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Title Styles of thinking as a basis of differentiated instruction
Author(s) Sternberg, RJ; Zhang, LF
Citation Theory Into Practice, 2005, v. 44 n. 3, p. 245-253
Issued Date 2005
URL http://hdl.handle.net/10722/45445
Rights Creative Commons: Attribution 3.0 Hong Kong License
Robert J. Sternberg
Li-fang Zhang
Styles of Thinking as a Basis
of Differentiated Instruction
We consider how to differentiate instruction using
a theory of thinking styles as a basis for differenti-
ation. The article opens with a consideration of
why styles are important. Then it considers some
general characteristics of styles, presents the the-
ory of mental self-government, considers issues of
measurement, and presents data supporting the
theory. Next, it discusses application of the theory
in the classroom. Finally, it draws conclusions.
CHILDREN LEARN WELL IN DIFFERENT WAYS,
and seem to profit most when instruction is
differentiated in some manner to accommodate
these differences. Why do some children learn so
well from lectures, when others learn better by
reading the same material? Why do some children
learn better from independent projects, and others
from structured assignments? Questions such as
these can be elucidated through the concept of
styles of thinking. Understanding thinking styles
helps teachers differentiate instruction to maxi-
mize the learning outcomes of all learners (Stern-
berg, 1997; Sternberg & Grigorenko, 1997). In-
deed, learning approaches are related to thinking
styles (Zhang, 2000; Zhang & Sternberg, in press).
Styles can apply at any level from elementary
school (Sternberg & Grigorenko, 1995) through
the university level (Cilliers & Sternberg, 2001).
A style of thought is a preference for using abil-
ities in certain ways. It is not an ability itself, but
the way one likes to utilize abilities. Thus, when
we speak of individual differences in thinking
styles, we are speaking only of differences, not of
better and worse. Our use of the term thinking
style is distinct from the use of the term learning
style that is sometimes found in the literature.
Learning styles are generally viewed as dealing
with preferred ways of learning material (e.g.,
orally, visually, kinesthetically), whereas the
styles of which we speak deal with preferred ways
of thinking about material. Thinking styles, as
well as more generalized cognitive styles, can af-
fect learning, but are not directly styles of learn-
ing. Styles of thought are important in education
from several points of view. First, if abilities, as
currently measured, account for only small pro-
245
THEORY INTO PRACTICE, 44(3), 245–253
Robert J. Sternberg is an IBM Professor of Psychology
and Education at the PACE Center at Yale University.
Li-fang Zhang is a member of the Faculty of Education
at The University of Hong Kong.
Requests for reprints can be sent to Robert J. Stern-
berg, PACE Center, Yale University, Box 208358, New
Haven, CT 06520. E-mail: Robert.sternberg@yale.edu
portions of individual differences in school per-
formance, then one must ask what other kinds of
constructs might account for what is not predict-
ed (Gardner, 1993; Sternberg, 1985). Thinking
styles, we argue, provide one such construct.
Second, sometimes the pattern of styles that
leads to success in a course in a given discipline is
not the pattern of styles that leads to success later
in a job in that discipline. As a result, teachers may
give the best grades to students who will not be
particularly successful in a given field, and derail
other students who might be very successful but
will never have the chance to prove it because of
low grades.
Third, abilities take into account skills, but not
preferences. Preferences matter for school and job
success. Someone may have creative ability, but
not enjoy generating ideas that challenge prevail-
ing points of view (Sternberg & Lubart, 1995). Or
someone else might not be very creative, but en-
joys coming up with ideas that, despite the indi-
vidual’s efforts, are not very novel or good.
Motivation for Research on Styles
What kinds of findings have motivated re-
search on styles? There are several, some statisti-
cal, some anecdotal.
First, statistically, it is known that traditional
tests of aptitudes account for some, but certainly
not all, of the variation in school performance
(Sternberg, 2000). Attempts to modify the ability
tests have resulted in some increases (Sternberg,
The Rainbow Project Collaborators, & University
of Michigan Business School Project Collabora-
tors, 2004), but there is still a lot of unexplained
variation. Investigators have looked at styles as a
possible way to account for additional variation,
and have had some success (Biggs, 1988; Ent-
wistle, 1981).
Second, there is a large literature on styles that
is, quite frankly, of variable quality. But at least
some of this literature suggests that styles can be
helpful in understanding educational phenomena
(Sternberg, 1997; Zhang & Sternberg, in press).
Third, many in education have experienced
first-hand the effects of styles in their educational
careers. The senior author, for example, found that
his performance in an introductory course, taught
in one style (executive, closely adhering to in-
structions on what to learn and how to learn it),
was worse than his performance in other courses
taught in another style (legislative, allowing more
freedom as to what to learn and how to learn it).
Some General Characteristics of Styles
Before proceeding, we outline some general
characteristics of styles of thought (Sternberg,
1997):
•Styles are preferences, not abilities. There is a
difference between how creative a student is
(ability) and how much the student likes to be
creative (style).
•Styles are not “good” or “bad,” but rather mat-
ters of fit between learner and teacher or
learner and material. What one teacher consid-
ers a good style, another may consider bad, and
vice versa.
•Styles can vary across tasks and situations.
People vary their styles, at least somewhat, to fit
what they are doing. They do not have one fixed
style.
•People differ in strengths of stylistic prefer-
ences. Some people strongly prefer certain
styles; others have only weak preferences.
•People differ in stylistic flexibility. Some people
easily can switch among styles; others cannot.
•Styles are socialized. Styles are learned through
interactions with the environment.
•Styles can vary across the life span—they are
not fixed. People may change their styles over
the years.
•Styles are measurable. We measure styles using
various questionnaires described in the
following.
•Styles are modifiable. People are not “stuck”
with certain styles unless they want to be.
•What is valued in one time and place may not be
valued in another. The very style that leads to
success in one school or one job may lead to
failure in another.
246
Differentiated Instruction
Many alternative theories of styles have been
proposed, and a number of those are reviewed in
Grigorenko and Sternberg (1997), and Sternberg
and Zhang (2001). Lack of space prevents a de-
tailed review here. Among the theories that have
been proposed are those of Gregorc (1985), Hol-
land (1973), Jung (1923), and Myers and
McCaulley (1988).
The Theory of Mental Self-Government
The theory presented here, that of mental
self-government (Grigorenko & Sternberg, 1995;
Sternberg & Zhang, 2001), holds that styles can be
understood in terms of constructs from human no-
tions of government. On this view, the kinds of
governments in the world are not merely coinci-
dental, but rather are external reflections of ways
people can organize or govern themselves. Ac-
cording to this theory, people can be understood in
terms of the functions, forms, levels, scopes, and
leanings of government. The theory of styles ap-
plies to education, but also to other domains of
personal and professional life.
Functions
There are three functions of government in the
theory: legislative, executive, and judicial.
Legislative. The legislative student has a pre-
dilection for tasks, projects, and situations that re-
quire creation, formulation, planning of ideas,
strategies, etc. This kind of student likes to decide
what to do and how to do it, rather than to be told.
Three examples of assignments that would appeal
to legislatively oriented children would be writing
a creative story in an English lesson, inventing a
new mathematical operation in a mathematics les-
son, and writing an anticipated “future history”—
predicted description of events to come—in a his-
tory class.
Executive. The executive student has a predi-
lection for tasks, projects, and situations that pro-
vide structure, procedures, or rules to work with,
and can serve as guidelines to measure progress.
The executive student often prefers to be told what
to do, and will then give it his or her best shot at
doing it well. Three examples of assignments that
would appeal to primarily executively oriented
children would be memorizing capitals of states in
the United States in a geography class, learning
number facts in an arithmetic class, and learning
the names of rocks in an earth science class.
Traditional teaching generally rewards the ex-
ecutive type. Good students are often seen as those
who do what they are told, and do it well. Legisla-
tive students may have the same abilities, but the
abilities may not manifest themselves, and such
students may actually be viewed as “pains in the
neck.” The student with an executive orientation
will take naturally to memorizing given material,
taking multiple-choice or short-answer tests, and
doing assignments in ways that teachers expect.
Legislative students would probably rather do
work on projects than take exams. They may
therefore be penalized by conventional instruction
and assessments, because of their preference for a
creative way of thinking.
Judicial. The judicial student has a predilec-
tion for tasks, projects, and situations that require
evaluation, analysis, comparison–contrast, and
judgment of existing ideas, strategies, projects,
etc. The judicial person tends to like evaluative es-
says, commenting on other people’s ideas, and as-
sessing others’ strengths and weaknesses. Three
examples of assignments that would appeal to ju-
dicially oriented students would be analyzing how
different nations have different conceptions of de-
mocracy for a government class, evaluating the va-
lidity of a theory on the extinction of dinosaurs in a
biology class, and comparing and contrasting two
characters from a novel in a literature class.
Forms
There are four different forms of mental
self-government in the theory: monarchic, hierar-
chic, oligarchic, and anarchic.
Monarchic. The monarchic pupil has a pre-
dilection for tasks, projects, and situations that al-
low focusing fully on one thing or aspect at a time,
247
Sternberg and Zhang Styles of Thinking as a Basis of Differentiated Instruction
and staying with that thing until it is complete. Ex-
amples of monarchically oriented students would
be one who devotes very large chunks of time to
using the Internet, one who loves mathematics to
the exclusion of all other subjects, or one who is
dedicated to tennis and spends as much time as
possible playing it. A monarchic teacher might be
one who has a preferred way of doing things, and
who does not much like to do things in other ways.
Hierarchic. The hierarchic pupil has a predi-
lection for tasks, projects, and situations that allow
creation of a hierarchy of goals to fulfill. These
students will often make lists, and sometimes even
lists of lists. Examples of hierarchically oriented
students would be one who allocates time for
homework assignments that are due sooner rather
than later, another student who allocates time on a
test to the sections the teacher has said will count
more toward the grade, and one who carefully al-
locates time to practice different pieces for an pi-
ano audition in terms of how likely she thinks it is
that she will be asked to play them. A hierarchic
teacher might be one who carefully sets priorities
and then sticks to them.
Oligarchic. The oligarchic pupil has a predi-
lection for tasks, projects, and situations that allow
working with competing approaches, with multi-
ple aspects or goals that are equally important.
This student likes to do multiple things within a
given time frame, but has trouble setting priorities.
The oligarchic student adapts well if the compet-
ing demands are of roughly equal importance, but
has more trouble if the things are of different im-
portance. Examples of oligarchically oriented stu-
dents are one who cannot decide how much time
to spend on different test items so he spends
roughly equal time on them, although they do not
count the same; one who does homework haphaz-
ardly without regard to when assignments are due
and finds herself finishing some assignments well
ahead of schedule and others well behind sched-
ule; and one who fails to set priorities for her per-
sonal versus her school life and has trouble keep-
ing up in school because she spends so much time
going out with fellow students. An oligarchic
teacher might be one who does not easily allocate
class time so that the most important things re-
ceive the most coverage.
Anarchic. The anarchic student has a predi-
lection for tasks, projects, and situations that lend
themselves to great flexibility of approaches, and
to trying anything when, where, and how he or she
pleases. This type of student tends to be
asystematic or even antisystematic. The anarchic
pupil may have good potential for creativity, be-
cause the individual draws ideas from so many
places, but the pupil usually needs to discipline
him- or herself. Teachers can assist anarchic stu-
dents by helping them be organized and channel
their creativity constructively. Examples of anar-
chically oriented students are one who does not
keep track of assignments and rarely gets them in
on time, one who cannot get organized to study for
tests, and one who is potentially very creative but
fails to learn the material beyond what is needed to
have new ideas. An anarchic teacher might be one
who is very disorganized in his teaching style, but
who nevertheless is very creative and sparks cre-
ative ideas in his students.
Levels
There are two levels of mental self-govern-
ment: local and global.
Local. The student with a local style has a
predilection for tasks, projects, and situations that
require engagement with specific, concrete de-
tails. Students with this style tend to enjoy tasks
that require them to keep track of details and to fo-
cus on concrete specifics of a situation. Examples
of students with a local orientation are the one who
learns many details when studying for tests but
does not understand how they interrelate to each
other, one who writes papers that show a great
knowledge of facts but have no clear organizing
superstructure, and one who, when giving talks,
concentrates on specifics without any overview of
the topic. A local teacher tends to be very de-
tail-oriented in lecturing.
248
Differentiated Instruction
Global. The global pupil has a predilection
for tasks, projects, and situations that require en-
gagement with large, global, abstract ideas. This
person likes to deal with big ideas, but sometimes
can lose touch with the details. Examples of glob-
ally oriented students are one who, when writing
papers, makes many global assertions but fails to
support them with specific evidence; one who
does very well in comprehending main ideas of
passages but poorly in comprehending details; and
one who, in playing music, shows very good musi-
cality and interpretation but makes many mistakes
in intonation. A global teacher tends to be very
general in her teaching and to concentrate on the
big picture rather than the details.
Scopes
There are two scopes of mental self-govern-
ment: internal and external.
Internal. The internal student has a predilec-
tion for tasks, projects, and situations that allow
him or her to work independently of others. This
individual is typically introverted and often un-
comfortable in groups. Examples of internally ori-
ented students are one who likes to study for tests
only by himself; another who routinely turns
down invitations to go to student parties because
she feels uncomfortable interacting with others;
and one who, in groups, does not speak out be-
cause she is reluctant to interact with the others.
An internal teacher may eschew team teaching
and prefer to teach on his own.
External. The external student has a predi-
lection for tasks, projects, and situations that re-
quire activities that allow working with others in a
group or interacting with others at different stages
of progress. Indeed, this student might not enjoy
working or even being alone. Notice, then, that
methods of teaching that lead some students to
feel quite comfortable can lead other students to
feel very uncomfortable. Examples of externally
oriented students are one who strongly prefers
working in groups to working individually; one
who hates to spend time by himself and constantly
needs to be with others; and one who is effective
studying with others but not by herself. An exter-
nal teacher would probably welcome team teach-
ing or other opportunities to collaborate with fel-
low teachers.
Leanings
There are two leanings of mental self-govern-
ment: liberal and conservative.
Liberal. The student with a liberal style has a
predilection for tasks, projects, and situations that
involve unfamiliarity, going beyond existing rules
or procedures, and maximization of change.
Sometimes the individual may prefer change sim-
ply for the sake of change, even when it is not
ideal. Students with a liberal style like new chal-
lenges and thrive on ambiguity. Examples of liber-
ally oriented students are one who resents having
to do things in traditional ways, almost without re-
gard to what the things are; one who is constantly
seeking alternative and nonobvious ways of solv-
ing physics problems; and one who loves writing
poetry that is unusual in both style and content. A
liberal teacher likes to teach in new ways and to try
new teaching techniques.
Conservative. The conservative pupil has a
predilection for tasks, projects, and situations that
require adherence to and observance of existing
rules and procedures. This individual likes to min-
imize change and avoid ambiguity. Examples of
conservative students are one who frequently asks
the teacher exactly what is expected of him, one
who takes his lead from other students as to how to
do assignments, and one who feels very anxious
when expected to do a project in an art class using
new media for creating artistic works. A conserva-
tive teacher likes to teach in traditional ways and
may be hesitant to try new ways of teaching.
We have used several converging operations to
measure thinking styles. These are described else-
where (Grigorenko & Sternberg, 1992; Sternberg,
Wagner, & Zhang, 2003).
249
Sternberg and Zhang Styles of Thinking as a Basis of Differentiated Instruction
Styles in the Classroom
We have conducted several studies investigat-
ing styles in elementary and secondary school
classrooms, as well as in university classrooms
(Sternberg, 1994; Sternberg & Grigorenko, 1995;
Zhang & Sternberg, 2002). It is possible to de-
scribe here only a few of the studies we have
done.
In a first study with 85 teachers (57 women, 28
men) in four schools of varying types (private and
public, and socioeconomically diverse), we found
several interesting effects with respect to grade
taught, age of teachers, subject area taught, and
ideology. Teachers are more legislative and less
executive at the lower grades than at the upper
grades. These findings might suggest either that
more legislative individuals are attracted toward
teaching at the lower grade levels, or teachers at
the lower grade levels become more legislative (or
teachers at the upper grade levels become more
executive). The demands on teachers in the United
States are consistent with this pattern of findings:
Teachers in the upper grades are forced to follow a
more rigidly prescribed curriculum than are teach-
ers in the lower grades.
We also found older teachers to be more execu-
tive, local, and conservative than are younger
teachers. Again, there are two interpretations of
these findings, either or both of which might be
correct. One interpretation is that teachers become
more executive, local, and conservative with age;
the other interpretation is that the difference is due
to a cohort effect.
Further, we found that science teachers tended
to be more local than were teachers of the humani-
ties, and the latter tended to be more liberal than
the former. These results, again, are roughly con-
sistent with our experience. With respect to sci-
ence, the results unfortunately suggest that science
teachers may concentrate substantially more on
the local details of science than on the “big pic-
ture” of scientific research.
Finally, we did an analysis of the relation of
school ideology to teachers’ styles. We had a
rater who was not familiar with the individual
teachers in the schools rate each school for its
own profile of styles on the basis of catalogues,
faculty and student handbooks, statements of
goals and purposes, and curricula. We also evalu-
ated teachers’ styles, and then did contrasts look-
ing at the match between teachers and schools.
For six of seven planned contrasts, we found sig-
nificant effects. In other words, teachers tend to
match the stylistic ideology of their schools. Ei-
ther teachers tend to gravitate toward schools
that fit them ideologically, or they tend to be-
come like the place they are in, suggesting again
the importance of socialization in the formation
of styles, even at the adult level.
In a second study of 124 students between the
ages of 12 and 16 distributed among 4 schools, we
found some interesting demographic effects. So-
cioeconomic level related negatively to the judi-
cial, local, conservative, and oligarchic styles.
These results are consistent with a notion of
greater authoritarianism in the styles of individu-
als of lower socioeconomic class and lower educa-
tion levels (Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswik, Levinson,
& Sanford, 1950). We also found that later-born
siblings tend to be more legislative than do ear-
lier-born siblings, consistent with the past finding
that first-borns tend to be more accepting of soci-
etal dictates than are later-borns (Simonton,
1988). Finally, we found a significant degree of
match between students’ and teachers’ styles.
Whereas for the teachers, similarity of styles to the
profile of their schools could be interpreted in
terms of choice of school, such an explanation is
implausible in the case of students, who rarely get
to choose their school. The results suggest social-
ization of styles.
In a third study, we went back to one of the
original questions that motivated this work: Do
students do better in classrooms where their styles
match rather than mismatch the styles of their
teachers? We assessed students’ and teachers’
styles, and found that, indeed, students performed
better and were more positively evaluated by
teachers when their styles matched. The students
performed better when they were more like their
teachers stylistically, independent of actual level
of achievement.
Styles thus seem to be important in school set-
tings. In the next section, we discuss how they can
be utilized directly in instruction and assessment.
250
Differentiated Instruction
Styles of Thinking in Instruction
and Assessment
For those who teach and assess students at any
level—young children, adolescents, or adults—the
theory of mental self-government implies modes of
rendering teaching more effective through style-
differentiated instruction. The key principle is that
for students to benefit the most from instruction and
assessment, at least some part of the instruction and
assessment should match their styles of thinking.
We would not advocate a perfect match all the time:
Students need to learn, as does everyone, that the
world does not always providepeople with a perfect
match to their preferred ways of doing things. Flex-
ibility is as important for students as it is for teach-
ers. But if we want students to show what they truly
can do, a match of instruction and assessment to
styles is key.
The following is a list of the various methods of
instruction and the styles that are most compatible
with these methods. If a teacher wants to reach and
truly interact with a student, he or she needs the
flexibility to teach to different styles of thinking,
which means varying teaching styles to suit differ-
ent styles of thought on the part of students.
•Lecture with executive/hierarchical
•Thought-based questioning with judicial/
legislative
•Cooperative learning with external
•Problem solving of given problems with
executive
•Projects with legislative
•Small-group recitation with external/ executive
•Small-group discussion with external/ judicial
•Reading with internal/hierarchical
•Reading for details with local/executive
•Reading for main ideas with global/ executive
•Reading for analysis with judicial
•Memorization with executive/local/ conser-
vative
Table 1 shows various methods of assessment
and the styles with which they are most compati-
ble. Note that different methods of assessment
tend to benefit different styles of thought. For ex-
ample, multiple-choice testing is very much ori-
ented toward executive and local thinkers, and
projects tend to be oriented more toward legisla-
tive and judicial thinkers as well as global ones.
Note also the importance not only of the method of
assessment used, but also the way the assessment
251
Sternberg and Zhang Styles of Thinking as a Basis of Differentiated Instruction
Table 1
Thinking Styles and Forms of Assessment
Form of Assessment Main Skills Most Compatible Style(s)
Short answer/multiple choice Memory Executive/local
Analysis Judicial/local
Time allocation Hierarchical
Working by self Internal
Essay Memory Executive/local
Macroanalysis Judicial/global
Microanalysis Judicial/local
Creativity Legislative
Organization Hierarchical
Time allocation Hierarchical
Acceptance of teacher viewpoint Conservative
Working by self Internal
Project/portfolio Analysis Judicial
Creativity Legislative
Teamwork External
Working by self Internal
Organization Hierarchical
High commitment Monarchic
is scored. An essay can be scored for recall (mem-
ory), which benefits executive students; or for
analysis, which benefits judicial students; or for
creativity, which benefits legislative students. It is
not the essay, per se, but how it is evaluated, that
determines who benefits.
In Table 2 we show how different prompts in
instructional and evaluative assignments can lead
students to use different styles. By varying the
kinds of prompts they use, teachers can equalize
the benefits to all of the students they teach.
There can be synergies between styles and abili-
ties. For example, students with an executive style
and high memory abilities, a legislative style and
high creative abilities (O’Hara & Sternberg,
2000–2001), or a judicial style and high analytical
abilities,willbeatanadvantage,becausethekindsof
skills at which they excel match the kinds of ways
theyliketothink(Sternberg& Grigorenko, in press).
Conclusion
Styles matter. They are often confused with
abilities, so that students are thought to be incom-
petent—not because they are lacking in abilities,
but because their styles of thinking do not match
the styles of the people creating the assessments.
Especially in teaching, one needs to take into ac-
count students’ styles of thinking if one hopes to
reach them. This means differentiating instruction
in a way that helps students, at least some of the
time, capitalize on their stylistic preferences.
Teachers need to carefully consider how their
practices in educational settings may deprive able
people of opportunities, while giving opportuni-
ties to those who are less able. For example, exten-
sive use of multiple-choice testing in the United
States clearly benefits executive thinkers. Many
tests of scholastic and other aptitudes confound
measurements of styles with measurements of
abilities. But replacing all of those tests with pro-
jects and portfolios would simply result in a differ-
ent group of students being benefitted. Ideally, ed-
ucators need to teach to and assess a variety of
styles. Teaching should be differentiated to help
each child capitalize on strengths and compensate
for or correct weaknesses.
Acknowledgments
Preparation of this article was supported by
Grant REC–9979843 from the National Science
Foundation and by a government grant under the
Javits Act Program (Grant No. R206R000001) as
administered by the Office of Educational Re-
search and Improvement, U. S. Department of Ed-
ucation. Grantees undertaking such projects are
encouraged to express freely their professional
judgment. This article, therefore, does not neces-
sarily represent the positions or the policies of the
252
Differentiated Instruction
Table 2
Thinking Styles and Instructional/Valuational Assignments
Style Emphasized
Executive Judicial Legislative
Type of Prompt
Who said? Compare and contrast … Create …
Summarize … Analyze … Invent …
Who did? Evaluate … If you were?
When did? In your judgment … Imagine …
What did? Why did? Design …
How did? What caused? How would?
Repeat back … What is assumed by? Suppose …
Describe … Critique … Ideally?
U.S. government, and no official endorsement
should be inferred.
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