Conference PaperPDF Available

Buen- -- Buena Gente: Repair in the Spanish of the Southwest

Authors:

Abstract

Repair is a phenomenon which we witness every day, consciously or unconsciously, as we interact in conversations. Repair has been defined as the phenomenon in which an emerging utterance is truncated and then restarted or continued with some alteration in the syntactic form, if only including repetition of the repaired segment (Fox & Jasperson 1995, Sanchez-Ayala 2003). There are different types of repair. In replacing repair, an emerging word is truncated and a different word is used in its place. In recycling repair with modification, some parts of the repaired segment are repeated but other parts are replaced or modified (Fox & Jasperson 1995, Schegloff 1979). Another common type of repair is pure recycling (Sanchez-Ayala 2003). In pure recycling, the repaired segment (the word that is truncated and restarted) and the repairing segment involve the same lexical item(s).
Buen- -- Buena Gente:
Repair in the Spanish of the Southwest
Paul Edmunds
University of New Mexico
1. Introduction
Repair is a phenomenon which we witness every day, consciously or unconsciously, as we interact
in conversations. Repair has been defined as the phenomenon in which an emerging utterance is
truncated and then restarted or continued with some alteration in the syntactic form, if only including
repetition of the repaired segment (Fox & Jasperson 1995, Sanchez-Ayala 2003). There are different
types of repair. In replacing repair, an emerging word is truncated and a different word is used in its
place. In recycling repair with modification, some parts of the repaired segment are repeated but other
parts are replaced or modified (Fox & Jasperson 1995, Schegloff 1979). Another common type of
repair is pure recycling (Sanchez-Ayala 2003). In pure recycling, the repaired segment (the word that
is truncated and restarted) and the repairing segment involve the same lexical item(s). Examples 1 and
2 below show two instances of pure recycling, the focus of the present paper.
(1) Oh es -- es-- Colorado es otro estado. [10-8A, 119-120]
'Oh it’s – it’s – Colorado is another state.'
(2) No entendía inglés pero en- -- entendí lo que ella me dijo y todo. [10-8A, 354-355]
'I didn’t understand English but I un- -- I understood what she told me and everything.'
Example 1 shows a case of pure recycling appearing between two completed words, a
phenomenon sometimes called a repeat (Maclay & Osgood 1959). In this case, an entire lexical item is
uttered and then repeated completely. Example 2 is an instance of recycling occurring within the word
in progress, often referred to as a false start (Altmann 1997, Maclay & Osgood 1959). In this case, the
word in progress is truncated at some point and subsequently reformulated completely immediately
after the truncation. In both cases, the particular stretch of discourse in question has often been
considered a disfluency which may or may not inhibit the comprehension of the listener (Altmann,
1997, Clark & Wasow 1998, Fox Tree 1995, Maclay & Osgood 1959). The idea of repair as a
‘disfluency’ is not, of course, held by everyone, as we will see further on.
The present study will consider instances of pure recycling at the single word level to determine
which parts of speech are most commonly involved in repair. This study hopes to make an important
contribution to the field of linguistics by showing how patterns of repair occur at a more micro- (word)
level and in a language which has received little attention regarding this phenomenon, Spanish.
Research has been done on repair examining the syntactic level of the repaired segment. A study
of repair in Madrileño Spanish (Sanchez-Ayala 2003) found that recycled segments most frequently
appear locally. That is, repair occurs within phrasal constituents rather than repairing back to the
beginning of the main clause in progress. In addition, Sanchez-Ayala found that prepositional phrases
most frequently undergo repair, followed by verbal complexes, postverbal NP arguments and to a
much lesser extent adjective and adverbial phrases.
* Thanks to Catherine Travis who provided valuable direction on a previous version of this paper, and the two
anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments.
© 2006 Paul Edmunds. Selected Proceedings of the 8th Hispanic Linguistics Symposium, ed. Timothy L. Face
and Carol A. Klee, 204-213. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project.
Fox and Jasperson (1995) also found that repair is not chaotic but rather has syntactic
organization. These researchers argue that, as syntax is created during the course of conversation,
syntax must allow for the possibility of seemingly ‘ungrammatical’ segments and thus, repair. In
addition, Fox and Jasperson (1995) found that repair in copular verb constructions behaves differently
than in regular verb phrases in that repair involving copulas seems to have no significant constraints
while regular verb phrases normally experience repair back to the beginning of the finite clause.
In a cross-linguistic study comparing repair at the syntactic level in English and Japanese, Fox et
al. (1995) note that the language in question organizes repair according to its own syntactic constraints
and furthermore the speakers of the languages use repair interactionally for specific purposes. Thus,
different languages may show different patterns of repair but should not show random treatment of the
phenomenon. Again, repair is not seen as a disfluency but rather is used as a strategy to achieve
interactional goals.
Finally, a study by Maclay and Osgood (1959), which looked at the kinds of words involved in
repair, found that false starts (i.e., repair occurring within a word) generally involve lexical items (i.e.,
nouns and verbs) whereas repetitions of a single word, or “repeats” (i.e., repair occurring between
words) is generally found in function words (i.e., prepositions and articles). Maclay and Osgood
(1959) found that 71% of the repair in their study involved a single word, while only 17% involved
more than one word and the remainder involved only a single phoneme or syllable. In addition, these
researchers found that repair generally occurs between constituents rather than within one constituent.
The present study analyzes repair in the form of pure recycling in the Spanish of the southwestern
United States, an area where Spanish/English bilingualism is prevalent. As such, this study, although
centered on repair in Spanish, can add some cross-linguistic evidence to the literature on repair by
analyzing instances in which repair precedes the use of an English-origin word, either through code-
switching or borrowing. Silva-Corvalán (2001:272) has noted that use of an English word while
speaking in Spanish can be the result of the necessity of filling a lexical gap. She argues that the use of
an item in the non-matrix language may be utilized because the word being searched for in the matrix
language is infrequent and therefore difficult to access. To lower the cognitive processing load, then,
the speaker may use a word from the non-matrix language (Silva-Corvalán 2001:290). Silva-Corvalán
(2001:272) also notes that the use of the non-matrix item may be realized because that item is more
specific, precise or more transparent than any available word in the matrix language. The present study
will consider these factors when looking at instances of the use of English words incorporated into the
matrix language, Spanish, and examine if a higher instance of repair occurs in these situations.
As noted earlier, much of the previous research on repair has been done at a larger, syntactic level.
The present study is based primarily at the word level in order to investigate the types of words which
are involved in pure recycling, thus providing an opportunity to study this phenomenon at a more
micro level. Repair at the single word level was adopted for this study as an initial count of repair in
the southwestern data (New Mexico-Colorado Spanish Survey, Bills & Vigil 1999) revealed that
approximately 75% of all repair involved a single word, roughly the same percentage that Maclay and
Osgood (1959) found in their study with English data. In particular, the study seeks to determine if
function words or lexical items are most commonly involved in repair in southwestern Spanish and if
these words conform to a closed class list or an open class list. In addition, the study will examine if
the repair occurs more frequently between two words or within a word and how often repair precedes
the use of the non-matrix language. Through analyses of these variables, the study will also seek to
determine if a pattern for repair at the word level exists and, if so, will try to answer the question of
what motivates this pattern.
2. Methodology
Interviewee responses from six interviews from the New Mexico-Colorado Spanish Survey
(NMCOSS, Bills & Vigil 1999) were analyzed for occurrences of repair in the form of same-turn,
single-word pure recycling. The 16 data files for these six interviews totaled approximately 21,000
words, excluding interviewer speech. The interview format of the data produced guided yet informal
conversations between the interviewer and interviewee. The interviewees in these conversations are all
native speakers of Spanish who, in many cases, also demonstrate a high level of English proficiency.
205
The interviewees represent three men and three women ranging from 45 to 88 years of age. The
speakers received between two and sixteen years of education and worked mainly in the home or in
working-class occupations. The interviews of the NMCOSS took place in a wide variety of areas
across New Mexico and Colorado, however only New Mexican data is represented here.
A total of 271 instances of pure recycling repair from the interviewees were coded in Excel and
analyzed. These tokens were found by loading the corpus files into Monoconc (a concordance program
useful for drawing frequency distributions) and searching for truncation markers in the corpus data. In
addition to coding for part of speech (POS), the number of syllables in the repairing word were coded
to determine the typical length of words involved in repair and to investigate the question of why a
word would be more or less likely to experience constituent-internal repair. Furthermore, the
constituent space of the repair was coded as either within the word or between words. For instance (3)
was coded as constituent-internal whereas (4) was coded as occurring between constituents. Finally,
instances of use of an English-origin word occurring immediately after or nearly immediately after an
instance of repair were also coded to analyze how often instances of pure recycling precede the use of
the non-matrix language.
(3) Hac- -- hacían mucha ropa.
'They ma- -- they made a lot of clothes.' [144-3A2, 008-009]
(4) Yo nunca – nunca tomé el curso.
'I never took the course.' [102-1A1, 222-223]
To be able to understand the percentages of repair by POS, it was necessary to determine how
many words by POS were actually present in the data. To do so, a sample of the interviewee only data
from the 16 corpus files was created by loading all 16 data files into Monoconc and obtaining the
frequency distribution of all words in the corpus. The results of the word frequency distribution were
arranged in order of most frequently occurring to least frequently occurring. These results were then
saved as a text file and imported into Excel. In Excel, the sample was limited to words that appeared in
the corpus at least 5 times. Of the 21,278 total words in the corpus, the number of individual words
with a frequency of appearance of at least five, including verb conjugations, was 375. These 375 words
accounted for 11,591 total words in the corpus, or 54.5% of the corpus data. These 375 words were
then coded in Excel for POS and later used to compare the frequency of instances of repaired words to
non-repaired words by POS (See Table 1). Words excluded from coding were those which could not
be ascertained for POS by examining the words independent of their context. Examples of excluded
words are chiquitas (which could be an adjective or a plural noun) and trabajo (which could be a noun
or verb). Furthermore, discourse markers such as ahm, mhm, and eh were not included in the study.
3. Results
Table 1 shows the distribution of the repair by part of speech. To be able to compare the number
of words repaired by POS, the number of words not involved in repair is included, as is the combined
total of repaired and non-repaired tokens. The percentage of repair by POS, arranged from most to
least frequently occurring, is listed in the far right column.
206
Part of Speech Repaired N
Repaired N not
repaired Total %
repaired
Preposition 61 1493 1554 3.9
que (relativizer, question, subjunctive) 19 508 527 3.6
Article 38 1160 1198 3.2
Adverb 63 1986 2049 3.1
Possessive Pronoun 6 202 208 2.9
Conjunction 35 1475 1510 2.3
Subject Pronoun 8 492 500 1.6
Copula 3 268 271 1.1
Adjective 8 719 727 1.1
Verb 19 1743 1762 1.1
(Reflexive) Clitic Pronoun 5 699 704 0.7
Noun 6 1095 1101 0.5
Total 271 11840 12111 2.2
Table 1: Distribution of repair by POS repaired1
Table 2 shows the parts of speech repaired and their appearance either word-initially or between
words. This table also includes the average number of syllables per word for each POS. Table 2 is
organized by the frequency of occurrences of repair between words, from most frequently to least
frequently occurring.
Part of Speech Repaired N
Repaired # Between %
Between # Within % Within Avera
g
e #
syllables
Conjunction 35 35 100.0 0 0.0 1.1
que (rel., question, subj) 19 19 100.0 0 0.0 1
Adverb 63 58 92.1 5 7.9 1.4
Preposition 61 55 90.2 6 9.8 1.1
Article 38 34 89.5 4 10.5 1.1
Subject Pronoun 8 7 87.5 1 12.5 1.6
Possessive Pronoun 6 5 83.3 1 16.7 1
(Reflexive) Clitic Pronoun 5 4 80.0 1 20.0 1
Copula 3 2 66.7 1 33.3 1
Verb 19 8 42.1 11 57.9 3
Adjective 8 0 0.0 8 100.0 1.9
Noun 6 0 0.0 6 100.0 2.8
Total 271 227 44
1.5
Table 2: Distribution of repair by place in word
Table 3, included in section 4.3, shows instances of repair preceding the use of an English-origin
word, by way of code-switching or borrowing.
1 Only one case of repair involving a past participle was found (hecha). That entry was included with the category
of adjectives. Similarly, the one occurrence of repair in a demonstrative subject pronoun (ése) was included with
the category of subject pronouns.
207
4. Discussion
4.1. Analysis by POS repaired
One striking result seen in Table 1 is the small amount of single-word pure recycling present in
the data. Only a total of 2.2% of all the interviewee corpus data is involved in single-word repair.
Table 1 also shows that, in general, the amount of repair can be divided by categories of content and
function words and that only the function words (prepositions, que, articles, adverbs,2 possessive
pronouns, and conjunctions) represent over 2% of repair by POS. In the following section a further
analysis of function and content word items involved in repair will be treated.
4.1.1. Repair in function words (closed-class items)
Table 1 shows that the parts of speech with the highest frequency of repair are all function words:
prepositions (3.9%), que (3.6%), articles (3.2%), adverbs (3.1%), possessive pronouns (2.9%),
conjunctions (2.3%), and so on. Function words are more grammaticized in that they are more
frequent, generalized and abstract. They also are smaller constituents which project larger constituents
like nouns and verbs. The six aforementioned function words alone represent 222 of the 271 instances
of repair in the study, or 82%. Below examples of repair attested in some of the more frequently
repaired function words are given, beginning with the most frequently occurring items.
Prepositions (N=61)
(5) Por ejemplo en -- en el valle era el.. Día de San Miguel. [144-3B2, 496-497]
'For example in – in the valley it was St. Michael’s Day.'
(6) Pero yo estaba muy contenta haciéndolo por -- por mis hermanos. [117-1A3, 378-379]
'But I was very happy doing it for – for my brothers.'
Prepositions accounted for the greatest amount of repair by POS (3.9%) and show a tendency for
repair between words (90.2%, see Table 2). This tendency for repair between words is most likely due
to their highly monosyllabic nature as seen by their low average number of syllables (1.4).
Articles (N=38)
(7) Ese me trujo también un -- un canasto. [10-8A, 534-535]
'That one also brought me a – a big basket.'
(8) Y ése -- ése sí está traducido en inglés y en español. [102-3A2, 238-239]
'A that one – that one is translated into English and into Spanish.'
Articles were frequently involved in repair (3.2%). Again their tendency for repair between words
(89.5%) was due to their nearly monosyllabic nature (average number of syllables = 1.1).
Adverbs (N=63)
(9) Yo nunca -- nunca tomé el= .. curso. [102-1A1, 222-223]
'I never – never took the= .. course.'
(10) Nunca hemos tenido una tradición como -- como= muchos países tienen tradiciones. [144-
4B2, 122-123]
'We’ve never had a tradition like – like= a lot of countries have traditions.'
2 In the present data, all of the tokens of adverbs found to participate in repair are function words (i.e., cuando,
donde, no, ya)
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Adverbs accounted for 3.1% of single-word repair. In total, 92.1% of adverbs showed repair
between words, although their average number of syllables per word was only 1.4.
Conjunctions (N=42)
(11) Vinieron entre los primeros pobladores porque -- porque los perseguían. [144-4B2, 435-436]
'They came among the first settlers because – because they were being persecuted.'
(12) Pasteles y= cositas así y -- y también algunas veces un poco más. [144-3B2, 294-295]
'Cakes and= little things like that and – and also sometimes a little more.'
Conjunctions accounted for 2.3% and showed 100% of all instances of repair between words, due
again to their highly monosyllabic nature (average number of syllables = 1.1).
To summarize, function words accounted for 238 of the 271 cases of repair in the present data, or
87.8%. Of these 238 function words involved in repair, 92% occurred between words. The average
number of syllables per word for function words was 1.1.
4.1.2. Repair in content words (open-class items)
Of all of the tokens of repair in the study, only 12.2% are content words. Of these 33 tokens, 25
experience word-internal repair (75.8%). The average syllable length of the content words involved in
repair is 2.6. Below are examples of repair for the open-class items found in the NMCOSS data: verbs,
adjectives and nouns. Repair in copular constructions with the verb ser is also included in this section.
Verbs (N=19)
(13) Hac- -- hacían mucha ropa. [144-3A2, 008-009]
'They ma- -- they made a lot of clothes.'
(14) En- -- Entiendo más de lo que hablo. [20-1A1, 324-325]
'I un- -- I understand more than I speak.'
As can be seen in Table 1, verbs were rarely involved in recycling, appearing only 1.1% of the
time compared to their non-repaired usage. Their higher syllable count (average = 3, see Table 2) lent
this word type to a higher amount of word-internal repair (57.9%).
Copula ser (N=3)
(15) Pero el Antonio me acuerdo que era -- era medio abogadito tambíen. [144-4A2, 183-184]
'But I remember that Antonio he was – he was sort of a little lawyer too.'
(16) Oh es -- es-- Colorado es otro estado. [10-8A, 119-120]
'Oh it is – it is – Colorado is another state.'
(17) Nuestra fe e- e- es una cosa im- -- [144-4B2, 095]
'Our faith i- i- is something in- --'
Two of the three copular constructions with ser showed repair between words (examples 15 and
16) while one instance of repair occurred word-internally (example 17). Again, the monosyllabic
nature of these tokens favors between-word repair, although word-internal repair is possible and does
occur in monosyllabic words. Due to the small amount of tokens of repaired copular constructions, it is
not possible to comment on the findings by Fox and Jasperson (1995) that copular repair does not tend
to follow any certain patterns. However it is interesting to note that only three instances of repair
209
involving the copula ser were encountered, far fewer than the number of main verbs which were
involved in repair.
Adjectives (N=8)
(18) Oh= los p- -- primero por supuesto. [144-4B2, 148-149]
'Oh= the f- -- first ones of course.'
(19) Pues ahí estaba .. li- -- libre. [144-3B2, 146-147]
'Well there he was .. fr- -- free.'
As with the verbs, adjectives also showed only 1.1% of involvement in repair compared to the
number of adjectives which did not undergo repair. Interestingly, adjectives showed 100% occurrence
of repair within words even though their average number of syllables was quite low (1.9). Only three
of the eight adjectives involved in repair were monosyllabic (dos, tres).
Nouns (N=6)
(20) Eran todos ho- -- hombres. [20-1A1, 238-239]
'They were all me- -- men.'
(21) Y cuando mis he- -- hermanos vinían en la escuela, ellos comían. [117-1A3, 231-232]
'And when my bro- -- brothers came from school, they would eat.'
As we saw above in the adjectives, nouns too showed 100% of repair word-internally, although
their average syllable count was more similar to that of verbs (2.8 syllables/word).
4.2. Summary of POS and place of repair
Function words show the highest frequency of repair and the most instances of repair between
words. Of the function words, 219 of 238 experience repair between words, or 92%. This figure,
however, is not surprising when considering that the average syllable length of these function words is
1.1. The monosyllabic nature of the words obviously does not lend itself well to creating repair within
a word. Although repair word-internally was found to be possible, it was quite rare. Furthermore, the
low semantic value of function words may allow the speaker a more convenient opportunity to stall for
time and plan the following segment of speech before arriving to the semantically heavier words. This
may suggest that function words, as smaller constituents, are used as an ideal place for a speaker to
select or plan the following, larger constituents such as nouns and verbs. Further investigation on this
topic could address this possibility from a cognitive standpoint more directly.
When examining the content words, we see that 24.2% of repair appears between words. Of the 25
verbs, adjectives and nouns involved in repair, 75.8% of the instances of repair occur word-internally.
For verbs, we see that just over half of all repair was found within the word in progress (11/19, or
58%) and for adjectives and nouns, every occurrence of repair was found word-internally (8/8 and 6/6,
respectively). I propose that repair is found more word-internally in the case of nouns, verbs and
adjectives because they are longer when considering the syllable length. The average syllable length of
the nouns, verbs and adjectives together was 2.6. Clearly, there is more phonetic and morphological
substance to these words and therefore they have a higher possibility to experience repair word-
internally.
210
4.3 Repair preceding use of an English-origin word
Considering the strongly bilingual population of the southwestern United States, and in large part
of the speakers represented in this study, it is important to consider how repair interacts with bilingual
linguistic phenomena such as code-switching and borrowing. That is, does repair occur frequently in
situations in which the speaker works between both Spanish and English? Thus, the frequency of
single-word pure-recycling preceding the use of an English-origin word, either in the form of code-
switching or borrowing, was studied (Table 3).
Part of Speech Repaired English-Origin Word
Preposition 3
Article 3
Adverb 1
Conjunction 1
Verb 1
Possessive Pronoun 0
Subject Pronoun 0
Copula 0
Adjective 0
(Reflexive) Clitic Pronoun 0
Noun 0
Total 9
Table 3: Repair preceding an English-origin word
Clearly there are few instances in which repair preceded the use of an English-origin word (only 9
cases of the 271 cases of repair analyzed, or 3.3%). Prepositions and articles, once repaired, each
preceded 3 occurrences of an English-origin word, while adverbs, conjunctions and verbs preceded
only one instance each. The nine cases of repair involving a subsequent English-origin word or phrase
are seen below. Note that only two of the six speakers exhibited this phenomenon and, furthermore,
seven of the nine cases (77.8%) were uttered by the same speaker. The nine cases of repair preceding
an English-origin word are shown below in examples 22-30.
(22) Pero pronto pescas el – el lingo no? [102-1A1, 241-242]
'But soon you catch the – the lingo you know?'
(23) Yo gradé del -- del high school no? [102-2B1, 092-093]
'I graduated from – from high school, you know?'
(24) Porque teníamos munchos ah -- munchos ahmneighbors. [117-1A2, 102-104]
'Because we had lots ah – lots ah – neighbors.'
(25) El -- el language de ellos era .. inglés. [117-1A2, 178-179]
'The – the language of theirs was .. English.'
(26) Tenían su class de—de—de—de bilingual. [117-1A2, 398-401]
'They had their - - - - bilingual class.'
(27) Ya el eh -- el eh -- Ronny and Leroy were already in high school. [117-1A3, 518-519]
'Already the eh – the eh – Ronny and Leroy were already in high school.'
211
(28) Que – que nunca I never gave up. [117-1A3, 616-617]
'That – that never I never gave up. '
(29) Porque tuve – tuve three girls. [117-1A3, 640-641]
'Because I had – I had three girls.'
(30) En – en – ah=, nineteen eighty five. [117-1A3, 663-665]
'In – in – ah=, nineteen eighty five.'
As noted earlier, Silva-Corvalán (2001) has proposed that use of an English-origin word may be
motivated by the existence of a lexical gap in the matrix language or for psycholinguistic factors such
as difficulty in remembering a low frequency word in language A and therefore using a word from
language B as a way to reduce the cognitive load involved in producing the utterance. Furthermore, a
speaker may use an English-origin word for ease of expression. Considering examples 22-30 above,
we see that the English words used, in general, have everyday counterparts in Spanish, with the
notable exceptions of examples 22 (lingo) and 28 (gave up) which have a jargon and phrasal-verb
quality, respectively. Given that the majority of the examples do not represent low frequency words in
Spanish, it is safe to say that the use of an English word in these cases was, in general, not done to fill
lexical gaps. Considering these findings, I would argue that single-word pure-recycling does not
predict the use of an English-origin word and that the instances shown in 22-30 above are most likely
done to ease the cognitive load of the expression.
5. Conclusion
Function words are involved in repair more than content words, likely due in general to their low
semantic load. In addition, repair involving function words occurs mainly between constituents, almost
certainly due to the short, mostly monosyllabic quality of these words. These findings are very similar
to those of Maclay and Osgood (1959) from their study of repair in English. The higher frequency of
repair in function words may indicate that a speaker is taking advantage of the low semantic quality of
items such as prepositions to initiate repair in an attempt to gain time to plan for the following segment
of speech of higher semantic value. This would help explain why content words experience much less
repair in the form of pure-recycling: simply put, once these words have begun to be uttered they have
already been premeditated sufficiently as to not require repair mid-utterance. Pauses required for
planning of subsequent speech can be mediated by repair in the function words. The fact that lexical
items show more word-internal repair, especially in the case of verbs, nouns and adjectives, is likely
due to the fact that they are longer words, on average more than twice the length in syllables as the
closed-class words investigated in this study. With the longer phonetic quality of the words often
comes a greater amount of morphology which lends itself to the possibility of word-internal repair.
Finally, these data show that cases of single-word pure recycling precede very few occurrences of
English-origin words. This result does not suggest that repair is done because of uncertainty of the
Spanish word. Due to the low number of tokens in this study, however, this result requires further
investigation.
In conclusion, the level of grammaticization, semantic load and length of words appear to predict
patterns of single-word repair in Spanish of the Southwest. Just as there is organization of repair at the
syntactic level as found in previous research, the results here indicate that repair is not random across
parts of speech and word classes but that there is a pattern to repair at the lexical level as well.
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Selected Proceedings of the
8th Hispanic Linguistics Symposium
edited by Timothy L. Face and Carol A. Klee
Cascadilla Proceedings Project Somerville, MA 2006
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Selected Proceedings of the 8th Hispanic Linguistics Symposium
© 2006 Cascadilla Proceedings Project, Somerville, MA. All rights reserved
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Edmunds, Paul. 2006. Buen- -- Buena Gente: Repair in the Spanish of the Southwest. In Selected Proceedings of
the 8th Hispanic Linguistics Symposium, ed. Timothy L. Face and Carol A. Klee, 204-213. Somerville, MA:
Cascadilla Proceedings Project.
or:
Edmunds, Paul. 2006. Buen- -- Buena Gente: Repair in the Spanish of the Southwest. In Selected Proceedings of
the 8th Hispanic Linguistics Symposium, ed. Timothy L. Face and Carol A. Klee, 204-213. Somerville, MA:
Cascadilla Proceedings Project. www.lingref.com, document #1267.
... , 개인 내적 또는 외적으로 부과되는 용량 이 아동의 인지적, 언어적, 운동적 용량을 초과하기 때문에 발생한 다고 보았다 (Gaines, Runyun, & Meyers, 1991;Lee, Han, & Shim, 2004;Weiss & Zebrowski, 1992). Rispoli (2003) (Edmunds, 2006;Fagan, 1982;Hopper, 2014;Ryan, 2000;Zackheim & Conture, 2003), 길이가 짧은 발화보다 길이가 긴 발화에서 언어학적 비유창성이 더 높은 빈도로 나타났다 (Shriberg, 1996;Wagner, Nettelbladt, Sahlen, & Niholm, 2000). 아동이 시·공간적 개념 혹은 인과 관계와 같은 추상적이고 복잡한 개념에 대해 말을 산출할 때 언어학적 비유창성이 증가하고 (Leadholm & Miller, 1995), 아동의 구문 능력이 향상됨에 따라 평균 발화 길이가 증가하 면서 수정과 같은 비유창성 유형은 증가하는 경향이 있다는 연구 결과도 보고되었다 (Rispoli, 2003;Shin & Kwon, 1997;Starkweather, 1987 (Guo, Tomblin, & Samelson, 2008;Owens, 1999). ...
... 아동이 시·공간적 개념 혹은 인과 관계와 같은 추상적이고 복잡한 개념에 대해 말을 산출할 때 언어학적 비유창성이 증가하고 (Leadholm & Miller, 1995), 아동의 구문 능력이 향상됨에 따라 평균 발화 길이가 증가하 면서 수정과 같은 비유창성 유형은 증가하는 경향이 있다는 연구 결과도 보고되었다 (Rispoli, 2003;Shin & Kwon, 1997;Starkweather, 1987 (Guo, Tomblin, & Samelson, 2008;Owens, 1999). 언어 산출 과정은 화자가 의사소통의 의도를 메시지 로 표상하는 개념 형성(conceptualization) 단계와, 메시지의 내용 을 음운, 어휘, 구문의 언어 형식으로 조직하는 구성(formulation) 단계, 조음 기제를 사용하여 말 산출을 실행하는 조음(articulation) 단계로 개념화할 수 있으며 (Levelt, 1992), 각각의 단계에서 비 유창성이 나타날 수 있다 (Bangert & Finestack, 2020 Dollaghan & Campbell, 1992;Guo et al., 2008;Hall, McGregor, & Oleson, 2017;Westby, 1979 (Edmunds, 2006;Fagan, 1982;Hopper, 2014;Navarro-Ruiz & Rallo-Fabra, 2001;Ryan, 2000;Thordardottir & Weismer, 2002;Zackheim & Conture, 2003 (Redmond, 2004;Scott & Windsor, 2000;Thordardottir & Weismer, 2002;Wagner et al., 2000). Wagner와 동료들 (2000) Values are presented as mean (SD). ...
Article
Objectives: This study aimed to examine the characteristics of linguistic disfluencies during story generation and retelling tasks and to investigate an association between linguistic disfluencies and cognitive abilities in narrative samples. Methods: A total of 49 children aged 7-10 (20 children with vocabulary delay and 29 typically developing children) participated. Participants completed the story generation and retelling task. Children’s utterances were analyzed into four categories of mazes: fillers, repetitions, revisions, and pauses. Participants also completed three working memory tasks that assess phonological loop, episodic buffer, and visuospatial sketchpad. Results: First, both children with vocabulary delay and typically developing children produced a greater total number of utterances in the narrative retelling task than in the narrative generation task, and children with vocabulary delay showed higher rates of pauses. Also, children with VD showed a higher rate of pauses in the generation task than the TD group and higher rates of filled pauses, pauses, and the total number of mazes in the retelling task. For the TD group, expressive vocabulary was the best predictor for the use of mazes during a story-generation task, whereas receptive vocabulary was the best predictor for the use of mazes during a story-retelling task. Non-word repetition was a significant predictor in children with VD. Conclusion: Results showed children with vocabulary delay had higher mazes rates than typically developing peers. Also, different cognitive factors explained the linguistic disfluencies of the two groups. Results suggest that vocabulary and working memory need to be considered for interventions aimed at children’s fluent speech.
... This result is similar to that of an early study by Fagan (1982) where the author attributed the increased presence of mazes in TD children to sentence complexity and to the studies by Shriberg (1996) and Wagner, Nettelbladt, Sahlen, and Nilholm (2000) that found more mazes in longer versus shorter utterances. Studies of Spanish-English bilingual adults and children also suggest a similar pattern of increased mazes in sentences with more grammatical complexity (Edmunds, 2006;Hopper, 2014). ...
... This is in contrast to the Hopper (2014) study that specifically examined certain types of utterances (simple and complex) where the author found more mazes in complex versus simple sentences. Further analysis distinguishing simple versus more complex syntactic constructions could yield different results as bilingual children may exhibit less mazes in less complex utterances due to a reduced cognitive demand in producing simple versus complex utterances (Edmunds, 2006;Hopper, 2014;Kroll & Gollan, 2014). ...
Article
Mazes such as self-corrections during speech production are observed in all speakers at varying rates. One hypothesis is that mazes result from the challenge of speech planning when speakers experience linguistic uncertainty. The aim of the study was to examine mazes in 4- and 5-year old typically developing English monolingual and Spanish-English bilingual children’s narratives when uncertainty was manipulated in narrative context. Three typically developing groups participated in this study: a Spanish-English bilingual group, an age-matched monolingual English-speaking group and a language-matched younger monolingual English-speaking group. Two narrative task conditions were designed to manipulate linguistic uncertainty as a means of experimentally testing for the production of mazes. In the more uncertainty condition, the picture scenes presented did not depict a story with a logical sequence or ending and a less uncertainty condition where the picture scenes depicted a story scene with a logical sequence and ending. Maze frequency in two narrative conditions and the amount of mazes between groups were compared to explore conditions and related factors to frequency of mazes in young monolingual English and Spanish-English bilingual children. Number of different words was correlated with a higher mazes frequency for all three groups across both narrative conditions. Manipulation of certainty in narrative conditions elicited mazes in monolingual and bilingual children. Bilingual children did not exhibit more mazes than their monolingual peers indicating that bilingual experience in and of itself was not an indicator of exhibiting more mazes during this type of task.
... Even though there are forms of filler particles which are language specific in terms of segmental structure and vocalic timbre ( [2], [26], [27], [28], [29], [30], [31]), recent studies have shown that fillers display similar patterns in relation to duration and fundamental frequency [32]. When taking into consideration the possible forms of filler particles in Romanian, it is important to note that the standard language has seven phonemic monophthongs /i, ɨ, u, e, ə, o, a/ and two unary diphthongs /e̯ a, o̯ a/ [33, pp. ...
... Filled pauses were also excluded, as they can play the role of words or linguistic signals (Clark & Tree, 2002). Research in several languages, such as French (Dewaele, 1996;Duez, 1982 Künzel, 1997), Russian (Riazantseva, 2001;Stepanova, 2007), Italian (Giannini, 2003), Spanish (Edmunds, 2006), Japanese (Watanabe & Ishi, 2000), and Korean (Trofimovich & Baker, 2006), suggests that filled pauses appear in each language with a specific pattern to carry semantic functions such as emphasizing and structuring information (Schmid & Fägersten, 2010). ...
Article
Full-text available
Native speakers of Arabic acquire language in a diglossic context that requires them to use different varieties for different purposes: spoken Arabic (SA) is the dialect they use informally in daily oral communications; literary Arabic (LA) is the variety they use mainly for reading, writing, and formal communications. In general, Arabic native speakers perform differently across different tasks and modalities­­—performance tends to be better when the task requires SA or LA in the same way it is normally used. In this study, an LA speech production task was performed by two groups of Arabic native speakers who varied significantly in their amount of practice with LA. Although both groups acquired LA under the same conditions, the group with more practice was more fluent. Practice-dependent differences are interpreted within a memory-based automaticity framework. Such a framework, it is argued, is able to account for differences both in general performance patterns among the Arab population as well as specific, practice-dependent patterns such as those observed in the present study.
... For example, Mö hle (1984:44) found that German-French bilinguals used different types of hesitation phenomena-in German: filled pauses; in French: drawled or lengthened vowel soundsreflecting hesitation conventions typical for each language. There is cross-linguistic evidence indicating that hesitation phenomena such as pause-fillers are not always similar in form and can vary according to language spoken: Croatian (Vrljić , 2007), Dutch (Swerts, 1998;de Leeuw, 2007), French (Duez, 1982;Guaïtella, 1999), German (de Leeuw, 2007, Italian (Giannini, 2003), Japanese (Watanabe, 2002), Korean (Trofimovich and Baker, 2006), Russian (Riazantseva, 2001), Spanish (Edmunds, 2006) and Swedish (Horne et al., 2003). ...
Article
Full-text available
Hesitation and monitoring phenomena (hereafter HMP) are forms that occur in speech such as filled or unfilled pauses, paralinguistic markers such as (nervous) laughter or coughing, or signals which pre-empt or justify other forms in utterances. The functions of these forms have commonly been associated with planning or accessing difficulties. However, HMP can also have a function of signalling clause boundaries, changes of mood or topic, aiding intelligibility for listeners. This paper draws on a large sample of bilingual speech and examines the overall incidence of HMP from two contributing languages, Croatian and English, and their incidence in speech containing code-switching. Analysis of results seeks to establish whether there is disproportionately high frequency of HMP surrounding code-switches, and whether such HMP are indicative of accessing/production difficulties concomitant to the appearance of code-switches, or appear to perform a function that facilitates the intelligibility of code-switches. HMP co-occur disproportionately with code-switches. However, analysis of code-switching examples shows that different types of code-switches attract higher or lower frequencies of HMP, depending on their phonological and/or morphological form. Although not identical to discourse markers, HMP perform a congruent function, that of integrating or facilitating the incorporation of ‘other language’ text.
... The definition of L1 attrition as a change in the native language among L2 speakers who use their later-learned language equally or dominantly in their daily lives implies that some of the research on disfluencies in L2 discussed earlier may have investigated populations whose L1 was also undergoing attrition-in particular, those studies that investigated naturalistic, as opposed to classroom-based, SLA. Unfortunately, most of this research is confined to the analyses of these phenomena in the L2, and those studies that do include data for the L1 ( de Leeuw, 2004;Edmunds, 2006;Riazantseva, 2001) do not provide any baseline data from nonattrited or monolingual speakers or longitudinal development, which would allow us to interpret these observations in an attrition context. However, two phenomena emerge incidentally from these studies that may be noteworthy in the context of the development of disfluencies in L1 attrition. ...
Article
Full-text available
Based on an analysis of the speech of long-term émigrés of German and Dutch origin, the present investigation discusses to which extent hesitation patterns in language attrition may be the result of the creation of an interlanguage system on the one hand or of language-internal attrition patterns on the other. We compare speech samples elicited by a film retelling task from German émigrés in Canada (n=52) and the Netherlands (n=50) and from Dutch émigrés in Canada (n=45) to retellings produced by predominantly monolingual control groups in Germany (n=53) and the Netherlands (n=45). Findings show that the attriting groups overuse empty pauses, repetitions and retractions, while the distribution of filled pauses appears to conform more closely to the L2 norm. An investigation of the location at which disfluency markers appear within the sentence suggests that they are indicators of difficulties which the attriters experience largely in the context of lexical retrieval.
Article
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In dit onderzoek wordt het taalbehoud en taalverlies van Spaans als een vreemde taal bij Nederlandse en Duitse Erasmus-studenten onderzocht. Drie verschillende methodes zijn gebruikt om data te verwerven: mondeling (interview), taalkundig (C-test), en psycholinguïstisch (plaatjes benoemen). Daarnaast zijn ook achtergrondinformatie en persoonlijke factoren meegenomen in de analyses. Er is gekeken naar de rol die de volgende factoren hebben gespeeld en wat het belang van deze factoren was voor het behouden van de taal: hoe lang het taalverlies al aan de gang is, het contact met de taal, de houding en motivatie en de taalvaardigheid aan het begin. Twee verschillende samples zijn gebruikt om dit te bestuderen: cross-sectioniële data bestaande uit drie groepen met taalverlies en een baseline groep, en longitudinale data van vijf proefpersonen over een tijdsbestek van één jaar. Zowel op het mondelinge als op het psycholinguïstische vlak werd in beide samples bewijs gevonden voor taalverlies. Voor mondelinge taalvaardigheid was dit te zien voor elk individu en over alle groepen door een afname in lexicale variate en een toename in het aantal haperingen in de spreek-vaardigheid, vooral voorafgaand aan lexicale items. Op psycho-linguïstisch vlak worden langzamere reactietijden (in beide samples) en een lager percentage correcte antwoorden op het benoemen van plaatjes (over alle groepen) gezien als bewijs voor aangetaste lexicale toegang. Ondanks de gemengde resultaten voor de achtergrondvariabelen, blijkt het dat de taalvaardigheid aan het begin de sterkste voorspeller is van het taalbehoud: hoe beter de taalvaardigheid aan het begin, hoe beter het behoud van het Spaans.
Article
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Speakers often repeat the first word of major constituents, as in, "I uh I wouldn't be surprised at that." Repeats like this divide into four stages: an initial commitment to the constituent (with "I"); the suspension of speech; a hiatus in speaking (filled with "uh"); and a restart of the constituent ("I wouldn't."). An analysis of all repeated articles and pronouns in two large corpora of spontaneous speech shows that the four stages reflect different principles. Speakers are more likely to make a premature commitment, immediately suspending their speech, as both the local constituent and the constituent containing it become more complex. They plan some of these suspensions from the start as preliminary commitments to what they are about to say. And they are more likely to restart a constituent the more their stopping has disrupted its delivery. We argue that the principles governing these stages are general and not specific to repeats.
Article
[This paper reports an exploratory investigation of hesitation phenomena in spontaneously spoken English. Following a brief review of the literature bearing on such phenomena, a quantitative study of filled and unfilled pauses, repeats, and false starts in the speech of some twelve participants in a conference is described. Analysis in terms of both individual differences and linguistic distribution is made, and some psycholinguistic implications are drawn, particularly as to the nature of encoding units and their relative uncertainty. A distinction between non-chance statistical dependencies and all-or-nothing dependencies in linguistic methodology is made.]
Article
Speech disfluencies have different effects on comprehension depending on the type and placement of disfluency. Words following false starts (such as windmill after in the in the eleventh example is um in the a windmill) have longer word monitoring latencies than the same tokens with the false starts excised. The decremental effect seems to be limited to false starts that occur in the middle of sentences or after discourse markers. I suggest it is at these points that the repair process is most burdened by the false start. In contrast, words following repetitions (heart in of a of a heart) do not have longer word monitoring latencies than the same tokens with the repetitions excised. In two experiments, words following spontaneously produced repetitions have faster word monitoring latencies. Two other experiments suggest that this seeming repetition advantage is more likely the result of slowed monitoring after a phonological phrase disruption. Inserting repetitions where they did not occur in a manner that preserved the original phonological phrases resulted in neither an advantage nor a disadvantage or repeating. These studies provide a first glimpse at how speech disfluencies affect understanding, and also provide information about the types of comprehension models that can accommodate the effects of speech disfluencies.
Patterns of repair and constituency in Spanish conversation. Paper presented at the 6th Hispanic Linguistics Symposium
  • Ivo Sanchez-Ayala
Sanchez-Ayala, Ivo. 2003. Patterns of repair and constituency in Spanish conversation. Paper presented at the 6th Hispanic Linguistics Symposium, Albuquerque, New Mexico.
The relevance of repair to syntax-for-conversation
  • Emanuel A Schegloff
Schegloff, Emanuel A. 1979. The relevance of repair to syntax-for-conversation. Syntax and Semantics 12.261-86.
Sociolingüística y pragmática del español
  • Carmen Silva-Corvalán
Silva-Corvalán, Carmen. 2001. Sociolingüística y pragmática del español. Washington DC: Georgetown University Press.