although these words often are used interchangeably, there is a slight distinction in the minds' of some users. Avatars refer to pictures, drawings, or icons that users choose to represent themselves. Props are objects that users may add to their avatars (say, a hat or cigar) or place into the Palace room or give to another person (say, a glass of beer or a bouquet of flowers). In this article, I will use the terms interchangeably. Inspired by Scott McCloud's concept of " masking " in comics, Jim Bumgard-2 ner, the creator of Palace, believed that avatars enable people to maintain partial anonymity – which allows them to loosen up a bit. It's like going to a masquerade party. Seated behind their masks, people feel more free to say and do what they please. No doubt, the avatar-driven lifestyle at the Palace sets up a self-selection process that determines which users decide to stay, and in some cases almost live there. People who love graphics – and especially those who love costumes and masks – often make Palace their home away from home. This anonymity is very different than that found in text-only chat environments , where only the name you have chosen publicizes your online identity. At the Palace, you also have a costume. Wearing a costume at a real-life party does indeed filter out many of the physical features of your identity. You are somewhat " anonymous ". But the costume also symbolically highlights aspects of who you are. It amplifies one of your interests, some facet of your personality or lifestyle, or something you wish for. As we will see, the same is true of avatars in a multimedia community.
Article
Full-text available
This article asks whether, and when, participants benefit from seeing each other's faces in computer-mediated communication. Although new technologies make it relatively easy to exchange images over the Internet, our formal understanding of their impacts is not clear. Some theories suggest that the more one can see of one's partners, the better one will like them. Others suggest that long-term virtual team members may like each other better than would those who use face-to-face interaction. The dynamic underlying this latter effect may also pertain to the presentation of realistic images compared with idealized virtual perceptions. A field experiment evaluated the timing of physical image presentations for members of short-term and long-term virtual, international groups. Results indicate that in new, unacquainted teams, seeing one's partner promotes affection and social attraction, but in long-term online groups, the same type of photograph dampens affinity.
Article
Introduction: Signs in Everyday Life PART I: TWO NOTIONS OF SIGNS 1. Plato's Instrumental Notion of Signs 2. Aristotle's Representational Notion of Signs 3. Frege's Representational Notion of Signs PART II: SEMANTICS AND COGNITION 5. Conceptual Realism versus Conceptual Relativism 6. Types of Concepts versus Types of Rules 7. Expression and Meaning PART II: SIGN EMERGENCE 8. Basic Techniques of Interpretation 9. Inferential Procedures 10. Arbitrariness versus Motivatedness PART IV: SIGN METAMORPHOSIS 11. Iconification and Symbolification 12. Metaphorization, Metonymization and Lexicalization 13. Literal and Metaphorical Sense 14. Rationality and Implicatures PART V: THE DIACHRONIC DIMENSION 15. Costs and Benefits of the Metaphoric Technique 16. The Metaphoric Use of Modal Verbs 17. The Epistemic Weil Summary