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Die Straße beherrschen, die Stadt beherrschen. Sozialraumstrategien und politische Gewalt im Ruhrgebiet 1929–1933
Abstract
Am Morgen des 16. Oktober 1932 befanden sich die ausgedehnten Arbeiterquartiere der Dortmunder Nordstadt in heller Aufregung
– von Süden kommend näherten sich mehrere Kolonnen uniformierter SA-Männer, insgesamt etwa 800 Nationalsozialisten, die von
einigen Hundertschaften Polizei begleitet wurden.
Von scheinbar unpolitischen Nachbarschaftswachen bis zu organisierten rechtsextremen Patrouillen - immer häufiger inszenieren sich Bürger*innen als alternative Ordnungsmacht. Nina Marie Bust-Bartels hat Bürgerwehren auf ihren Streifzügen begleitet und liefert Einblicke in die politischen Motivationen der Mitglieder. Mit ihrer Studie an der Schnittstelle von Soziologie, Ethnologie und Politikwissenschaft zeigt sie, warum vor allem Männer das staatliche Gewaltmonopol infrage stellen. Darüber hinaus untersucht sie erstmals Bürgerwehren als Strategie rechtsextremer Akteure, die durch die Kontrolle des öffentlichen Raumes politische Macht gewinnen wollen.
Von scheinbar unpolitischen Nachbarschaftswachen bis zu organisierten rechtsextremen Patrouillen - immer häufiger inszenieren sich Bürger*innen als alternative Ordnungsmacht. Nina Marie Bust-Bartels hat Bürgerwehren auf ihren Streifzügen begleitet und liefert Einblicke in die politischen Motivationen der Mitglieder. Mit ihrer Studie an der Schnittstelle von Soziologie, Ethnologie und Politikwissenschaft zeigt sie, warum vor allem Männer das staatliche Gewaltmonopol infrage stellen. Darüber hinaus untersucht sie erstmals Bürgerwehren als Strategie rechtsextremer Akteure, die durch die Kontrolle des öffentlichen Raumes politische Macht gewinnen wollen.
The Nazi seizure of power took place at many levejs: at the top Hitler (with industry and finance capital in the background) outmanoeuvred the Weimar politicians; lower down, his Brownshirts, under the leadership of the former army captain, Ernst Rohm, and the propagandist Joseph Goebbels (the man who 'won over' 'red' Berlin in the Reichstag elections of September 1930) set about conquering the streets. Long before the night of 20 January 1933, the Nazis had set about working at the grass-roots of the Weimar Republic: the working class strongholds of the towns and cities. The aim was to demoralize and conquer the working class in the very streets which made up their territory. In Hamburg and Altona this process began in early 1927 when the Nazi organization in neighbouring St. Pauli founded a commando group to launch a counter-offensive against the social democrats and communists in the struggle for the streets. The first large propaganda demonstration was staged in 1927 in the Hamburg and Altona area and Goebbels came to speak before the 'masses'. According to one Nazi description of Goebbels' talk in Altona 'for the first time in their history, in their stronghold' the Left were 'clearly defeated'. This was an exaggeration but it indicates the policy behind the Nazi strategy of moving into the working class 'Hochburgen'. The emergence of a militant Nazi street politics meant that a dichotomy deepened in the structure of German political life. The parliamentarians become increasingly divorced from a political process which was taking place much nearer the working class. This did not threaten the bourgeois parties at first since street politics tended not to involve their mainstream constituency, but the SPD made a fatal error in reacting too late when it did involve their membership. The founding of the Iron Front in 1931 as counterweight to the reactionary 'Harzburger Front' failed to deal with the problem at street level. The republican organisation 'Reichsbanner', which by the end of the 1920s was really almost exclusively social democrat, never condoned violent street action, but some neighbourhood branches did take part in clashes with both Nazis and Communists. Quite different was the policy of the Communist Party (KPD). In 1924 the communist party founded its own commando group, the 'Rote Frontkampferbund', which had its roots in the earlier 'Hundertschaften', militant groups organized at local level. The RFB, as it was known, was banned in 1929 after a series of bloody street battles but continued to function underground. In Altona and Hamburg it was highly organised and its local leaders were skilled in revolutionary political action. At the same time however, there is evidence to suggest that the communists managed to prevent their policies from becoming estranged from the realities of working class life. The fact that the lower functionaries of the party's different organizations were persons with roots in local working class life also helped to cement some sort of bond between the two which was not necessarily immediately political.
In this book Eve Rosenhaft examines the involvement of Communists in political violence during the years of Hitler's rise to power in Germany (1929–33). Specifically, she aims to account for their participation in `street-fighting' or 'gang-fighting' with National Socialist storm-troopers. The origins of this conflict are examined at two levels. First Dr Rosenhaft analyses the official policy of the Communist Party towards fascism and Nazism, and the special anti-fascist and self-defence organizations which it developed. Among the aspects of Communist policy that are explored are the relation between the international confrontation between Communists and Social Democrats as claimants to lead the left, and the implications of this dispute in German politics; the ideological difficulties in the implementation of Communist policy in a period of economic dislocation; and the organizational problems posed by the fight against fascism. Dr Rosenhaft then explores the attitudes and experience of the Communist rank and file engaged in the struggle against fascism, concentrating on the city of Berlin, where a fierce contest for control of the streets was waged.
Vom Weltkrieg zum Bürgerkrieg? : politischer Extremismus in Deutschland und Frankreich 1918 - 1933/39 ; Berlin und Paris im Vergleich. - München : Oldenbourg, 1999. - X, 702 S. - (Quellen und Darstellungen zur Zeitgeschichte ; 40). - Teilw. zugl.: Regensburg, Univ., Habil.-Schr., 1995
Henri Lefebvre has considerable claims to be the greatest living philosopher. His work spans some sixty years and includes original work on a diverse range of subjects, from dialectical materialism to architecture, urbanism and the experience of everyday life. The Production of Space is his major philosophical work and its translation has been long awaited by scholars in many different fields. The book is a search for reconciliation between mental space (the space of the philosophers) and real space (the physical and social spheres in which we all live). In the course of his exploration, Henri Lefebvre moves from metaphysical and ideological considerations of the meaning of space to its experience in the everyday life of home and city. He seeks, in other words, to bridge the gap between the realms of theory and practice, between the mental and the social, and between philosophy and reality. In doing so, he ranges through art, literature, architecture and economics, and further provides a powerful antidote to the sterile and obfuscatory methods and theories characteristic of much recent continental philosophy. This is a work of great vision and incisiveness. It is also characterized by its author's wit and by anecdote, as well as by a deftness of style that Donald Nicholson-Smith's sensitive translation precisely captures.
Fascists presents a theory of fascism based on intensive analysis of the men and women who became fascists. It covers the six European countries in which fascism became most dominant - Italy, Germany, Austria, Hungary, Romania and Spain. It is a comprehensive analysis of who fascists actually were, what beliefs they held and what actions they committed. The book suggests that fascism was essentially a product of post World War I conditions in Europe and is unlikely to re-appear in its classic garb in the future. Nonetheless, elements of its ideology remain relevant to modern conditions and are now re-appearing, though mainly in different parts of the world.
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