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Le fait colonial et nous. Histoire d'un eloignement
Abstract
Le fait colonial n'est plus un enjeu de nos affrontements franco-français. Et son étude historique est quelque peu languissante. Daniel Rivet sonne la diane. /// The colonial issue is no longer exciting and its study no longer occupies a major place in the field of knowledge. The time has therefore come to resume the dialogue, to restate the problematics, far from any commemoration or execration.
... ale. Il est également remarquable qu'un travail historique spécifique ait également été entrepris sur la mémoire de Vichy (voir par exempleRousso 1987, 1992: Conon et Henry Rousso 1994. ...
... Lorsque celui-ci s'effondre, le soutien du lobby colo niai et la raison d'être idéologique de la discipline (inclure la geste coloniale dans la construction du national, étudier les "meilleurs moyens de coloniser") disparaissent simultanément. À ces facteurs contextuels s'ajoute un facteur institutionnel: la réor ganisation des sciences humaines après 1957, dans laquelle Fernand Braudel joue un rôle notable, et qui fait des "aires culturelles" le nouveau champ où devront s'exercer les savoirs scientifiques, de préférence pluridisciplinaires.39 Dans ce nouveau cadre, l'histoire coloniale n'a plus sa place(Rivet 1992). À côté d'une histoire coloniale désormais assurée par des amateurs éclairés mais plus ou moins disqualifiés dans les céna cles scientifiques pour, précisément, leur amateurisme et le fait qu'ils aient été très fréquemment liés aux appareils coloniaux (Wesseling 1991), le recentrage des études historiques non européennes sur les "aires culturelles" favorise, au cours des This content downloaded from 86.111.139.106 on Tue, 19 Feb 2019 08:01:01 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms ...
Cette contribution propose d'analyser une configuration historique que nous nommerons ici le maelström colonial. Celle-ci peut être caractérisée par les politiques publiques de la mémoire coloniale constituées par des projets muséaux et législatifs; par les débats sur la colonisation, où interviennent associations liées au passé colonial, acteurs publics tels que journalistes et hommes politiques; enfin par les polémiques développées dans le champ académique. Nous posons l'hypothèse que cette configuration peut être saisie comme une occasion d'interroger épistémologiquement les différentes positions historiographiques présentes et de mieux appréhender les "effets d'institution" produit par les spécificités de la position qu'occupe la discipline l'histoire à l'Université.
... According to a now generally accepted pattern of periodisation proposed by Daniel Rivet, after the phase of nationalist and apologetic historiography set in the period of colonial Algeria and a subsequent Marxism and Third Worldism inspired anti-colonial historiography prevailing in the 1960s and 1970s, focused on the socio-economic deconstruction of the colonial system, since the 1980s political and institutional historiography began to prevail (Rivet, 1992). Since the end of the 20th century, after 1992 and the accessibility of the military archives of Vincennes and the ECPAD (Établissement de communication et de production audiovisuelle de la Défense), the topic of the decolonisation of Algeria imposed itself upon the attention of historians in particular as the "Algerian war" as related to the administration of justice and the use of torture Thénault, 2001). ...
... Le renouvellement historiographique très important dans le champ de l'histoire impériale anglo-saxonne, qui a donné lieu à la publication de nombreux manuels ou readers [Howe, 2002 ; Howe, 2010, Levine, 2012a quelque peu éclipsé celui que connaissait l'histoire coloniale, longtemps tenue en suspicion d'européocentrisme, voire de nostalgie pour les périodes qu'elle étudiait, en tout cas enfermée dans "la dialectique de la célébration et de la condamnation du fait colonial qui a si longtemps profondément biaisé l'écriture de son histoire" [Rivet, 1992][Hutchinson, 1984 ; Thompson, 2005], ou encore The Empire Writes Back [Ashcroft, Griffiths et Tiffins, 1989], perspective reprise par l'abondante historiographie de la Britishness où l'empire joue un rôle de premier plan [Colley, 1992 ; Aprile et Rapoport, 2009 ; Bensimon et Enders, 2012]. Cette historiographie à l'échelle des empires a aussi permis de mettre en évidence des phénomènes de circulation intraimpériale (circulation des élites [Lambert et Lester, 2006 ; Laux, Ruggiu, Singaravélou, 2009]) ou trans-impériale (migrations de travail, coolie trade, etc. [Metcalf, 2007]). ...
S’adressant à tous les candidats aux concours, en particulier Agrégation et CAPES, Clefs concours offre une synthèse par sujet. Conçu comme un repère par rapport aux monographies et aux cours et comme un outil de révision, chaque ouvrage est articulé autour de fiches thématiques permettant de faire le point sur les acquis de la recherche.Synthèse des travaux les plus récents, Clefs concours permet de s’orienter dans la bibliographie et de mettre en perspective l’évolution des savoirs.Clefs concours HistoireTous les titres sont organisés autour d’une structure commune :- des “repères” : un rappel des faits qui constituent la trame événementielle de la question.- des synthèses sur les personnages et lieux qui jalonnent le sujet.- les grandes “thématiques”, indispensables à la compréhension des enjeux de la question.- des outils méthodologiques : chronologie, glossaire, bibliographie.- un système de circulation entre les fiches et les références bibliographiques qui complètent l’index.
In this chapter, we draw attention to the uses of French exploration as material for the production of heritage and tourist routes and trails in the Americas and in the Pacific region. In particular, this chapter brings to light how some specific exploration itineraries have been used to construct both heritage and tourist experiences and enable the development of heritage/nature trails and tourist routes. Moreover, this chapter offers a critical reflection on the multiple uses of exploration history as material for identity-building, place-making, and cultural diplomacy.
Einiges deutet darauf hin, dass Algerien im Konzert französischer Kriegserinnerung für das 20. Jahrhundert an Relevanz gewinnt. Ein Blick auf die Agenda des Staatssekretärs für die Anciens Combattants im Verteidigungsministerium offenbart regelmäßige Einweihungen von Gedenkstätten in ganz Frankreich, zuletzt in Bourg-en-Bresse am 1. Juli 2000 für die 164 in Nordafrika Gefallenen des Departements Ain (www.defense.gouv.fr/sect_eta/agenda). Ein Gang über die Friedhöfe im Land weist eine wachsende Anzahl von Gräbern mit Beileidsbezeugungen der Algerienveteranen aus und lässt „ihren“ Krieg inzwischen zumindest dort, wenn schon nicht an den örtlichen Kriegerdenkmälern, sichtbarer erscheinen als den Ersten oder Zweiten Weltkrieg. Eine Durchsicht der Lokalteile regionaler Tageszeitungen, sei es in der Bretagne oder im Elsass,1 verdeutlicht die massive Präsenz der Veteranenverbände im gesellschaftlichen Leben vor Ort sowie eine umfassende Verjüngung der Vorstandsetagen, wo ehemalige Algerienkämpfer diejenigen aus dem Zweiten Weltkrieg mehr und mehr ablösen (TB: Kerbors/Côtesd’Armor, 2.3.00).2
Even though general opinion has accused historians of ignoring colonization, historical research and historiographic analyses on the subject, particularly concerning the 19(th) century, has in fact been extremely rich starting as early as the "second colonization" Comparing research on different colonized geographical areas (sub-Saharian Africa versus Indochina) undertaken by both amateur and professional historians, allows for a colonial historiography that takes into account the flow between the differing scales from the local to the imperial level. From the very start of the colonial period, a contemporaneous history glowingly portraying French expansion developed coincidently with works articulating pre-colonial and colonial history. They used diverse sources and, from the start, were welcomed in metropolitan academic circles. As the independences unfolded, historical production freed itself of colonial frameworks; taking advantage of the reorganization of teaching and research disciplines into cultural areas and the resulting creation of new teaching positions. However, focus on the 19(th) century waned in studies that considered the colonial moment merely a parentheses in a more long-term history. Meanwhile, the 20(th) century was favoured in works of political, economic and social history analyzing the causes of the subjugation of the Third World. The next generation of historians preferred more focused work calling into play a multiplicity of factors to clarify the complexity of specific situations. The intellectual production of this newest generation is abundant, reflecting the latest developments in historical research. Even though it bad seemed that colonial history could be studied in scientific calm, urgent requests for the recognition Of Colonial memories have been launched and academic research has been put to the test by post-colonial debates. This situation requires the discipline to re-examine the complex genealogy of colonisation, to uncover the interactions between the metropole and its colonies at all levels and within colonial history, to take full measure of the heuristic contribution of the 19(th) century.
The 2005 riots against discrimination and racism have uncovered a ferocious war of representation going on about France's past and present, a war with multiple fronts and numerous combat zones. As the French social body is slowly imploding over the fate of citizens of color, the aftermath of the riots has unearthed considerable cracks and fault lines in France's republican ideals, such that new realities no longer fit into dominant social scientific conceptual models. Indeed, the depth of the crisis recalls, fifty years after Georges Balandier coined it, the metaphor of colonial assaults "revealing" African societies' weakest points (Balandier 1955: 6). The parallel is not coincidental. Since 2005, unprecedented portions of the social body have come to grips with France's colonial past. Political commentators increasingly refer to imperial legacies to talk about current racial discrimination.1 On the media front, colonialism has become a mine for filmmakers and talk shows. In academia, the analytical power of colonial studies has become amplified, ending a long marginalization in French universities. These engagements shed light on three major changes at work: (1) the thinning and wearing of classic intellectual tools and the crafting of original categories of analysis, (2) the coming of age of a new "cultural" turn, where culture and identity emerge as central battlegrounds for social critique and political action, and (3) the unfolding of new forces and alternative fronts in France's social and political fabric, particularly among citizens of color and immigrant origin. The volatile combining of these dynamics explains why the colonial paradigm has proved disturbing to the point of becoming, in France, a veritable syndrome. In 2005, when the new colonial studies landed on French shores, their edges had been well worn out and softened.2 Yet they came to affect academia with a ferocity that contrasts with the ways in which, in the United States, colonial and postcolonial studies' capacity of intellectual disturbance ranges from the moderately exciting to the painfully predictable. A consistent engagement with grassroots actors quickly grounded the disputes amidst deeper social and political currents. At the university, the anchoring of the paradigm quickly started to make established methodologies and scholarly fields overlap, stretch, and burst beyond recognition. This chapter proposes a roadmap of these battles, by tracing first the long impotence of the colonial question from the 1980s to the early 2000s. Then, to delineate and understand the ideological camps that crystallized around its new irruption in the 2000s, I focus on two initiatives taken by Frenchwo/men of color in the wake of the 2005 riots, the CRAN (Conseil Représentatif des Associations Noires) and the Indigènes de la République. Against these associations and their scholarly supporters, a conglomerate of academics rose up in arms. Dismissing the amplitude of social turbulences (Bertrand 2006b: 206), these scholars, including prominent specialists in area and colonial studies, deny that colonial models of social analysis can shed productive light on France's racial and political fissures. The chapter thus returns in conclusion to the academic terrain and explores current opposition to the analytical valence of colonial and postcolonial studies.
The article examines thirty years in the history of women, gender and sexualities in colonial Maghreb (1830-1962). The author emphasizes the essential contribution of gender and subaltern & colonial studies, while also offering a critical review of the advances, as well as the silences and resistances within the field. Five themes structure the analysis of the historiographic production between 1980 and the present - colonization, settlement and European women ; relationships between European women and indigenous women ; recontexualised orientalism ; sexualities in a colonial context ; women, men and war in colonial situations.
This article draws a comparison between the Portuguese in relation to British and French discourses on overseas educational policies at the turn of the nineteenth to the twentieth century until the 1930s. It focuses on three main colonial educational dynamics: school expansion (comparing the public and private sectors); State–Church relations (comparing these relationships at the European and colonial levels); and missionary competition (comparing Catholic with Protestant strategies towards educational incorporation). Colonial discourse is seen here as a power‐knowledge discourse aimed at constructing the colonial subjects as individuals, enabling them to imagine themselves as belonging to a particular cultural polity. The article intends to show how cross‐national discourses on education affect the principles on which theories of schooling are built and the ways in which they influence the first attempts to systematize pedagogical and school models in the colonial peripheries. On the other hand, it tries to understand, within government technologies of domination, the conflicting views, negotiations and ambiguities between global policy formulation and local school system implementation. In this sense, the author sought to analyse the different ways in which concepts such as ‘assimilation’, ‘civilizing mission’, ‘adapted education’, and ‘learning by doing’ were mobilized and appropriated into the colonial education discourses in order to legitimize particular governmental strategies. Two main ideas run through the text: the first attempts to demonstrate the existence of discontinuities between official educational ideologies at home and local system and school expansion strategies in the colonies. The second claims that educational borrowing from other colonies at the Empires' peripheries was, more often that is thought, a crucial feature of colonial educational discourse.
Peut-on rendre compte de l’état contemporain de la société française en termes de « post-colonialisme » comme y incitent aujourd’hui tant d’assertions ? Le nécessaire questionnement (il n’est nullement sans précédents…) du passé colonial ne peut avoir de vertus explicatives du présent que si l’on dépasse l’obligation mémorielle devenue aujourd’hui loi non-dite et intangible des débats de société. Comme si la mémoire pouvait se substituer à la connaissance critique et socialement partagée du passé. On trouvera ici un plaidoyer pour le devoir d’histoire et pour la responsabilisation sociale et non corporative des historiens, un essai interrogatif sur les logiques multiples, contradictoires, du phénomène colonial, sur la fonction mondialisatrice de la colonisation, une réflexion sur la nécessité d’une « histoire croisée » des colonisateurs et des colonisés, et sur ses prolongements de long terme.
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