ChapterPDF Available

Human dimensions of wildlife

Authors:
R E V I S E D
Steg—Environmental Psychology: An Introduction
R
8 Human dimensions 
of wildlife
Maarten H.Jacobs
Wageningen University, The Netherlands
Jerry J. Vaske
Colorado State University, USA
Tara L. Teel
Colorado State University, USA
Michael J.Manfredo
Colorado State University, USA
C H A P T E R O U T L I N E
8.1 INTRODUCTION 78
8.2 EARLY WORK: ATTITUDES TOWARDS
WILDLIFE 78
8.3 THE COGNITIVE HIERARCHY 79
8.4 WILDLIFE VALUE ORIENTATIONS 81
8.5 PREDICTING NORMS AND ATTITUDES
TOWARDS WILDLIFE 83
8.6 EMOTIONS TOWARDS WILDLIFE 83
8.7 SUMMARY 85
GLOSSARY 85
SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING 86
REVIEW QUESTIONS 86
Steg_6388_c08_main.indd 77 1/19/2012 9:33:19 AM
R E V I S E D
Steg—Environmental Psychology: An Introduction
R
78 ENVIRONMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: AN INTRODUCTION
HUMAN DIMENSIONS OF WILDLIFE 79
8.1 INTRODUCTION
Imagine walking in a forest and encountering a deer. You might remember this
moment because it is special, perhaps the highlight of the trip. Humans are strongly
attracted to
wildlife. Wildlife-based tourism and recreation are increasingly popular
(Reynolds & Braithwaite, 2001) and wildlife TV documentaries attract large audi-
ences (Jacobs, 2009). Negative relationships with wildlife (e.g. snake phobias),
however, are also common (Öhman & Mineka, 2003). In general, the relationships
between humans and wildlife are complex, as they are closely tied to the evolution
of humans in natural environments, and are also manifestations of socialisation and
past individual experiences. Because the human brain evolved in part to meet wildlife-
related challenges, research into human thought, emotion and action can reveal
insights into the general workings of the human mind. Research into human dimen-
sions of wildlife is also of practical relevance as it helps to understand current opin-
ions and public debates about wildlife-related issues such as the reintroduction of
predators or the killing of species that cause harm to humans or damage crops.
In this chapter, we first discuss a descriptive typology of
attitudes towards wildlife
(Kellert, 1976). Subsequent sections describe a more theory-driven approach to
understanding human relationships with wildlife, guided by the
cognitive hierarchy.
This theoretical framework differentiates among the various thought processes that
form the basis for human behaviour (Manfredo, Teel, & Henry, 2009; Teel & Man-
fredo, 2009). While research on human dimensions of wildlife has predominantly
focused on cognitive aspects, new avenues are beginning to emphasise the impor-
tance of emotional factors, which will be explored in the last section. To some extent,
the research and theorising discussed in this chapter overlaps with a broader research
domain in which people’s responses to nature and landscapes and views of the rela-
tionship between humans and nature are studied (see Chapters 5, 6, 7 and 14).
However, as we will see, research on the human dimension of wildlife has increas-
ingly generated its own network of experts and literature, and is becoming an inde-
pendent field of research.
8.2 EARLY WORK: ATTITUDES
TOWARDS WILDLIFE
Kellert (1976) presented a typology of attitudes towards wildlife that has received wide
attention. Based on personal interviews and large-scale surveys, Kellert distinguished
nine basic attitudes (Kellert has also referred to these as
values) towards wildlife (Box 8.1).
Environmental Psychology: An Introduction, First Edition. Edited by Linda Steg, Agnes E. van den Berg,
Judith de Groot.
© 2012 the British Psychological Society and John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2012 by the British
Psychological Society and John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
78
Steg_6388_c08_main.indd 78 1/19/2012 9:33:20 AM
R E V I S E D
Steg—Environmental Psychology: An Introduction
R
78 ENVIRONMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: AN INTRODUCTION
HUMAN DIMENSIONS OF WILDLIFE 79
Kellerts typology has been mostly applied to describe the attitudes of different
groups of people. For example, a study among hunters and non-hunters (Kellert,
1978) found that hunters could be divided into three groups based on their attitudes
towards wildlife: utilitarian hunters who supplement their diet by shooting game,
naturalistic hunters with close ties to, and appreciation for, nature, and dominionistic
hunters who seek to dominate animals and nature. Non-hunters could be classified
into a group with humanistic attitudes and a group with moralistic attitudes. A large-
scale survey in the United States showed that women had higher scores than men
on humanistic, moralistic and negativistic attitudes, while men scored higher on
utilitarian, dominionistic, naturalistic and ecologistic attitudes (Kellert & Berry,
1987). Additional research has shown that favourable responses towards predators
were positively related to naturalistic, moralistic and ecologistic attitudes, but nega-
tively related to negativistic and utilitarian attitudes (Kellert, 1985).
By revealing this diversity in public responses to wildlife and wildlife-related issues,
Kellert has opened up the study of human–wildlife relationships. Theoretically,
however, his work is not informed by a clear conceptual foundation and conclusive
evidence about the reliability and validity of the measurement instrument is lacking.
8.3 THE COGNITIVE HIERARCHY
Manfredo and colleagues (Fulton, Manfredo, & Lipscomb, 1996; Manfredo, 2008;
Teel & Manfredo, 2009; Whittaker, Vaske, & Manfredo, 2006) have developed a
BOX 8.1 TYPOLOGY OF ATTITUDES
TOWARDS WILDLIFE
Kellert  (1976, 1996)  has  developed  a  typology 
consisting of nine basic attitudes towards wild-
life,also referred to as ‘values of wildlife’:
Utilitarian: Practical and material 
exploitation of wildlife.
Naturalistic: Direct experience and 
exploration of wildlife.
Ecologistic-scientific: Systematic study of 
the structure,function and relationships 
in the realm of wildlife.
Aesthetic: Physical appeal and beauty of 
wildlife.
Symbolic: Use of wildlife for language 
and thought.
Humanistic: Strong emotional 
attachment and ‘lovefor aspec ts of 
wildlife.
Moralistic: Spiritual reverence and 
ethical concern for wildlife.
Dominionistic: Mastery,  physical control 
and dominance of wildlife.
Negativistic: Fear,  aversion and alienation 
from wildlife.
Steg_6388_c08_main.indd 79 1/19/2012 9:33:20 AM
R E V I S E D
Steg—Environmental Psychology: An Introduction
R
80 ENVIRONMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: AN INTRODUCTION
HUMAN DIMENSIONS OF WILDLIFE 81
theory for studying human thought and behaviour towards wildlife, labelled the
‘cognitive hierarchy’. Building on insights from social psychology (Homer & Kahle,
1988), this framework stresses that values belong to a hierarchy of
cognitions that
form the basis for human behaviour and includes values,
value orientations, attitudes
and
norms, and behavioural intentions. In this hierarchy, values are the most abstract
cognitions, while behavioural intentions are the most specific cognitions and immedi-
ate antecedents of actual behaviour (see Figure 8.1).
Because values are often formed early in life, are culturally constructed, transcend
situations and are tied to one’s identity (Schwartz, 2006), they are extremely resistant
to change and are unlikely to explain much of the variability in specific behaviours
within cultures. For example, two persons may both find the value ‘freedom’ impor-
tant. In the context of wildlife, one person may project this value onto humans only
and find hunting acceptable, while another person may project freedom onto both
humans and wildlife and find hunting unacceptable. The fundamental value, then,
does not directly explain specific thought and behaviour. Manfredo and Teel (Man-
fredo et al., 2009; Teel & Manfredo, 2009) have proposed that
ideologies (e.g. egali-
tarianism) give direction and meaning to values in a given context. The resulting
value orientations are reflected in a schematic network of
basic beliefs that organise
around fundamental values and provide contextual meaning to them within a given
domain such as wildlife. Wildlife value orientations thus relate more directly to wild-
life than general values and are therefore more useful in explaining individual varia-
Figure 8.1 The cognitive hierarchy framework.
Reprinted from Vaske,J.J.& Donnely,M.P. (1999).A value–attitude–behavior model predic ting wildland 
preservation voting intentions.Society and Natural Resources,12,523–537, with permission of Taylor & Francis 
Ltd (http://www.tandfonline.com).
Behaviours
Behavioural intentions
Attitudes and norms
Value orientations
(basic belief patterns)
Values
Few in number
Slow to change
Central to beliefs
Transcend situations
Numerous
Quick to change
Peripheral
Specific to situations
Steg_6388_c08_main.indd 80 1/19/2012 9:33:20 AM
R E V I S E D
Steg—Environmental Psychology: An Introduction
R
80 ENVIRONMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: AN INTRODUCTION
HUMAN DIMENSIONS OF WILDLIFE 81
tion in wildlife-related attitudes and behaviours. Wildlife value orientations mediate
the relationship between general values and attitudes or norms in specific situations
involving wildlife (Manfredo et al., 2009).
8.4 WILDLIFE VALUE ORIENTATIONS
Two predominant wildlife value orientations have been identified: domination
(previously referred to as utilitarianism) and
mutualism (e.g. Fulton et al., 1996; Man-
fredo, 2008; Manfredo et al., 2009; Teel & Manfredo, 2009). People with a domination
wildlife value orientation believe that wildlife should be used and managed for
human benefit and are more likely to prioritise human well-being over wildlife.
Those with a mutualism wildlife value orientation see wildlife as part of an extended
family, deserving of care and rights like humans. Teel and Manfredo (2009) argue
that mutualism entails the belief that wildlife is capable of relationships of trust with
humans, reflecting an egalitarian ideology, in which all living things are treated as
having equal worth. A measurement instrument consisting of 19 survey items (Box
8.2) has been developed to assess these orientations. The domination value orienta-
tion is based on two basic belief dimensions: appropriate use beliefs and hunting
beliefs. The mutualism value orientation is also based on two basic belief dimensions:
social affiliation beliefs and caring beliefs. Composite indices are constructed from
the basic belief items to reflect the extent to which a respondent holds a domination
and/or mutualism orientation towards wildlife.
Research in the United States (Manfredo et al., 2009; Teel & Manfredo, 2009) and
the Netherlands (Vaske, Jacobs, & Sijtsma, 2011) has demonstrated the reliability of
this measurement instrument. Conclusive evidence for the cross-cultural existence
of domination and mutualism is largely absent, although qualitative studies in the
Netherlands ( Jacobs, 2007), China (Zinn & Shen, 2007), Estonia (Raadik & Cottrell,
2007), Mongolia (Kaczensky, 2007) and Thailand (Tanakanjana & Saranet, 2007), as
well as an exploratory quantitative study (that included a subset of the 19 items) in
10 European countries (Teel et al., 2010), suggest that these orientations may exist
in various cultures.
According to Inglehart (1997), modern societies are undergoing a shift from mate-
rialist values (focus on economic well-being and safety) to post-materialist values
(focus on quality of life, belonging and self-actualisation), associated with increasing
urbanisation, income and education levels. Research suggests that these societal-level
trends are contributing to an intergenerational shift from domination to mutualism
wildlife value orientations in the United States (Manfredo et al., 2009; Teel & Man-
fredo, 2009). Data collected in 19 Western states revealed that the percentage of those
with a mutualism orientation was higher in states with a higher average state-level
income, education and urbanisation, suggesting that ongoing demographic changes
could contribute to a shift in wildlife value orientations from domination to mutual-
ism. Because the findings also revealed a strong relationship between wildlife value
Steg_6388_c08_main.indd 81 1/19/2012 9:33:20 AM
R E V I S E D
Steg—Environmental Psychology: An Introduction
R
82 ENVIRONMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: AN INTRODUCTION
HUMAN DIMENSIONS OF WILDLIFE 83
BOX 8.2 MEASUREMENT OF WILDLIFE VALUE
ORIENTATIONS
Research has identified two predominant wild-
life value orientations:domination and mutual-
ism  (Manfredo  et  al., 2009; Teel  &  Manfredo,
2009).To  measure  these  value  orientations, an 
instrument has been developed that measures 
the  degree  to  which  individuals  agree  with 
the beliefs that are typical  for  the  orientations.
For  each  wildlife  value  orientation, two  belief 
domains  are  distinguished. The  items  for  each 
value  orientation  and  belief  domain  are  listed 
below.Response options range from 1 =strongly 
disagree to 7 =strongly agree.
Domination:Appropriate use beliefs
Humans should manage fish and wildlife 
populations so that humans benefit.
The needs of humans should take 
priority over fish and wildlife protection.
It is acceptable for people to kill wildlife 
if they think it poses a threat to their life.
It is acceptable for people to kill wildlife 
if they think it poses a threat to their 
property.
It is acceptable to use fish and wildlife in 
research even if it may harm or kill some 
animals.
Fish and wildlife are on ear th primarily 
for people to use.
Domination:Hunting beliefs
We should strive for a world where there 
is an abundance of fish and wildlife for 
hunting and fishing.
Hunting is cruel and inhumane to the 
animals (reverse-coded).
Hunting does not respect the lives of 
animals (reverse-coded).
People who want to hunt should be 
provided  the opportunity to do so.
Mutualism:Social affiliation beliefs
We should strive for a world where 
humans and fish and wildlife can live 
side by side without fear.
I view all living things as part of one big 
family.
Animals should have rights similar to the 
rights of humans.
Wildlife are like my family and I want to 
protect them.
Mutualism:Caring beliefs
I care about animals as much as I do 
other people.
It would be more rewarding to me to 
help animals rather than p eople.
I take great comfort in the relationships I 
have with animals.
I feel a strong emotional b ond with 
animals.
I value the sense of companionship I 
receive from animals.
Steg_6388_c08_main.indd 82 1/19/2012 9:33:20 AM
R E V I S E D
Steg—Environmental Psychology: An Introduction
R
82 ENVIRONMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: AN INTRODUCTION
HUMAN DIMENSIONS OF WILDLIFE 83
orientations and wildlife-related attitudes and behaviours (Teel & Manfredo, 2009),
these changes may additionally result in continued declines in public acceptance of
traditional forms of wildlife management that are typically acceptable for those with
a domination orientation (e.g. hunting, lethal control of wildlife).
8.5 PREDICTING NORMS AND
ATTITUDES TOWARDS WILDLIFE
The usefulness of studying wildlife value orientations depends on the concepts
predictive validity. Wildlife value orientations should predict people’s attitudes,
norms and behaviours towards wildlife in specific situations. Research has shown that
wildlife value orientations are effective in predicting reported behaviours such as
participation in wildlife-related recreation activities (e.g. hunting, wildlife viewing)
and support for wildlife management interventions across various issues and situa-
tions (e.g. Bright, Manfredo, & Fulton, 2000; Dougherty, Fulton, & Anderson, 2003;
Fulton et al., 1996; Teel & Manfredo, 2009; Whittaker et al., 2006). These studies
have consistently revealed that mutualists are more likely to participate in wildlife
viewing, whereas those with a domination orientation are more likely to be hunters
and anglers. Those with a mutualism value orientation are less likely than individuals
with a domination orientation to support management interventions that harm
wildlife or favour human interests over wildlife protection (e.g. Teel & Manfredo,
2009). Overall, the two wildlife value orientations have been shown across studies to
explain approximately half of the variability in attitudes, norms and behaviours (e.g.
Fulton et al., 1996; Jacobs et al., 2011; Whittaker et al., 2006).
8.6 EMOTIONS TOWARDS WILDLIFE
The cognitive approach described above does not explicitly consider emotions. The
concepts and measurements may reflect emotional content (e.g. attitudes and values
are often emotion-laden), but they are not intended to directly capture emotional
dispositions or responses. While fear towards wildlife has occasionally been empiri-
cally addressed (Johansson & Karlsson, 2011; Kaltenborn, Bjerke, & Nyahongo,
2006; Öhman & Mineka, 2003), research on emotions towards wildlife is far less
extensive than research on cognitions. Yet emotions can play a key role in our
experiences with, and responses to wildlife and reflect basic reactions to wildlife and
the natural environment (Herzog & Burghardt, 1986; Manfredo, 2008; see also
Chapter 7). Emotions influence other mental phenomena, such as perception and
Steg_6388_c08_main.indd 83 1/19/2012 9:33:20 AM
R E V I S E D
Steg—Environmental Psychology: An Introduction
R
84 ENVIRONMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: AN INTRODUCTION
HUMAN DIMENSIONS OF WILDLIFE 85
memories. Most people can easily recall intense positive and negative emotional
wildlife experiences (e.g. being delighted to see a deer in the wild, being afraid of
snakes).
Emotional responses are characterised by valence (e.g. positive or negative, good
or bad) and may comprise: (a) expressive reactions (e.g. smiling), (b) physiological
reactions (e.g. increased heartbeat), (c) behavioural tendencies or coping (e.g.
approaching, avoiding), (d) thoughts (e.g. interpreting the situation, identifying a
supposed cause of the emotion), and (e) emotional experiences (e.g. feeling happy)
(Cornelius, 1996). These components of emotional responses can be influenced by
biological factors as well as by cultural and individual learning (Jacobs, 2009). In
the course of biological evolution, emotional bodily reactions emerged as automatic
adaptive responses to situations of life-importance, and facilitated the survival and
well-being of animals and humans (Damasio, 2001; LeDoux, 1996). For example,
an increased heartbeat as part of a fear reaction to a predator prepares a human
for optimal fight or flight reactions (see also Chapter 3). Many bodily reactions are
automatic; if the person had to think about increasing the heartbeat the optimal
bodily condition for an immediate adequate reaction would set in too late. How
people interpret feedback from bodily reactions into an emotional experience is
influenced by past experience and knowledge. The knowledge that a bear behind
bars in a zoo cannot attack, for example, might block out an automatic fear response.
Thus, knowledge can influence emotional experiences via feedback from the cogni-
tive to the emotional system and can even suppress an initial emotional bodily fear
reaction.
Different psychological mechanisms can cause emotional responses to wildlife
(Jacobs, 2009). First, humans have innate preferences for watching biological move-
ment over non-biological movement, as demonstrated by experiments with newborn
babies (Simion, Regolin, & Bulf, 2008). Consequently, people are genetically inclined
to attend to and respond to animals. Second, some emotional responses towards
wildlife species relevant for survival (e.g. fear responses to snakes) are learned
quickly and unlearned slowly because of innate quick learning programs (Öhman
& Mineka, 2003; see also Chapter 7). Third, people have mental dispositions to
respond emotionally to wildlife that result from conditioning. Through condition-
ing, a previously neutral stimulus is associated with an emotional stimulus and then
becomes an emotional stimulus as well. For example, scavengers such as crows and
ravens tend to be seen in places associated with death and might thus become fear
triggers for some people (Marzluff & Angell, 2005). Fourth, we tend to react emo-
tionally to the emotional expressions of wildlife; for example, animals that behave
calmly tend to make us feel calm (Jacobs, 2009). Fifth, knowledge about animals
may reinforce or transform the way a bodily emotional reaction to an animal is
interpreted into a conscious experience (Lazarus & Alfert, 1964). For example, as
pointed out before, seeing a bear in the zoo and knowing that it can do no harm
may convert an initial fear reaction into a positive fascination. Sixth, acquired knowl-
edge about wildlife can prompt emotional reactions. For instance, birdwatchers
enjoy encountering a bird that is rarely seen because they know it is a special event
(McFarlane, 1994). Different emotional responses to wildlife may be caused by
Steg_6388_c08_main.indd 84 1/19/2012 9:33:20 AM
R E V I S E D
Steg—Environmental Psychology: An Introduction
R
84 ENVIRONMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: AN INTRODUCTION
HUMAN DIMENSIONS OF WILDLIFE 85
various combinations of these mechanisms (Jacobs, 2009). For example, many
ancient and contemporary myths depict spiders and snakes as symbols of danger
and evil (e.g. Shelob the spider in Lord of the Rings and Voldemorts snake Nagini
in Harry Potter). Cultural learning thus reinforces our biologically constituted ten-
dency to fear spiders and snakes.
8.7 SUMMARY
Wildlife can evoke strong positive and negative thoughts, feelings and actions in
people. In this chapter, we reviewed theories and corresponding empirical evidence
on these human dimensions of wildlife. In particular, the cognitive hierarchy frame-
work stresses that human cognitions exist on different levels of abstraction and
comprise the concepts of values, value orientations, attitudes and norms, and behav-
ioural intentions (values being the most abstract and behavioural intentions the most
specific cognitions in the continuum). Wildlife value orientations are patterns of basic
beliefs that give direction and meaning to fundamental values in the domain of
wildlife. Research has revealed two primary wildlife value orientations: domination
and mutualism. People with a domination wildlife value orientation believe that
wildlife should be used and managed for human benefit and are more likely to pri-
oritise human well-being over wildlife. Those with a mutualism wildlife value orien-
tation see wildlife as part of an extended family, deserving of rights and care. These
value orientations predict attitudes and norms towards wildlife-related activities and
management issues, as well as wildlife-related behaviours. Along with cognitions,
emotions are important components of human behaviour towards wildlife. Emo-
tional responses to wildlife can be caused by general (e.g. conditioning) and specific
(e.g. innate quick learning programmes) psychological mechanisms. In general,
future research on human dimensions of wildlife may benefit from the combined
study of both cognitive and emotional responses to wildlife.
GLOSSARY
attitudes mental dispositions to evaluate an attitude object (i.e. a person, place, thing, or event)
with some degree of favour or disfavour.
basic beliefs thoughts about general classes of objects or issues within a given domain (e.g.
wildlife).
cognitions mental dispositions that are used in perceiving, remembering, thinking and
understanding.
cognitive hierarchy theoretical framework that stresses that cognitions exist on different levels
of abstraction that are causally related, including values (most abstract), value orientations,
attitudes, norms and behavioural intentions (most specific).
Steg_6388_c08_main.indd 85 1/19/2012 9:33:20 AM
R E V I S E D
Steg—Environmental Psychology: An Introduction
R
86 ENVIRONMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: AN INTRODUCTION
REVIEW QUESTIONS
1. Which core concepts are included in the cognitive hierarchy framework? How are they defined
and differentiated?
2. Name and describe the two primary wildlife value orientations.
3. What are the components of emotional responses and can you give examples pertaining to
responses to wildlife?
4. Some emotional dispositions towards wildlife are shared by all humans while other emotional
dispositions vary across humans. Give examples of both kinds of dispositions.
domination a wildlife value orientation that comprises beliefs that wildlife should be used and
managed for human benefit and that human well-being is more important than wildlife.
emotional response positive or negative response that is characterised by expressive reactions,
physiological reactions, behavioural tendencies or coping, specific emotion-related thoughts
and emotional experiences.
ideologies consensually held beliefs that enable people who share them to understand meaning,
to know who they are, and to relate to one another.
mutualism a wildlife value orientation that comprises the beliefs that wildlife is part of an
extended family, deserving of care and rights like humans.
norms what is commonly done or (dis)approved.
value orientations schematic networks of basic beliefs, reflective of cultural ideologies, that
give direction and meaning to fundamental values in a particular domain (e.g. wildlife).
values desirable trans-situational goals varying in importance, which serve as guiding principles
in the life of a person or other social entity.
wildlife non-domesticated fauna.
SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING
Jacobs, M. H. (2009). Why do we like or dislike animals? Human Dimensions of Wildlife, 14(1),
1–11.
Manfredo, M. J. (2008). Who cares about wildlife? New York: Springer.
Teel, T. L., & Manfredo, M. J. (2009). Understanding the diversity of public interests in wildlife
conservation. Conservation Biology, 24(1), 128–139.
Vaske, J. J. & Manfredo, M. J. (in press). Social-psychological aspects of wildlife management. In
D. J. Decker, S. Riley, & W. F. Siemer (Eds.), Human dimensions of wildlife management. Baltimore,
MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press.
Steg_6388_c08_main.indd 86 1/19/2012 9:33:20 AM
... Values are transsituational goals that serve as guiding principles in life (Schwartz 1994). We extended this model (i) with behavioral intentions (i.e., an individual's readiness to perform the behavior in question; Fishbein and Ajzen 2010) to mediate the influence of personal norm on actual behavior (Bamberg and M€ oser 2007;Kl€ ockner 2013) and (ii) by complementing the general ecological worldview construct with more specific wildlife value orientations (Jacobs et al. 2019) focused on fishes (Bruskotter and Fulton 2007, Figure 1. Constructs of the value-belief-norm theory to predict proenvironmental behaviors. ...
... To adapt the VBN model to our specific objective, we explored wildlife value orientations related to fishes (Bruskotter and Fulton 2008) as a supplement to, or a substitute for, NEP (Figures 1, 2). Wildlife value orientations are beliefs pertaining to wildlife organized around fundamental values and giving them meaning (Jacobs et al. 2019). Hence, fish value orientation (FVO) reflects a perspective similar to the NEP, but with a focused conceptual bandwidth. ...
Article
Full-text available
Riverine biodiversity in Europe is under threat from a range of anthropogenic factors. Key to effective biodiversity conservation is the public's willingness to support restoration efforts. Based on value-belief-norm (VBN) theory and using a longitudinal survey design with n = 1,000 respondents per each of four countries (France, Germany, Norway, Sweden) we measured individual conservation-oriented behaviors in natural settings over time (e.g., signing a petition, donating money) that benefit native river fish biodiversity. We also examined sociopsychological determinants of these behaviors. In addition to behavioral intentions and self-reported behaviors, we measured actual behavior (monetary donations). We found broad support for the VBN theory but also relevant cultural diversity. In France, Norway, and Sweden fish value orientations affected conservation-oriented behaviors, whereas in Germany general ecological worldviews had more explanatory power. Conservation-oriented outreach and information campaigns will be most effective when taking between-country differences in the relationship between beliefs and behaviors into account.
... with more cross-cultural evidence: mutualism and domination. Mutualistic beliefs are characterized by the egalitarian desire to extend similar care and rights of humans toward nature while domination beliefs prioritize human well-being and call for the use and management of wildlife for human benefit (Jacobs et al., 2018). These beliefs draw strong parallels to the instrumental and intrinsic value dichotomy which still divides many conservationists, and similarly can be the source of conflict, both amongst people and between humans and nature (Young et al., 2010). ...
Article
Full-text available
There is a growing consensus that current conservation strategies are unable to cope with the acceleration of human-caused environmental degradation. The philosophies that underpin and shape traditional conservation initiatives have begun to shift toward a “people and nature” approach, based on a new and deeper understanding of relational values. With this shift, there is increasing concern about the social impacts of conservation and a need to consider not only the environmental aspects of conservation, but also issues of equity and social justice. This is especially important for marine conservation to avoid repeating the exclusionary and unjust protective measures sometimes seen in traditional terrestrial conservation. Additionally, lack of compliance with management schemes, and failure to consider the social dimensions and realities of local communities have hindered the success of conservation initiatives. Therefore, increasing engagement with social science and a better understanding of human-wildlife and human-nature connections are necessary. Community-based conservation approaches and payment for ecosystem service schemes can provide important insights and lessons for such improved participatory management. Furthermore, the use of social science offers a range of methods and approaches that can be used to improve the consideration of those social dimensions. These include different theoretical frameworks for understanding the relationships between people, society, and nature, innovative participatory methods and more flexible, adaptive systems-based approaches for understanding complex socio-ecological systems. Increasing and mainstreaming the inclusion of the social dimensions of conservation will also depend on overcoming current institutional barriers such as lack of capacity, time, and funding opportunities especially in the context of marine social science.
... Last but not least, such anthropomorphism can lead to an increase of human empathy and sociality, thus inevitably increasing our humanity (universal virtue as defined in [154]). These variables could also be used as a tool to solve biodiversity conservation problems as proposed for charismatic and uncharismatic species in both vertebrates and invertebrates [10,11,[155][156][157][158]. Indeed, public attention and the interest humans show towards endangered species is a crucial prerequisite for effective conservation programs [159]. ...
Preprint
Anthropomorphism is a natural tendency in humans, but it is also influenced by many characteristics of the observer (the human) and the observed entity (here, the animal species). This study asked participants to complete an online questionnaire about three videos showing epimeletic behaviours in three animal species. In the videos, an individual (a sparrow, an elephant and a macaque, respectively) displayed behaviours towards an inanimate conspecific that suddenly regained consciousness at the end of the footage. A fourth video showed a robot dog being kicked by an engineer to demonstrate its stability. Each video was followed by a series of questions designed to evaluate the degree of anthropomorphism of participants, from mentaphobia (no attribution of intentions and beliefs, whatever the animal species) to full anthropomorphism (full attribution of intentions and beliefs by animals, to the same extent as in humans) and to measure how far the participants had correctly assessed each situation in terms of biological reality (current scientific knowledge of each species). There is a negative correlation (about 61%) between the mental states attributed to animals by humans to animals and the real capability of animals. The heterogeneity of responses proved that humans display different forms of anthropomorphism, from rejecting all emotional or intentional states in animals to considering animals to show the same intentions as humans. However, the scores participants attributed to animals differed according to the species shown in the video and to human sociodemographic characteristics. Understanding the potential usefulness of these factors can lead to better relationships with animals and encourage a positive view of human-robot interactions. Indeed, reflective or critical anthropomorphism can increase our humanity.
... Last but not least, such anthropomorphism can lead to an increase of human empathy and sociality, thus inevitably increasing our humanity (universal virtue as defined in [154]). These variables could also be used as a tool to solve biodiversity conservation problems as proposed for charismatic and uncharismatic species in both vertebrates and invertebrates [10,11,[155][156][157][158]. Indeed, public attention and the interest humans show towards endangered species is a crucial prerequisite for effective conservation programs [159]. ...
Article
Full-text available
Anthropomorphism is a natural tendency in humans, but it is also influenced by many characteristics of the observer (the human) and the observed entity (here, the animal species). This study asked participants to complete an online questionnaire about three videos showing epimeletic behaviours in three animal species. In the videos, an individual (a sparrow, an elephant and a macaque, respectively) displayed behaviours towards an inanimate conspecific that suddenly regained consciousness at the end of the footage. A fourth video showed a robot dog being kicked by an engineer to demonstrate its stability. Each video was followed by a series of questions designed to evaluate the degree of anthropomorphism of participants, from mentaphobia (no attribution of intentions and beliefs, whatever the animal species) to full anthropomorphism (full attribution of intentions and beliefs by animals, to the same extent as in humans) and to measure how far the participants had correctly assessed each situation in terms of biological reality (current scientific knowledge of each species). There is a negative correlation (about 61%) between the mental states attributed to animals by humans and the real capability of animals. The heterogeneity of responses proved that humans display different forms of anthropomorphism, from rejecting all emotional or intentional states in animals to considering animals to show the same intentions as humans. However, the scores participants attributed to animals differed according to the species shown in the video and to human socio-demographic characteristics. Understanding the potential usefulness of these factors can lead to better relationships with animals and encourage a positive view of human-robot interactions. Indeed, reflective or critical anthropomorphism can increase our humanity.
Thesis
Full-text available
Yaratıcı turizm, destinasyonların kültürel özelliklerine özgü faaliyetleri kullanarak turistlerin basit materyaller ile oluşturdukları öğrenme sürecini kapsamaktadır. Bu özelliği ile yaratıcı turizm, destinasyonların farklılaşmasını sağlayarak turistlere deneyim sunabilmektedir. Kültür turizminin kaynaklarını kullanan yaratıcı turizm, deneyim yaşamak isteyen turistlerin taleplerine uygun bir alternatif turizm çeşididir. Turistler destinasyon ziyaretlerinde deniz, kum, güneş üçlüsünün dışında alternatif deneyim arayışı içindedir. Kültürel özelliklere ilgi gösteren turistler, yerele özgü faaliyetleri ve kültürü tanıyarak daha fazla deneyim yaşama isteğindedir. Turistlerin gerçekleştirmek istedikleri bu deneyimlerin unutulmaz deneyimlere dönüşmesi destinasyonlar için önemli bir yere sahiptir. Yaratıcı turizm, destinasyonların kültürel öğelerinde farklılık sağlayarak unutulmaz deneyimler oluşturabilmesine yardımcı olabilir. Yapılan çalışmada, yaratıcı turizm faaliyetlerinin unutulmaz turizm deneyimi üzerinde etkisinin olup olmadığının tespit edilmesi amaçlanmıştır. Araştırmanın evrenini; çömlek yapımı, halı/kilim dokuma, mücevher yapımı, yöresel yemek pişirimi, porselen boyama, çini yapımı, şarap yapımı, zeytinyağı yapımı, seramik yapımı, ebru sanatı ve taş oymacılığı gibi benzer faaliyetlerin bulunduğu destinasyonları ziyaret eden turistler oluşturmaktadır. Evrene ulaşmak adına yargısal örneklem tekniği kullanarak yaratıcı turizm faaliyetlerine katılan turistlere ulaşılmaya çalışılmıştır. Yaratıcı turizm faaliyetine katılan 270 turiste anket tekniği uygulanarak veriler elde edilmiştir. Toplanan verilerin analiz edilmesinde SPSS 18 ve AMOS 26 istatistiki programlar kullanılmıştır. Elde edilen veriler güvenirlilik analizi, açıklayıcı faktör analizi ve frekans analizine tabi tutulmuştur. AMOS 26 programı ile araştırma modelinin test edilmesi amacıyla doğrulayıcı faktör analizi ve yapısal eşitlik modellemesi yapılmıştır. Analiz bulguları doğrultusunda yaratıcı turizm faaliyetlerinin unutulmaz turizm deneyimi üzerinde istatiksel olarak anlamlı bir etkisinin bulunmadığı saptanmıştır. Ancak yaratıcı turizm deneyimi alt boyutu olan benzersiz katılımının; hazcılık, yenilik, yerel kültür, anlamlılık ve bilgi üzerinde anlamlı bir etkisinin olduğu, iç huzurun yenilik boyutu üzerinde, öğrenmenin bilgi boyutu üzerinde anlamlı bir etkisinin olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Creative tourism, includes the learning process created by tourists with simple materials using activities specific to the cultural characteristics of destinations. With this feature, creative tourism can offer tourists an experience by enabling the differentiation of destinations. Creative tourism, which uses the resources of cultural tourism, is an alternative type of tourism that meets the demands of tourists who want to have an experience. Tourists are in search of alternative experience outside the sea, sand, sun trio. Tourists, who are interested in cultural features, want to experience more by getting to know local activities and culture. The transformation of these experiences that tourists want to realize into memorable experiences has an important place for destinations. Creative tourism can help create memorable experiences by providing differences in the cultural elements of destinations. In this study aimed to determine whether creative tourism activities have an effect on memorable tourism experiences or not. The population of the study; pottery, carpet/rug, weaving, jewelry making, local cooking, porcelain painting, tile making, winemaking, olive oil, pottery, stone carving, marbling art form destinations with similar activities. In order to reach the population, it has been tried to reach the tourists participating in creative tourism activities by using the judicial sampling technique. Data were obtained by applying the questionnaire technique to 270 tourists participating in the creative tourism activity. SPSS 18 and AMOS 26 statistical programs were used to analyze the collected data. The obtained data were subjected to reliability analysis, explanatory factor analysis, and frequency analysis. Confirmatory factor analysis and structural equation modeling were performed to test the research model with the AMOS 26 program. In line with the analysis findings, it has been determined that creative tourism activities do not have a statistically significant effect on the memorable tourism experience. However, the unique involvement of the creative tourism experience sub-dimension; It has been determined that hedonism has a significant effect on novelty, local culture, meaningfulness and knowledge, peace of mind has a significant effect on the novelty dimension, and learning has a significant effect on the knowledge dimension.
Article
Human-wildlife conflict ( HWC ) is a global phenomenon with serious implications for biodiversity conservation and human well-being. Innovative solutions demand greater attention to the social factors contributing to HWC , including human thought and behavior, which can be examined through the lens of social psychology. Using the case of human-coyote conflict in North America, this study employed a mixed-methods social psychology approach to explore the potential for citizen science to serve as a tool for HWC mitigation. Quantitative surveys and interviews with volunteers in a coyote-focused citizen science program in Colorado revealed that the program is positively affecting participants’ attitudes/beliefs and empowering them to take action to address conflicts in their communities. The article concludes with recommendations for future evaluative research in this area as well as ways to more generally improve social-psychology applications in wildlife conservation.
Article
Full-text available
Anthropogenic pressure has significantly increased in the last decades, often enhancing conflicts at the human–wildlife interface. Therefore, understanding peoples’ value orientations, attitudes and behavioural intentions towards wildlife is a crucial endeavour to reduce the occurrence of conflicts between humans and wildlife. Previous research in the USA has shown a consistent link between modernization and increased anthropomorphism (i.e., the tendency to attribute human mental or physical characteristics to other entities), leading to positive changes in value orientations, attitudes, and behavioural intentions towards wildlife. In this paper, we aimed to address whether this link is also present in other cultures, by testing participants (N = 741) in five different countries (Brazil, Indonesia, Malaysia, Mexico, and Spain). Our study shows that while the positive link between anthropomorphism, positive attitudes and behavioural intentions towards wildlife is universal, the link between modernization and anthropomorphism is culturally mediated. In some countries (Indonesia, Malaysia, Spain), modernization increased anthropomorphism, while in others modernization predicted no differences (Brazil) or even a decrease in anthropomorphism (Mexico), ultimately deteriorating individuals’ attitude and behavioural intentions towards wildlife. These results call for caution when generalizing findings from western industrialized countries to inform conservation policies worldwide.
Article
Full-text available
Wildlife value orientations (WVOs) can predict consensus or controversy over wildlife-related issues and are therefore important for their successful management. We carried out on-site face-to-face interviews with Greek people (n = 2392) to study two basic WVOs, i.e., domination (prioritize human well-being over wildlife) and mutualism (wildlife has rights just as humans). Our sample was more mutualism-oriented than domination-oriented; however, domination was a better predictor of management acceptability than mutualism. WVOs were better predictors of the acceptability of lethal strategies (shooting, destruction at breeding sites, 11–36% of variance explained) relative to taking no action (9–18%) and non-lethal strategies (e.g., compensation, fencing, trapping, and relocating, 0–13%). In addition, the predictive ability of WVOs, mostly for accepting lethal strategies, increased with the increasing severity of the conflict (crop damage, attacking domestic animals, 11–29%; disease transmission, 17–36%) and depending on species conservation status and provenance (endangered native brown bear (Ursus arctos), 11–20%; common native red fox (Vulpes vulpes), 12–31%; common exotic coypu (Myocastor coypus), 17–36%). Managers should consider these findings for developing education and outreach programs, especially when they intend to raise support for lethal strategies. In doing so, they would be able to subsequently implement effective wildlife management plans.
Article
Human perceptions and attitudes in the production of alfalfa under irrigation in LaPampa, Argentina.A case of wild species management. In La Pampa province, tuco­tucos (Ctenomysazarae) cause economic losses in alfalfa productive systems under pressurized irrigation. As amanagement strategy, biological control with birds of prey is promoted. Since this problem is basedon human­wildlife interaction, the study of social aspects is paramount. The aim of this paper was tostudy the attitudes and perceptions of the social component in order to define level of damage andselected method efficiency to control tuco­tucos. Workers were surveyed to define the productiveproblem and determine their level of knowledge about tuco­tucos and birds of prey. Moreover, theattitudes of rural workers during the study and the execution of the biological control project weredocumented. The damage caused by tuco­tucos represents between 0.6 and 7 % of the annualearnings by the selling of alfalfa big bales. The damage is mainly quantified in the cost and numberof harvesting machinery blades that have to be replaced and the reduction of the big bales quality.Workers see biological control as an opportunity to face the problem and recognize their ecologicalrole. Social participation in the project improves the understanding of the biological intervening situationand favors the application of management practices
Thesis
This thesis serves as a contribution towards the general understanding of how, when, and why environmental and sustainability-oriented games affect their players, and how they can be utilized as tools for increasing environmental literacy. It consists of three qualitative empirical research papers, where the overarching purpose has been to gain an understanding of how games can be used in strengthening the environmental literacy of their players. The results overall show that games can be effective tools for environmental education, especially regarding their innate ability to simplify and visualize complex systems and environmental issues that otherwise appear distant or invisible.
Article
North American state wildlife agencies are increasingly faced with the challenge of effectively representing a diverse public. With increasing social conflict over wildlife issues, the future of wildlife conservation hinges on preparedness of the profession to respond to this challenge. In the interest of finding ways to improve response, 19 agencies in the western U.S. joined forces to initiate an investigation that would provide a better understanding of the diversity of wildlife-related interests in the region. Specific objectives, accomplished through use of a mail survey administered in 2004, were to categorize people on the basis of their value orientations toward wildlife and explore how different groups were distributed across states and to examine differences on sociodemographic characteristics and attitudes toward wildlife-related topics among groups. The focus was on two orientations: domination (view of wildlife that prioritizes human well-being over wildlife and treats wildlife in utilitarian terms); and mutualism (view of wildlife as capable of relationships of trust with humans and defined by a desire for companionship with wildlife). Four types of people were identified on the basis of these orientations. Types differed in their geographic distribution and wildlife-related attitudes and behaviors, revealing how value orientations can form the foundation for conflict on wildlife issues. Our characterizations of stakeholder groups offer a framework that can be applied over time and across geographic scales to improve conservation planning efforts and inform broader thinking about the social aspects of wildlife conservation.
Why do we like or dislike animals? Human Dimensions of Wildlife
  • M H Jacobs
Jacobs, M. H. (2009). Why do we like or dislike animals? Human Dimensions of Wildlife, 14(1), 1-11.