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Abstract

This paper summarises research on obsidian findings across the region of Island Southeast Asia (ISEA), from the first reporting of obsidian on Sumatra as a result of cave excavations in the early 1900s through to the latest published discoveries in 2009. These results are the background for the first region-wide research project focussing on obsidian characterisation and its role in prehistoric inter-island exchange. It is commonly held that distribution of obsidian in ISEA was only localised and inter-island transportation limited. The review, however, suggests that this hypothesis derives from an incomplete knowledge of obsidian distribution in the region rather than typifying prehistoric social patterns. Obsidian sourcing has been carried out only intermittently in ISEA since the 1970s and has generally been focussed only at the single site level, thus explaining this very partial understanding.

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... Other early Holocene dates for ISEA marine shell adzes allow recognition of an 'early Holocene marine shell adze axis' bridging the Sulu and Halmahera Seas (Map 3.9). This tradition of valuing shell adzes appears to have expanded during the mid-Holocene as reflected by Tridacna adzes interred with a preceramic flexed burial at Duyong Cave in Palawan (in keeping with the suggestion by Bellwood 1997: 222), the recovery of a Tridacna adze from the upper pre-pottery layers of Leang Tahuna (Tanudirjo 2011), and a Tridacna adze directly dated to around 5000 bp from the Sepik region in Papua New Guinea (Piper 2016). ...
... In ISEA, use of obsidian may date back to more than 40,000 years in Timor-Leste, but the source of this obsidian is unknown (Spriggs et al. 2011). As for the terminal Pleistocene/initial Holocene levels of the Timor-Leste sites shown in Map 3.13, two distinct types of obsidian are identified. ...
... Depending on its still unidentified source, maritime exchange may well have been involved in the transport of the obsidian to both sites (Neri et al. 2015). The obsidian used for artefacts of comparable antiquity from Tianko Panjang (Sumatra), Gua Pawon (Java) and Paso (Sulawesi) appears to have been locally sourced in each case (Spriggs et al. 2011). ...
... The date of that introduction is unknown, but the swamp sago palm is now widespread throughout the swampy lowlands of Indonesia, Malaysia and into parts of India (Blench, 2012). Archaeological evidence also shows extensive inter-island transport of obsidian within the Indonesian archipelago throughout the Holocene (Spriggs et al., 2011), and of long-distance transport from New Britain and the Admiralty Islands to Sabah in the third millennium BP (Spriggs et al., 2011). The genetic studies on the history of domesticated bananas also reveal widespread interisland exchanges throughout the Philippine and Indonesian archipelagos, ultimately influencing the emergence of domesticated genotypes by at least the mid-third millennium BP (Perrier et al., 2011). ...
... The date of that introduction is unknown, but the swamp sago palm is now widespread throughout the swampy lowlands of Indonesia, Malaysia and into parts of India (Blench, 2012). Archaeological evidence also shows extensive inter-island transport of obsidian within the Indonesian archipelago throughout the Holocene (Spriggs et al., 2011), and of long-distance transport from New Britain and the Admiralty Islands to Sabah in the third millennium BP (Spriggs et al., 2011). The genetic studies on the history of domesticated bananas also reveal widespread interisland exchanges throughout the Philippine and Indonesian archipelagos, ultimately influencing the emergence of domesticated genotypes by at least the mid-third millennium BP (Perrier et al., 2011). ...
... 2003. Based on the geological study of the island of Mindanao, Spriggs et al. (2011) firmly believed that the source may one day be found in the island. This is not surprisingly impossible considering that there are more than 10 identified volcanoes in the Island (DENR, 1999;PHIVOLCS, 1997;Daligdig, 1988). ...
Article
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The peopling of Island Southeast Asia is told through the Austronesian migration theory. During the Neolithic Period (ca. 6000–5000 BP), the Austronesians entered the Philippines altering the cultural landscape and heralding the beginning of the Neolithic. The Austronesian people continued expanding through Island Southeast Asia, the Pacific, and as far as Madagascar. It is the most influential multiregional archaeological theory in Southeast Asia and the Pacific Region. Although archaeologists, as a whole, generally support this theory, the operations governing the Austronesian migration is still subject to intense debate. Theories suggest that migration is not as straightforward as commonly presented. In spite of their movement towards the Pacific, some Austronesian population stayed in the Celebes area and may have developed a close-knit exchange system with their neighbors powered by sophisticated ancient maritime technology and shared cultural affiliations. This paper calls this maritime network as the “Celebes Seafaring People.” The “Celebes Seafaring People” hypothesis is the first study to focus on a smaller aspect of a much larger theory, allowing a clearer perspective on the early cultures of this Region. Currently, the hypothesis encompasses three island groups: Northern Mindanao, Philippines; Sabah, Malaysia; and Talaud Islands, Indonesia. This is an initial interpretation of the “Celebes Seafaring People” hypothesis through geochemical analysis of obsidian found in the island groups in the Celebes Region. These group of people may have a complex maritime exchange network and share the same cultural affiliation during the Neolithic Period. Further investigation must done to substantiate such theoretical interpretation.
... The fluorescence of coastal trade between Mesopotamia, the Gulf and the Harappan societies of South Asia in the later third and early second millennia BC appears to have been limited in both time and space. While maritime connections were active across Southeast Asia in the last millennia BC (and earlier) (e.g., Solheim 2006;Bulbeck 2008;Denham and Donohue 2009;Denham 2010;Spriggs et al. 2011), neither the Bay of Bengal nor the Arabian Sea have provided evidence of significant long-distance connectivity or interaction prior to the latter half of the first millennium BC. Pre-first millennium AD Austronesian migrations to eastern Africa and Madagascar remain entirely hypothetical and are not currently supported by solid evidence . ...
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While Africa has sometimes been peripheral to accounts of the early Indian Ocean world, studies of food globalisation necessarily place it centre stage. Africa has dispatched and received an extraordinary range of plants, animals and foodstuffs through Indian Ocean trade and other avenues. Here we explore these patterns of food globalisation vis-A -vis Africa, focusing in particular on the arrival of new food crops and domesticated animals in Africa, but also touching on flows from Africa to the broader Indian Ocean world. We look at archaeological evidence, drawing in particular on new datasets emerging through the increasing application of archaeobotanical and zooarchaeological methods in African and Indian Ocean archaeology, and also draw on historical and ethnographic sources. We argue that the evidence points to a broadly Medieval and post-Medieval pattern of introduction, with little evidence for the earlier arrivals or culinary impacts argued by some. We also undertake consideration of questions about how and why new crops, animals, spices, and agricultural and culinary technologies come to be accepted by African societies, issues that are often overlooked in the literature.
... This kind of research has been conducted in this region for more than 20 years (e.g., Glascock et al. 2011;Kuzmin and Glascock 2007;Kuzmin et al. 2013;Phillips 2010; see the latest summary in Kuzmin 2014), and is considered extensive and robust. Based on this information, it is possible to reconstruct the routes of the initial settlement of Sakhalin and the Kuriles with a high degree of reliability, as has been done in other parts of the Pacific (e.g., Reepmeyer et al. 2012;Spriggs et al. 2011). ...
Article
The current status of research on colonization and early migration in the insular part of the Russian Far East is presented. Based on a critical evaluation of the latest data, it is concluded that the initial colonization of Sakhalin Island occurred at ca. 19,500 BP and possibly earlier, but no solid evidence has yet been found to determine this with more precision. The movement of people from neighboring Hokkaido (northern Japan) to Sakhalin continued throughout the Paleolithic–Neolithic since ca. 10,000 BP with the help of maritime transport. In the Middle–Late Neolithic, ca. 5200–4400 BP, migration from the adjacent mainland (via the lower reaches of the Amur River) to Sakhalin is detected. The southern part of the Kurile Archipelago was initially colonized from Hokkaido in the Early Jomon (i.e., Neolithic) at ca. 7200–7000 BP; the northern part was subsequently settled possibly as early as ca. 5300 BP. Active contacts between Hokkaido and the Kurile Islands continued throughout and after the Jomon period. The identification of obsidian sources used by inhabitants on Sakhalin and the Kuriles has created a solid foundation for examining the direction and timing for initial colonization and other population dispersals.
... Island Southeast Asia (ISEA) features very strongly in this debate, as well as new data from the Izu Islands, Japan (Kuzmin, 2016), the Northern Channel Islands, USA (Erlandson et al., 2011), and the Aegean, Eastern Mediterranean (Carter, 2016), now challenging old paradigms about Pleistocene maritime capabilities of hunter gatherer societies and initial raw material transportation being associated only with the spread of Neolithic cultures. Unfortunately, in ISEA, the data for correctly identifying off-island resource use is significantly under-researched as seen in a recent review paper suggesting that there are up to 10 additional, so far unknown, obsidian sources being utilised in ISEA (Reepmeyer et al., 2011b;Spriggs, et al., 2011). ...
... Reepmeyer, O'Connor, & Brockwell, 2011;C. Reepmeyer, O'Connor, Maloney, & Kealy, 2016;Christian Reepmeyer et al., 2011;Spriggs et al., 2011) and earthenware pottery (P. Lape et al., 2018;Peter V. Lape et al., 2017;Peterson, 2015). ...
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Rock art in Indonesia has been investigated before the 20th century. A number of previous scientific publications noted the existence of rock art sites on Seram Island, Maluku Province, which was on the cliff of Sawai and Tala River. Recent archaeological surveys in the area of East Seram and Seram Laut conducted by a joint Indonesian-American Research Team discovered a new rock art site in the coast of East Seram. The rock art is painted on the cliff wall which is called by the locals as Watu Sika. Rock art on the Watu Sika Site is similar to a number of rock art at other sites in Eastern Indonesia which were mostly painted on karstic cliffs along the coast. This study used verbal and pictorial recording methods using the Dstretch application to clarify images to support identification. This study analyzed a number of figurative and non-figurative patterns of rock art motifs at Watu Sika Site. The results of the identification of a number of rock art motifs on this site show that there are several patterns including figures of human, animal, fish, boats, negative hand stencils, and geometric patterns. This study also discussed an analysis of the social context background of rock art tradition in the surrounding region, particularly at the Banda Sea region. Based on the distribution network of rock art findings in eastern Indonesia, new insights are generated that this interim data analysis show that Watu Sika Site is the key to connecting the distribution path of rock art originating from the western region into two lanes. The first lane to the Northeast, which is the Papua region and South Lane, expanding towards the Islands around the Banda Sea.
... Excepté les industries sur petits éclats en obsidienne d'époque prénéolithique (Holocène) découvertes dans les nombreux sites du bassin de Bandung comme la grotte de Pawon comprise entre 9500 et 5500 ans BP (Chia et al. 2008;Spriggs et al. 2011), les plus nombreuses, les plus originales et les plus étudiées sont pour l'essentiel les industries de la partie Est de Java. Notamment celles mises au jour dans les Montagnes du Sud (Gunung Sewu en Javanais ou mille collines) où pointent le plus grand nombre de sites en grotte et abri (Simanjuntak 2002;Forestier 2007b) (Figure 8). ...
Article
Proposer une synthèse sur la préhistoire d’un archipel et de ses assemblages lithiques n’est pas chose facile, d’une part à cause de l’immensité de l’espace concerné mesurant 2 millions de km2, d’autre part du fait que la notion de Paléolithique y est difficilement applicable et notamment celles de « Paléolithique supérieur » ou d’Epipaléolithique-Mésolithique établies en Eurasie occidentale. L’Indonésie et ses myriades d’îles et îlots (environ 18000) s’inscrivent dans un rectangle 5000 km sur 2000 km de part et d’autre de l’équateur ce qui en fait le plus grand archipel du monde. Cette aire géographique immense s’étirant sur un espace maritime d’environ 6 millions de km2, ne nous permet pas aujourd’hui de traiter exhaustivement l’ensemble des groupes industriels, des faciès ou des cultures préhistoriques, c’est pour cela que nous aborderons les principaux. L’Indonésie occupe une place privilégiée pour l’histoire des hommes fossiles qui la rend incontournable dans les connaissances de la variabilité des comportements des hominidés en contexte intertropical. Cette contribution a pour objectif de dresser un bilan critique et objectif des différentes méthodes de taille rencontrées depuis 1 million d’années sur les principales îles à partir d’une sélection de sites dont la stratigraphie est bien établie et bien datée. Rares sont les technocomplexes bien définis avant l’Holocène, période où l’insularité de cette aire géographique s’est fixée avec la remontée marine marquant progressivement le début de l’histoire des archipels insulindiens. Parmi ceux-ci nous citerons le « Toalien » à Sulawesi (faciès à pointes), le « Sampungien » (faciès à pointes) et les industries sur éclats de Song Keplek ou « Keplekien » (débitage orthogonal) dans l’Est de l’île de Java. Hormis ces trois traditions techniques qui restent individualisables sur un plan typo-technologique, il n’y a pas dans l’ensemble du matériel rencontré, de faciès différentiables associés à une dénomination d’outils spécifiques. En règle générale, les industries lithiques du Pléistocène supérieur et de l’Holocène indonésien répondent à une production basique d’éclats et d’outils sur éclats avec de multiples variantes régionales. Le mode de débitage est très largement à la pierre dure, non Levallois, rarement Discoïde, non lamino-lamellaire tel qu’on peut le rencontrer en Europe de l’Ouest ou au Proche et Moyen-Orient. Contrairement à l’Asie du Sud-Est continentale où il est encore plus difficile de discerner un Paléolithique ancien, moyen et récent du fait de la continuité d’industries toutes réalisées sur galet (Hoabinhien et autres), l’Indonésie qui devient insulaire à la marge du Pléistocène et de l’Holocène propose une hétérogénéité des assemblages lithiques sans précédent. C’est-à-dire une diversité dans les modalités de production lithique selon différentes chaînes opératoires de façonnage (galet, pointe de type de Sampung, biface...) ou de débitage (discoïde, orthogonal et laminaire). Le but de cet article est donc de présenter de façon synthétique les principaux ensembles lithiques de l’Archipel indonésien à partir d’une sélection d’îles sur lesquelles des assemblages lithiques ont pu être correctement documentés. Nous nous intéresserons ainsi aux îles de Sumatra, de Java, de Kalimantan (Bornéo), de Sulawesi, et à quelques autres plus orientales qui, comme Timor et Flores, ont, ces dernières années, livré des découvertes de premier plan en paléoanthropologie et en préhistoire. Par commodité, nous avons été obligés de procéder à des coupures régionales et chronologiques (Pléistocène ancien-moyen et Pléistocène supérieur final-Holocène ancien) qui permettent d’exposer au mieux cette synthèse sur des assemblages lithiques qui n’ont pas tous fait l’objet d’études technologiques approfondies au sens où nous pouvons l’entendre en Europe avec l’utilisation du concept de chaîne opératoire.
... Excepté les industries sur petits éclats en obsidienne d'époque prénéolithique (Holocène) découvertes dans les nombreux sites du bassin de Bandung comme la grotte de Pawon comprise entre 9500 et 5500 ans BP (Chia et al. 2008;Spriggs et al. 2011), les plus nombreuses, les plus originales et les plus étudiées sont pour l'essentiel les industries de la partie Est de Java. Notamment celles mises au jour dans les Montagnes du Sud (Gunung Sewu en Javanais ou mille collines) où pointent le plus grand nombre de sites en grotte et abri (Simanjuntak 2002;Forestier 2007b) (Figure 8). ...
... In the reverse direction, New Britain obsidian occurs at Bukit Tengkorak on Borneo in contexts contemporary with Middle Lapita (Bellwood and Koon 1989;Bird 1989). A piece of Manus obsidian at Bukit Tengkorak on Borneo (Tykot and Chia 1997, p. 177) and an unstratified piece of New Britain obsidian from Cebu Island, Philippines , are of questionable relevance as neither piece is dated, though Spriggs et al. (2011) assign the Bukit Tengkorak find to the Neolithic. ...
Article
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Within the Pacific Islands, the archaeological phenomenon called the Lapita Cultural Complex is widely regarded as first appearing in the Bismarck Archipelago of Papua New Guinea and then spreading southward. This complex supposedly represents the sudden arrival of migrants from Island Southeast Asia with new technologies, foreign languages, and a different worldview. We question these interpretations and the assumptions behind them and suggest instead that current evidence supports the introduction of new cultural traits over several centuries, rather than the sudden intrusion of foreign migrants.
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Situs Lembah Karama adalah kawasan hunian prasejarah, yang mengandung banyak data arkeologis untuk mengungkap sejarah kedatangan dan perkembangan budaya penutur Austronesia di Sulawesi. Mereka bermukim di sepanjang Lembah Karama sejak 3.800 tahun yang lalu, terus bertahan dan menyebar untuk mengembangkan pengetahuan logam ke daerah lain, baik hilir dan pedalaman Sulawesi. Lapisan budaya in situ ditemukan pada penggalian tahun 2014 dengan penanggalan sekitar 172 cal BCE hingga 55 CE. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah menjelaskan budaya fase logam awal di Situs Sakkarra berdasarkan data penelitian terkini. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif untuk menganalisis lapisan budaya berdasarkan pengamatan stratigrafi, konteks, dan temuan artefak dari beberapa data ekskavasi yang dilakukan pada tahun 2014, 2016 dan 2017. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan ada indikasi hunian yang lebih tua, yaitu fase Neolitik, hingga berlanjut ke fase logam awal di Sakkarra. Namun, periode ini tidak berlangsung lama, sebelum akhirnya memasuki tahap hunian intensif 2.000 tahun yang lalu. Tradisi budaya neolitik belum menghilang dan masih melekat dalam tatanan budaya mereka ketika pengetahuan logam mulai hadir di kawasan Lembah Karama. Kesinambungan budaya tercermin dalam pemeliharaan tradisi teknologi Neolitik seperti pembuatan tembikar dan alat-alat batu yang diupam. Lapisan budaya di Situs Sakkara menunjukkan adanya hunian penutur Austronesia yang berlanjut dari fase Neolitik ke fase logam awal di Lembah Karama. Bahkan mereka secara aktif terlibat dalam interaksi perdagangan yang telah terjalin di antara pulau-pulau di Asia Tenggara pada waktu itu.The Karama drainage region is a prehistoric occupation site, which contains many archaeological data to uncover the history of the arrival and development of the Austronesian-speakers culture in Sulawesi. They have occupied along the Karama drainage since 3,800 years ago, continue to persist and spread to develop of metal knowledge to other areas, both downstream and inland Sulawesi. The in situ cultural layers found on excavations of 2014 with dating around 172 cal BCE to 55 CE. The aim of the study is described of early metal phase culture in Sakkarra Site based on the latest research data. This study used qualitative methods to analyses of cultural layers based on stratigraphic observations, contexts, and artifact findings from several data of excavation conducted in 2014, 2016 and 2017. The research result shows there is an indication of older occupation, which is the Neolithic phase, continued unabated into the Early Metal Phase at Sakkarra. However, this period does not last long, before finally entering the stage of intensive occupancy by 2,000 years ago. Neolithic cultural traditions have not disappeared and still inherent in their cultural order when metal knowledge begins to present in Karama Drainage. Cultural continuity is reflected in the maintenance of Neolithic technological traditions such as the manufacture of earthenware pottery and polished stone tools. The cultural layer in Sakkara Site indicates the existence of Austronesian speakers' occupation that continues from the Neolithic phase to the initial metal phase in Karama Drainage. Even they are actively involved in the shipping and trade that had intertwined among the islands in Southeast Asia at that time.
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The Bubog-1 rockshelter on Ilin Island has provided important evidence for Late Pleistocene to Mid-Holocene (c. 33 000–4000 cal BP) human habitation, yet little is known about the contemporaneous transmission of material culture, technology and mortuary practices across Island Southeast Asia. Recent archaeological research at Bubog-1 has revealed a tightly flexed inhumation dating to c. 5000 cal BP—a type representative of a widespread, contemporaneous burial practice observed across the region. The emergence of diverse burial practices and their spread across Island Southeast Asia coincides with evidence for technological innovation and increasing long-distance interaction between island communities. Keywords: Island Southeast Asia, Holocene, burial traditions, maritime interaction
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In this paper, we review the current Philippine archaeological record between c. 14,000 and 4000 cal. bp in the context of our developing understanding of human adaptation to post-glacial environments at the end of the Pleistocene, and the cultural and technological changes that were occurring across Southeast Asia during this period. Due to their location at the northwestern fringes of Wallacea, close proximity to Borneo and Taiwan, and the long Palawan coastline bordering the southern margins of the South China Sea, the Philippines have likely acted as a conduit for the movements of people, material culture and ideas between the islands of Southeast Asia throughout prehistory. Current research suggests that the Philippines were possibly embedded in larger maritime networks from the Late Pleistocene onwards. This appears to have been a period of significant social change and technological innovation, as illustrated by the appearance of new organic and inorganic technologies and the emergence of diverse burial traditions across Southeast Asia. These included sophisticated fishing strategies, techniques of hafting and composite tool production, and long-distance interaction across the Philippine archipelago and Island Southeast Asia perhaps as far as Near Oceania.
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Thesis
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This research employs a modern analogue approach to examine relationships between pollen, vegetation change, and land use in the tropical environments of Island Southeast Asia over the past ~5000 years. Interpretation of fossil pollen data relies upon uniformitarian principles. Few modern pollen- vegetation studies from the region exist, and those that do have focused on climatic or ecological aims. Main contributions of this study are: the collection and analysis of modern botanical data and pollen assemblages from various human-modified and ‘natural’ vegetation types; and the comparison of this modern dataset with fossil pollen sequences in order to test hypotheses relating to signatures of past land use. Some fossil assemblages showed statistical similarity with those from modern ‘cultured’ landscapes, whilst others aligned more closely with those from natural vegetation. Cores from the northern Kelabit Highlands of Sarawak, Malaysian Borneo, contain assemblages from 1700 cal BP onwards that are similar to those produced by modern arboriculture; a core from the southern Highlands contains fossil assemblages as old as 2000 cal BP that align with those from modern wet rice paddies. These ages coincide with the earliest archaeological dates from nearby sites. Earlier vegetation changes appear to relate to edaphic development and climatic fluctuations. In northern Palawan, western Philippines, the first fossil pollen sequence from the island records post-5000 cal BP marine regression, hydrological fluctuations that are likely related to ENSO cyclicities, and persistence of open landscapes with minor evidence of closed forest after 2750 cal BP. This contrasts with existing proxy data that imply increasingly closed forest through the Holocene. In a region where direct archaeobotanical evidence is sparse, and little modern pollen- vegetation work has been done, this research contributes to clarifying modes and timings of changes in subsistence-related disturbance, as well as bolstering recent interpretations from other palaeoclimatic proxies for ENSO intensification from ~4000 cal BP. These results, and those from similar future studies, can provide baseline data for long-term monitoring and conservation initiatives. -------------------Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International, Many of the figures in this thesis are modified from originals in existing publications. The source publications are all cited in the text of the thesis, with full bibliographic details appearing in the References section.----------------- EXAMINED BY: Rob Marchant (external; University of York) and Tim Bayliss-Smith (internal; University of Cambridge).
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This study addresses the role of prehistoric ethnopolitical divisions, factionalism, and alliances in macroregional economic models. The Mesoamerican Late Postclassic period (A.D. 1350–1525) is characterized by its " cosmopolitan " economy featuring long distance exchange of raw materials and finished products. Such characterizations are examined through a provenance analysis of small obsidian projectile points from the Maya lowlands of Guatemala, Mexico, Belize, and Honduras. Obsidian artifacts are analyzed using portable x-ray fluorescence (pXRF) and social network analysis (SNA) methods, revealing at least four sub-networks of point procurement that belonged to nine different ethnopolitical divisions. Local production of points is approached using a novel method of two-mode analysis, demonstrating in some cases that the sources of local obsidian debitage and debris did not coincide with the sources of finished point assemblages. Such information reveals the intricacies of Maya exchange and stresses the importance of local political geography during the Late Postclassic.
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MULTIPLE-SOURCES IDENTIFICATION OF OBSIDIAN IN MERANGIN AND SAROLANGUN (SUMATRA) BASED ON PORTABLE X-RAY FLUORESCENCE SPECTROMETRY (pXRF) DETERMINATION. Abstract. Prehistory of Sumatra well characterized by its abundant numbers of obsidian industry, one of which is in Jambi Province. However, determination on the geochemical characteristic of obsidian from Jambi is still lacking. Portable X-Ray Fluorescence analysis (pXRF) on obsidian samples from Merangin and Sarolangun proved the existence of three different obsidian sources in Jambi. It is obtained through the determination of pXRF on the particular trace elements: Rb, Sr, Zr, Y, Nb, Ti, and Mn. The results are then analyzed by the Principal Component Analysis (PCA) to arrange the same obsidian sources. This result is then corroborated with the Independent Sample T-Test. This analysis reveals the similarity in trace-element concentration amongst the same source, as well as their differences within different sources. This study contributes to the identification of two new obsidian sources from Sarolangun that have never been reported before. As a result, there are five known-sources of obsidian in Southern Sumatra, in which three other sources were previously identified by Ambrose et al. (2009) and Reepmeyer et al. (2011).
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Cambridge Core - Archaeological Theory and Methods - Civilisation Recast - by Stephen Feuchtwang
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An X-ray fluorescence determination technique using glass bead samples with 1:10 sample-to-flux ratios was developed for the reliable and routine analysis of silicic archaeological and geochemical samples (e.g., pottery, clay, rock, and soil) in order to estimate provenance. Synthetic calibration standards were prepared by compounding chemical reagents (oxides, carbonates, and diphosphate) to construct calibration curves for 24 components (Na2O, MgO, Al2O3, SiO2, P2O5, K2O, CaO, TiO2, MnO, Fe2O3, V, Cr, Ni, Cu, Zn, Rb, Sr, Y, Zr, Nb, Ba, and Pb). The standards were produced in imitation of the chemical compositions of Japanese pottery. The calibration curves showed good linearity with correlation coefficients greater than 0.997. The method was validated by assaying three geochemical reference materials. Considering the uncertainty that was estimated from the difference between the analytical and recommended values and the standard deviation of the measurement, the analytical results were in good agreement with the recommended values. The new method produced much more accurate results than those obtained by semi-fundamental parameter calculation using software installed on the XRF spectrometer. The proposed method was used to determine 24 components in 20 Jomon pottery samples and 10 clay samples excavated from the Nakatai site in Japan. The reliable chemical composition data revealed information about the pottery’s origin, including the type of raw clay used and the provenance.
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Thesis
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Book
These fifteen essays explore the archaeological applications of an exciting new field of research in materials science. Since the first archaeometric uses of inductively coupled plasma (ICP) in the early 1980s, most applications have required the processing of solid samples with heat and/or strong acids. This is time consuming, expensive, and sometimes dangerous. An alternative sample-introduction technique, laser ablation (LA), became commercially available in the mid-1990s. The coupling of laser ablation with state-of-the-art inductively coupled plasma-mass spectrometers (ICP-MS) has resulted in the development of extremely sensitive microprobes capable of determining most elements of the periodic table. Already recognized as an invaluable technique in earth sciences, zoology, and botany, the use of LA-ICP-MS is being explored in archaeology. Robert Speakman and Hector Neff bring together writings that specifically describe laser ablation, methods for data quantification, and applications. Originating in New World and Mediterranean sites, the materials whose analysis are described here include paints and glazes, ceramic pastes, lithics, human teeth and bone, and metals.
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The eastern Sunda and Banda arcs are characterized by an anomalous tectonic setting when compared with most other island arcs. Although the volcanic arc appears to be underlain by oceanic crust, the trough and sea floor beyond appear to be underlain by relatively thick continental crust. Late Cenozoic basaltic volcanic rocks from Solor in the west to Serua in the east are characterized by a primitive tholeiitic geochemistry, whereas associated more silicic rocks are anomalously rich in alkalis, especially potassium. 87Sr/86Sr ratios are all high relative to those from the western Sunda arc; they range from 0.7054 (Pura Beser) to 0.7091 (Maupura and Serua). Subduction and subsequent involvement in magma genesis of either sediments or continental crust seems the most plausible explanation. This model may also explain some of the tectonic peculiarities of the region, including the present gap in active volcanism north of Timor and the strong Holocene vertical uplift in the region. *Present addresses: Whitford-Department of Terrestrial Magnetism, Carnegie Institution of Washington, 5241 Broad Branch Road, N.W., Washington, D.C., 20015; Nicholls-Department of Earth Sciences, Monash University, Clayton, Victoria, Australia
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Current portrayals of Island Southeast Asia (ISEA) over the past 5,000 years are dominated by discussion of the Austronesian "farming/language dispersal," with associated linguistic replacement, genetic clines, Neolithic "packages," and social transformations. The alternative framework that we present improves our understanding of the nature of the Austronesian language dispersal from Taiwan and better accords with the population genetics, archaeological evidence, and crop domestication histories for ISEA. Genetic studies do not demonstrate that the dispersal of Austronesian languages through ISEA was associated with large-scale displacement, replacement, or absorption of preexisting populations. Linguistic phylogenies for Austronesian languages do not support staged movement from Taiwan through the Philippines into Indo-Malaysia; in addition, the lexical and grammatical structure of many Austronesian languages suggests significant interaction with pre-Austronesian languages and cultures of the region. Archaeological evidence, including domestication histories for major food plants, indicates that ISEA was a zone of considerable maritime interaction before the appearance of Austronesian languages. Material culture dispersed through ISEA from multiple sources along a mosaic of regional networks. The archaeological evidence helps us to shape a new interpretative framework of the social and historical processes that more parsimoniously accounts for apparent discrepancies between genetic phylogenies and linguistic distributions and allows for more nuanced models of the dispersal of technologies and societies without reference to the farming/language dispersal hypothesis.
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One of the enduring questions about maritime migration is what impels it. Answers are not likely to be simple or cast only in material terms. This paper considers the importance of exile. It is shown as a major factor in maritime migration to islands historically, and as important also in traditions of island colonization. One area of migratory seafaring in which exile was probably manifested is religious exile. Variation in the distribution of ceremonial architecture between east and south Polynesia is considered in that light, and it is concluded that systematic research might disclose the relevance of the ritual landscape to our understanding of the origins of maritime migration.