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Causes of the 1967 Greek Coup
Abstract
The purpose of this article is to discuss the factors that led to the imposition of the 1967 military regime in Athens. The so-called “conspiracy theories” have thus far suggested that the US influenced the turn of events, however, without the support of the necessary evidence. Recently declassified material of the US Department of State will allow us to examine all such allegations, as well as the perception that Andreas Papandreou posed a serious threat to constitutional democracy. The article will also discuss the possibility of the coup fulfilling the personal ambition of George Papadopoulos.
... For instance, during the 1973 Chilean coup, tanks shelled the La Moneda palace after Salvador Allende refused to surrender and the President's guard (Grupo de Amigos Personales) opened fire on the rebels. In the 1967 Greek coup d'état, the army's tanks occupied ministries and vital infrastructure in the capital (Kassimeris, 2006). The coup was bloodless as no actor had the means to oppose the military's mechanized forces. ...
Civil-military relations are characterized by a fundamental dilemma. To lower coup risk, leaders frequently empower the military, which satisfies the armed forces with the status quo and enables them to fight against threats challenging the civilian leadership. Simultaneously, a too powerful military itself constitutes a potential threat that is capable of overthrowing the government. Our research adds to this debate by examining the impact of mechanization, that is, the degree to which militaries rely on armored vehicles relative to manpower, on coup risk. We discuss several (opposing) mechanisms before developing the theoretical expectation that higher levels of mechanization should lower the likelihood of a coup due to the increased costs of coup execution. Empirical evidence strongly supports this claim and, thus, contributes to our understanding of the emergence of coups as an essential breakdown of civil-military relations, while adding to the debate surrounding the many trade-offs leaders face when coup-proofing their regimes.
Greece is an essential part of the Mediterranean and Middle East security system. Home and foreign policy of Greece became a factor of the critical importance for the US. The author`s vision of the Greek factor’s impact on the US Mediterranean policy was presented in the article. Research objective. The paper is devoted to the US Mediterranean policy and the Greek factor in the context of the Cold War. The purpose of the presented study is to research connection between Greek home and foreign policy to the US strategy in the region. Scientific novelty. The innovative nature of the article lies in the revision of the US Mediterranean policy according to political processes in Greece. A special attention was paid on regional strategic developments and US adaptation to them. Research methods. The system analysis was used in the article to research geopolitical and economic interests of the USA in the regional dimension. The history and genetic method is used in the article also. Conclusions. Greece played an important role in the US foreign policy throughout the Cold War. Greece was regarded not only as an equal partner, but also as a guarantor of the stability of NATO’s Southern Flank. Greece policy`s influence on the US Mediterranean policy had formed the so-called Greek factor. During the Cold war Greek factor forced the US to adapt. Such aspects as Truman doctrine, Cyprus problem, regime of Greek junta prioritized American policy in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East. Temporal withdrawal of Greece from NATO and emergence of Greek anti-Americanism were the most difficult stages of the US Mediterranean policy. By the end of the Cold War political anti-Americanism transformed into terrorist threat. The current situation in the Middle East region makes the US Mediterranean policy relevant. And its research has a prospect for a future survey.
This study suggests that conscription produces an unappreciated side effect in domestic politics as it increases the likelihood of coup d’état in anocratic regimes. Utilizing data from 1950 to 2016, the study measures the impact of conscription on coup risk in anocracies and non-anocracies and provides significant evidence that conscription increases the probability of a coup attempt in anocracies. I do not argue that conscripts stage military coups. Instead, conscription increases coup risk in anocracies because it increases the ties of the armed forces with society and enables the general public or interest groups to organize their collective action within the armed forces. This academic endeavor aims to expand our understanding on the impact of the armed forces on the prospects of military intervention, delineate the socialization aspect of conscription, and to broaden our knowledge on civil–military relations in non-democratic regimes.
This chapter considers the American response to the Greek military coup of 21 April 1967. It considers how the United States initially reacted to the events of the coup, as well as how, over succeeding weeks and months, the Johnson administration attempted to arrive at a longer-term policy toward the colonels. Two main issues are addressed here: the initial US reaction to the coup and the formation of the longer-term approach the US government would take over succeeding years. This chapter shows how, as the longer-term approach developed, the US would come to follow a two-pronged strategy: One advocating for the return of democracy in Greece, but also working toward a modus vivendi with a regime that the US found less than ideal, but one that was key to US and NATO strategic interests in the Eastern Mediterranean.
The modern Mission Command philosophy in military operations originated with the German concept of Auftragstaktik (mission tactics). It emphasizes in general terms the exercise of disciplined initiatives by subordinates during the execution of mission-type orders in the course of military operations that are conducted within the overall intent of a commander. The present paper contains an overview of the historical evolution of the mission command concept and its application. The paper compares the mission command concept with the detailed or linear method of command. This paper focuses on the relevance of the mission command concept for the Hellenic Land Forces (HLF) in Greece. The paper provides a historical account on when and where mission command was successfully exercised by the Hellenic Armed Forces in the modern military history of Greece. The authors support the premise that the mission command concept is essential for safeguarding Greek national security in the current environment of evolving symmetric and asymmetric threats, and in meeting operational challenges in a diverse and difficult terrain. The paper examines the cultural reasons that have impeded the adoption of the mission command concept within the HLF and recommends a three-phase model for its permanent implementation.
This chapter describes the political history of the Modern Greek state since its re-establishment in the nineteenth century and the impact it has had on the economy and the business system. It should be emphasized that this is an outline, highlighting certain themes in Greek politics, economy and business, and not a political analysis. There is plenty of scientific literature on that (from which we draw on) because this chapter is intented to inform people that are unfamiliar with the history of Modern Greece and provide them with the background information that will help them understand the more analytical chapters later. We therefore provide a summary of the political events and the major economic and business trends that went along with them. It is a top-down picture that brings to the surface certain themes that will be referred to in later chapters. These themes derive from the intertwining of political, economic and social factors which results in a complex mix of choices and events.
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