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Qu'est-ce qu'une Baris ?

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... The notion of civic nation-building derives from the distinction between civic and ethnic nations, most commonly associated with Friedrich Meinecke's (2015Meinecke's ( [1907) differentiation of cultural and political nations and Hans Kohn's (2005Kohn's ( [1948) opposition of Western and Eastern nationalisms. In Ernst Renan's (1994Renan's ( [1882) sense of the nation as an "everyday plebiscite," civic national boundaries coincide with citizenship, nationhood is territorial and state-oriented, and national identity is chosen rather than coerced. Civic nations are claimed to be more inclusive, tolerant, peaceful, and democratic than ethnically-defined nations (Spencer and Wollman 2005). ...
... The notion of civic nation-building derives from the distinction between civic and ethnic nations, most commonly associated with Friedrich Meinecke's (2015Meinecke's ( [1907) differentiation of cultural and political nations and Hans Kohn's (2005Kohn's ( [1948) opposition of Western and Eastern nationalisms. In Ernst Renan's (1994Renan's ( [1882) sense of the nation as an "everyday plebiscite," civic national boundaries coincide with citizenship, nationhood is territorial and state-oriented, and national identity is chosen rather than coerced. Civic nations are claimed to be more inclusive, tolerant, peaceful, and democratic than ethnically-defined nations (Spencer and Wollman 2005). ...
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This article argues that the sources of official and societal ambivalence towards civic nationhood in today’s Russia are found in the institutional instability and personalist dynamics of hybrid regime politics in the 1990s. Successful civic nation-building should institutionalize inclusive criteria for citizenship as a basis for policy-making, which in turn should create incentives for dominant ethnicities to embrace civic nationhood. While the shifting views of Boris El’tsin on nationalities policy and the constant turmoil in the government’s nationalities ministry have received little scholarly attention, they illuminate the endogenous sources of regime instability in relation to civic nation-building. Russia’s experience thus challenges the traditional view of ethnic nationalism as fostering authoritarianism and civic nationalism as fostering democracy: rather, competitive authoritarianism in the 1990s confounded the regime’s own efforts in civic nation-building and laid the groundwork for the ‘ethnic turn’ in Russian politics under Vladimir Putin.
... A similar point that commercial consumption offers a key means to act out national identities has been made by Slater (1997, p. 132). Edensor is also interested in the sense of temporal continuity that brands offer the nation (2002, p. 110), which is important given the emphasis that theorists of the nation such as Renan (1997) or Smith (1991) have placed on the question of connecting the nation of today with its ancestral or imagined past. It is no coincidence if an author such as Holt (2004Holt ( , 2006, whose important work in the field of iconic brands has criticised the limitation of studies which seek merely to criticise or rehabilitate the brand as a cultural phenomenon, reiterates the importance of scanning the trajectory of a brand over time in order to get a fuller understanding of how it inserts itself into a series of competing cultural myths. ...
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Building on theories of banal nationalism developed by Michael Billig (1995) and Tim Edensor (2002), this paper focuses on how a major 20th century icon of popular Scottishness, the carbonated drink Irn-Bru, has depended on the question of origins in its positioning. From the start, the manufacturers, Barr’s, keenly defended their product amidst strong competition by promoting authenticity over imitation. While today the firm AG BARR plc does not claim to have been the historical inventor of Iron Brew drinks (the original name for Irn-Bru) it still uses the strapline “Original & Best” which first appeared in 1904. In the second half of the 20th century the drink became widely perceived as a marker of Scottish identity. However, as recommended by Holt (2006), a more complete study of its historical trajectory as a brand shows that Iron Brew did not originate in Scotland at all. Indeed, rather than springing from a single source, the drink’s development in Scotland is the result of a confluence of other earlier elements. These will be studied to illustrate the mechanisms of appropriation and rewriting underlying this popular manifestation of “commercial nationalism” (Kania-Lundholm, 2014).
... Unity is always brutally established. 46 In the case of Australia, the process of 'historical error' and the habit of 'forgetting' are now perhaps best appreciated in relation to the history of violence against Indigenous people, and of what WEH Stanner influentially called 'The Great Australian Silence'. 47 This forgetfulness lies at the heart of the denialism that enjoins us all to celebrate Australia Day each 26 January as an expression of our common belonging, as if we can all regard British settlement as an unalloyed benefit to humanity. ...
... Ce contexte diffère essentiellement de celui dans lequel s'installaient, à partir du 16 e s., les plus anciens Etats-nations européens suite à la centralisation du pouvoir. À l'époque, le roi était « le type idéal du cristallisateur séculaire » (Renan 1882), alors que l'opinion de la foule ne méritait aucune considération. En revanche, grâce à la diffusion des « idées chétives françaises » (Renan 1882), consécutive à la Révolution, le 19 e s. accordait au commun des hommes un rôle prépondérant dans la mesure où ce dernier devait s'identifier en tant que citoyen d'un État souverain et en tant que locuteur d'une langue homogène. ...
... De um lado, esses "discursos da diferença" anunciam uma grande distância entre as duas regiões e sustentam a ideia de que a coabitação desses dois "povos" sob uma mesma bandeira é cada vez mais insustentável (Sinardet, 2007apud De Winter, 2008 (Lecours, 2005). 47 Dessa maneira, a essência de uma nação repousa não só no fato de que "todos os indivíduos tenham muitas coisas em comum", mas também que "todos tenham esquecido muitas coisas" (Renan, 1947(Renan, [1882 apud Anderson, 2015: 32). "O esquecimento", prossegue Renan (1995Renan ( [1882: 11), "é um fator crucial na criação de uma nação, e é por isso que o progresso em estudos históricos frequentemente significa perigo para o princípio da nacionalidade". ...
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The cross-border Eurometropolis Lille-Kortrijk-Tournai (ELKT) is product of an economic development necessity of a region that faced itself with a deep crisis from the 1960s that’s related to the decay of its mining and industrial activities. In congregating under the same common cross-border space municipalities of two different countries (France and Belgium), three subnational regions and two official languages (French and Dutch) uncountable hardships are unearthed, based on the distinct histories of national formation, regional identities appreciation and cultural heritages. How and to what extent those factors still has a role to play in projects like the ELKT, even nowadays, when the “homogenizer” process of globalization is still advancing?
... es gageba eTanxmeba nacionalizmis, rogorc 'surogati religiis', interpretacias. Tanxmobisa da erTad cxovrebis gagrZelebis naTlad gamoxatuli survilis' saWiroebas amtkicebs: 'naciis arseboba (mapatieT es metafora) yoveldRiuri plebiscitia, iseve rogorc individualuri arsebobaa sicocxlis mudmivi dadastureba'(Renan 1882, citatisaTvis ix. Bhabha 1990. ...
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Introduction for Georgian Edition. As a country of ancient culture and traditions Georgia has always attracted the attention of western scholars. Modern Georgia is a subject of their interest as well. However the information one can find in the relevant literature is still scanty. The topics according to which historical descriptions or generalizations are usually arranged are sometimes disappointing for they ignore the theoretical achievements of modern social sciences. This prevents one from going deeper in perceiving the rich historical heritage of the country associated with the Golden Fleece and the Lord Tunic and modern Georgian state born as a result of the Rose Revolution. The reason for this undoubtedly lies in the long isolation of Georgian academics from western colleagues, in the fact that during the many years of Marxian social science, they practically had no alternative. When in the last year Professor Mary Chkhartishvili approached to me concerning the translation of my books into Georgian I chose for this purpose two of my recent publications: "Nationalism. Theory, Ideology, History" and "The Nation in History. Historiographical Debates about Ethnicity and Nationalism". The first of these is a present volume. This book aims to provide a short introduction to the concept of nationalism. My purpose throughout is twofold: in the first place, to outline the key debates in the field as clearly as possible, and, second, to offer my own ethno–symbolic account. I should like to record my gratitude to Professor Mary Chkhartishvili for her effort in translating my book. My thanks also to the Director of the International Center for Georgian Language, Mrs. Rusudan Amirejibi–Mullen, who being a professional linguist took the trouble of editing the Georgian text. I was told that the present publication is designed as a gift for the participants at the conference on National and Religious Identities. I salute them and would be indeed very happy if the translation will help Georgian academics and students in their professional activities. Anthony D. Smith
... Les traités issus de la guerre ont entendu reconstruire les groupements politiques sur le principe des Nationalités; il est dans la logique de l'esprit qui les a inspirés d'admettre que le droit d'option doit être reconnu, non à ceux qui présentent tel ou tel caractère, plus ou moins accidentel, mais à ceux qui participent avec la majorité d'un autre État à ce "vouloir-vivre collectif" dont on s'est efforcé de faire la base des États nouveaux. (Nicolas, 1928 : 53-54) Chez Maxime Nicolas, la référence au « vouloir-vivre ensemble » d 'Ernest Renan (1992) et la critique virulente de la race comme critère de la nationalité illustrent l'opposition entre la conception française et allemande de la nationalité (Brubaker, 1992). Toutefois, comme le souligne Gérard Noiriel (1995), la définition renanienne de la nation n'échappe pas à la logique conservatrice de son époque et Paul Ghali s'appuie également sur l'auteur de pour défendre une conception raciale de la nation. ...
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This paper questions the relationship between the representation of Lebanon as an emigration country and the supremacy of the right of blood in the Lebanese nationality law, at the expense of the right of soil. By doing so, it intends to understand the relation between citizenship, defined as a factor of inclusion and exclusion, and the invention of the Lebanese national identity. It adopts an approach based on the analysis of norms, rather than practices. In a first section, it shows how the representation of Lebanon as an emigration country justifies the supremacy of the right of blood in the legal literature of the French mandate in Lebanon. Then, through the writings of two political thinkers (Antoun Saade and Michel Chiha), it analyzes how the emigrant has become a key figure of the (Lebanese and Pan-Syrian) national imaginary, and an object of competing representation, in relation with antagonist conceptions of the nation.
... The concept of Europe is in many ways ambiguous and "terminologically confusing" (Connor, 1978: 386). In much the same way that Renan wrote of a people having "many things in common, but [...] also forgotten much together" (Renan, 1994(Renan, [1882: 17), it has been observed that post-1945 Europe "was able to rebuild itself politically and economically only by forgetting the past, but it was able to define itself morally and culturally only by remembering it" (Menard, 2005). As Judt puts it in Post War: "silence over Europe's recent past was the necessary condition for the construction of a European future" (Judt, 2005: 10). ...
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The article analyses how young people in Croatia conceptualise their identities in terms of “place identifications”, a type of social identification that captures membership of a group of people who are defined by their location. It is based on focus group discussions conducted with 68 elementary and secondary school students aged between 11 and 17 in three urban localities in Croatia: Rijeka, Zagreb and Zadar. The concepts guiding the analysis included place identifications, the civic and cultural components of national identity and intersectionality. The study found that students displayed a strong identification with the region they are from through a discourse of stereotypes along the coastal–inland, rural–urban and north–south distinctions. National cultural identities and liminal European-Balkan identities were equally strong providing interesting examples of inclusion and othering. The young people showed a sense of aspiring to be European, of feeling almost European, of being not-quite-yet European, of being “Balkan”. There was a common sense of the Balkan-European divide being a line that stood very slightly to the north-west of wherever the students happened to be: there was Europe, generally beckoning – but they were on a threshold and still leaning towards the Balkan side, described as impolite, quarrelsome, underdeveloped and littered. The study suggests complex and kaleidoscopic identity constructions of young people in Croatia in which different and even opposed elements do not exclude each other but rather coexist in various ways.
... Kata takdir (destine) yang dikaitkan dengan makanan dapat direfleksikan betapa penting asupan makanan dalam menentukan kualitas hidup manusia sebagai individu dan bangsa sebagai kolektif individu yang mendiami sebuah kawasan. Adapun jika makanan dikaitkan dengan kata bangsa (nations), sebagai sekumpulan manusia yang diartikan oleh Ernest Renan (1882) "memiliki hasrat untuk hidup bersama" (le desir de vivre ensemble), dapat disiratkan makanan sebagai salah satu simpul yang mengikat identitas bangsa itu sendiri. Kiranya pemikiran itu mengena dengan contoh kuliner nasional beberapa bangsa, seperti Prancis yang bangga dengan wine-nya, Italia dengan espresso-nya, Korea Selatan dengan kimchi-nya, dan Thailand dengan tomyam-nya. ...
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Sebagai bagian dari identitas budaya manusia, makanan memiliki jejak masa lalu yang panjang dengan jalinan kompleks berbagai aspek. Dalam kajian makanan, jejak dan jejalin itu berupaya dirumuskan melalui pendekatan lintas disiplin yang mengaitkan hubungan antarunsur, di antaranya lingkungan, sejarah, sosial, budaya, politik, dan ekonomi. Hasil dari kajian makanan relevan untuk dijadikan sebagai bahan pemikiran serta kebijakan strategis untuk meretas masalah-masalah dalam mata rantai makanan. Artikel ini membahas wacana pemikiran kajian makanan sebagai suatu perangkat analisis untuk memahami permasalahan makanan sebagai identitas serta prospeknya untuk diterapkan di Indonesia sebagai disiplin dalam mengkaji kuliner Indonesia. As a part of human’s cultural identity, food has a long historical trail and complex interweaving of various aspects. In food studies, those then defined through interdiciplinary approachment that connecting the relation interelements, covering environment, history, social, culture, politic and economy. The outcome of food studies relevant to apply as food for thought and also strategic policies to rip open the food chains’ problems. This article discusses the discourse of food studies as an analytical tools to comprehend the problems of food as identity and also it’s prospect to apply in Indonesia as a discipline to study of Indonesian culinary.
... Gellner fait aussi une première distinction entre les petites nations d'Europe de l'Est et les grandes nations comme la France, l'Allemagne ou l'Angleterre. Reprenant une catégorisation déjà esquissée par Ernest Renan (1992), il postule que les premières sont de type ethnique ; elles sont préoccupées par leur survie culturelle, alors que les deuxièmes sont de type civique. Ces dernières sont aussi susceptibles de devenir de hautes cultures davantage en phase avec le développement du capitalisme et la modernité. ...
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Le texte porte sur les enjeux et les debats theoriques cles sur les nations minoritaires et les petites nations en politique comparee. Il vise en particulier a evaluer la place qu’y occupent les analyses sur le Quebec. Trois questions motivent la demarche proposee par les auteurs. Dans un premier temps, le texte etudie les principales questions et perspectives analytiques caracterisant l’etude comparee des petites nations. Entre autres, il examine le role cle des debats normatifs sur le nationalisme des petites nations comme la Catalogne, l’Ecosse, la Flandre et le Quebec, mais egalement les travaux empiriques dans le domaine de la gouvernance territoriale. Dans un deuxieme temps, il evalue la contribution des etudes sur le Quebec aux debats theoriques sur ces petites nations. Il passe en revue les travaux des specialistes dans deux domaines, soit la paradiplomatie et les politiques publiques. Dans un troisieme temps, les auteurs se demandent si la comparaison avec les petites nations ou les nations minoritaires est la plus appropriee pour saisir les dynamiques politiques propres au Quebec. Ils proposent notamment d’elargir la comparaison du Quebec a d’autres petites societes ou petits Etats souverains comme l’Irlande, Israel ou les pays scandinaves afin d’approfondir la comprehension de sa capacite d’action. En conclusion, le texte sert aussi a souligner les limites de la comparaison.
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Opinions about Irish traditional music today differ greatly, and its actors are to be met all over the world : one should undoubtedly see in these facts a confirmation of the incredible cultural renewal at work in Ireland today. The international recognition that music is thus granted establishes an actual mirror offered to a young nation in search of an identity : any traditional music is a deeply rooted phenomenon and, though they should not be held responsible, its main detractors are to be found among the anonymous crowds, whether uprooted or rejecting their roots. Traditional, folk, popular, even nationalist and 'world music' : all this, and much more, is to be found in this universe. The polysemic value of the terms " Traditional Irish Music " is then living proof of the vitality of this cultural phenomenon. In this perspective, traditional Irish music finds itself at the outpost of a new Irish identity, manifold and pluralistic, a symbol of maturity, far from the dreams of cultural purity sometimes proposed. Considered not so long ago as deeply conservative, if not backward, this country is now moving at a stunning pace. Mentalities change and laws are passed. The phenomenal development of Irish music since the seventies can then be regarded as the forerunner of this ever-growing phenomenon. It would then not be such a surprise to see this young and underrated country show an original path and act as an example for other occidental countries in the decades to come.
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Due to copyright issues it is not possible to upload the complete article. See: Palomares-Salas, Claudio. "Sefardismo y ficción fundacional: La Hija del Judío de Justo Sierra O’Reilly." Bulletin of Hispanic Studies. 94.2 (2017): 215-228. La hija del judío (1848), primera novela histórica mexicana, fue un intento por re-escribir el pasado colonial yucateco y dotar a la efímera República de Yucatán (1841-1848) de un texto fundacional. Sierra O'Reilly decidió ignorar la presencia indígena de la península y optó por utilizar al sujeto judío como el 'otro' de su historia. Esta elección se alineó con toda una tradición de novelas históricas euro-peas que utilizaban la expulsión de los judíos sefarditas de España a finales del siglo XV como modelo de comparación para definir la actitud nacional frente a las minorías. En este ensayo, explico de qué manera La hija del judío utiliza al sujeto judeo-español como un medio para re-imaginar el mito nacional y para reinterp-retar la historia de la península yucateca con vistas a una utopía nacional de la cual los propios judíos estuvieron excluidos. La hija del judío (1848), Mexico's first historical novel, was an attempt to rewrite the colonial past of the Yucatan in order to provide a foundational text for the ephemeral Republic of Yucatan (1841-1848). Sierra O'Reilly decided to ignore the Indigenous people of the peninsula and instead took the Jewish subject as the 'other' of his story. This choice followed a tradition of European historical novels that took the expulsion of Sephardic Jews from Spain in the fifteenth century as a comparative model to define the national attitude towards minorities. In this essay, I explain how La hija del judío uses the Spanish Jew as a way to reimagine the national myth and reinterpret the peninsula's history in order to create a national utopia that excluded Jews.
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Antología comentada de textos de los siguientes autores: Rosa Blanco, Francois Dubet, Norma González, Edmund T. Hamann, Yves Lenoir, Juan Sánchez García, Juan Carlos Tedesco, Jean-Pierre Terrail, Guadalupe Valdés, Angela Valenzuela y Víctor Zúñiga en los que se analizan y critican los procesos de exclusión en las escuelas contemporáneas y la injusticia escolar.
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Power sharing and its diverse federal arrangements are insufficient to solve without partition conflicts evolving around the de facto States. I propose to depart from the purely institutional approach and look for incentives at diffe- rent levels which might break the impasse. Comparing justifications underlying demands for independence in Transnistria and in Abkhazia permits to identify such processes: economic seduction and historical reconciliation. The article goes by the transformative approach which combines parallel, complementary and adapted political processes, favourable to eventual institutional arrangements. It also introduces the emotional/historic element of hostilities, generally neglected in political science.
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Dans ce texte, j’examine sur un mode programmatique la relation qui existe entre les peuples et les territoires. Les frontieres des peuples souverains sont-elles sacrees, naturelles et absolues, voire irrefragables ? Le territoire a-t-il une importance identitaire ? Si oui, cette relation identitaire repose-t-elle sur l’attachement sentimental des citoyens ou sur une preference rationnelle ? Doit-on plutot l’expliquer par un rapport historique ? Le territoire est-il un element constitutif de l’identite d’un peuple ? Le principe de l’integrite du territoire a-t-il une priorite absolue sur le principe affirmant le droit a l’autodetermination des peuples ? Tel est l’eventail de questions qui peuvent etre posees en ce qui concerne la relation entre les peuples et leurs territoires. Je veux presenter une perspective qui me semble etre originale. Dans la perspective du liberalisme politique, je pars d’une conception institutionnelle du peuple. Je me propose d’indiquer ensuite comment cette approche permet d’envisager des reponses a ces questions.
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Pour un dirigeant d'entreprise, se préoccuper de « Responsabilité sociale », plutôt que de rentabilité maximale, trahit la confiance de ses actionnaires, en usurpant la fonction d'homme politique : tout se passe comme s'il procède à un prélèvement fiscal sur les bénéfices, au service d'objectifs sans doute estimables mais sans respecter les procédures démocratiques. Tel est le message provocant de Milton Friedman, en 1970, dans un article influent, qui signe en vérité l'entrée dans l'ère du capitalisme financiarisé. La logique du raisonnement a la force de l'évidence. Le dirigeant a reçu de ses actionnaires mandat de gérer les capitaux qui lui ont été confiés, au mieux des intérêts de leurs propriétaires. Or ceux-ci sont parfaitement clairs, s'agissant d'un placement financier : ce ne peut être que le rendement maximum. Ainsi l'argument économique de la maximisation du profit comme finalité de l'entreprise est indissociable de l'argument juridique de l'entreprise, comme propriété de ses actionnaires, dont se déduit le statut de mandataire (d'agent, dans la terminologie anglo-américaine) du dirigeant. Et ces deux arguments se conjuguent pour refonder la grande thèse libérale : l'entreprise relève de la sphère privée. Or la prémisse de l'ensemble du raisonnement est fausse 1 : en droit les actionnaires ne sont nullement propriétaires de l'entreprise. Ce sera le 1er point. Du coup l'impeccable logique argumentative de Friedman fonctionne à l'envers, justifiant, au lieu de les chasser, ses pires inquiétudes. L'entreprise n'appartient plus seulement à la sphère privée et entre partiellement dans la sphère publique, avec de multiples traits qui relèvent du politique : j'en évoquerai douze. Ce sera mon 2 ème point. Enfin le profit sort de la catégorie des revenus de placements financiers, pour devenir un revenu sui generis : à savoir le revenu du collectif ou de l'organisation que constitue l'entreprise, et 1 Je dois ce point, comme d'autres, à Robé (1999 ; 2012). Ce chapitre s'inspire librement mais très directement des travaux menés depuis 2009 au Collège des Bernardins (cf B.Roger, 2012).
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Eric Hobsbawm's Nations and Nationalism since 1780 effectively describes the novelty and artificiality of the modern nation and nation‐state, emphasizing the role that cultural and political elites have played in constructing nations, especially through nationally homogeneous schools and partly invented national traditions and histories. By defining nationalism as the congruence between nation and state, however, Hobsbawm gives insufficient attention to the sense in which nationalism goes beyond national patriotism to express chauvinism, xenophobia, and paranoia. He is also too sanguine about the ethnic conflicts that will inevitably arise in the multilingual societies he endorses.
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Turkish nationalism is a deep-rooted ideology which produced its own intellectual capital after the second half of the nineteenth century. Essentially, this ideology, as most of the others, had been based on the conventional dichotomy of ‘we and the other’, yet by the 1990s it disguised into another form of so-called banal nationalism, thereby deconstructing itself and leading to the emergence of new fractions which tended to conceptualize it from varied perspectives. This study primarily aims at discussing the general characteristics of the former and new forms of nationalisms in Turkey following a historical line highlighted with the incidents which can be taken as milestones in a process of nationbuilding, and which depict how ‘external’ and ‘internal’ others were deliberately chosen to steer the process of converting a traditional society into a modern Western-oriented one. The study also attempts to discuss how this process laid the foundations of the currently rising anti-Americanism and scepticism about so-called Europeanization.
Chapter
National identity is how people understand themselves in cultural–territorial terms, whom they see as “like themselves,” and whose claims by others in this regard they accept or reject. A cultural concept, distinct from the political one of “citizenship,” national identity also differs from “ethnicity,” which usually lacks the territorial dimension of social and cultural difference. In Western Europe many residents prioritize national identity over citizenship. National identity requires active identification by the individual, albeit this process is usually implicit in daily life. Conceptions and repertoires of national identity are borne by institutional and organizational actors claiming to “speak for” the nation. Studying how people “do” national identity involves fieldwork widely defined: participant and nonparticipant observation, qualitative open-ended or semistructured interviews, content analysis of contrasting texts, and quite complex, large-scale survey methodologies. The more the “nation-state” is threatened, the more problematic national identity becomes, and requires social–scientific enquiry and research.
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Sowohl im Diskurs der Politikwissenschaft als auch in dem des öffentlichen Lebens bzw. der Politik mögen sich viele extrem über die Gegenwart und Zukunft des Nationalstaates äußern. "Der Nationalstaat ist vorbei"-sagt die eine Seite, und erhält die folgende Reaktion von der anderen: "im Gegenteil, er erlebt sogar seine Renassaince". Die Debatte dauert nunmehr seit drei Jahrzehnten an. 1 Um in der Debatte Stellung zu nehmen, muss man jedoch-meiner Meinung nach-nicht drei Jahrzehnte, sondern drei-vier Jahrhunderte prüfen und die derzeitigen Krisenphänomene unter Berücksichtigung der historischen Tendenzen beurteilen. Die Beurteilung des historischen lokalen Wert des Nationalstaates hängt natürlich auch auf diese Art und Weise davon ab, welche Stellung man in einigen wichtigen Fragen der Staatstheorie nimmt: Zum Beispiel davon, was wir über Glo-balisation, Souveränität und sogar über den modernen Staat selbst denken. Hier können diese aber offensichtlich nur indirekt betroffen werden. In dieser Studie versuche ich, die zweifellos vorhandenen Krisenzeichen des Nationalstaates um drei-meiner Meinung nach akut zu betrachtende-Probleme herum zu konzent-rieren und in Bezug auf diese die Situation am Anfang des 21. Jahrhunderts zu beurteilen. Der eine Problemenkreis betrifft, ob der poliethnische Nationalstaat-sogar der in einigen Ländern teils davon ausgewachsene multikulturelle Nationalstaat-Homogenität von einem gewissen Grad erschaffen kann, der zum einheitlichen Handeln eines Volkes genügend ist. Dafür muss vor allem der Homogenisierung erstrebene Nationalstaat in Kontrast zu dem polietnischen Nationalstaat gestellt werden. Der andere Problemenkreis betrifft, mit was für einem Nationsbegriff der * Der Artikel wurde im Rahmen des Prioritätsprojekts "Die der verantwortungsvollen Staats-führung zugrunde liegende Entwicklung des öffentlichen Dienst" mit Identifikationsnummer KÖFOP 2.1.2-VEKOP-15-2016-00001 auf Ersuchen der Nationalen Das Ende des Nationalstaates-das ebenso naiv klingt wie Fukuyamas übereilte, dann schnell zurückgenommene bekannte These über das Ende der Geschichte-kann offensichtlich im Kontext der Globalisierung sowie im Zusammenhang mit Souveränität widerlegt werden.
Article
Underneath the façade of a Greco-Roman cultural continuum, Roman intellectuals-poets, politicians, and dramatists-have been holding a paradoxical attitude toward the Greeks and their culture. For Romans, the complication stems from an inherent dilemma of a certain identity to deem Hellenic as neither a self nor an Other. Indeed, the ancient Latin literature, since the very start, has been constituting a peculiar self-identification from the Hellenic materials by the reception of and rebellion against the Greek materials. In this article 1 , I argue that Virgil portrays the Greeks with intense ambivalence in his masterpiece, the Aeneid. Focusing on the Sack of Troy, Virgil achieves stigmatization against the treacherous Greeks. It is typically demonstrated in the scene of Sinon and Laocoon, which should be jointed in an overall narration with the ensuing plots. In the rest of the second book, the similes of flames and serpents construct a more intricated symbolism of the Greek, particularly, realized in the story of the Greek-disguised Trojans in an identity disorder. Thence, reunions with the Greek in complementary function, of Achaemenides in book 3 and of Arcadians in book 6, reidentify Greeks as the ally of the empire. The whole diegesis is a tensed process rife with complex signifiers and metaphors, in which intensification of emotions is forged while in subtle restraint, actually expressing an ambivalence to compose the empire.
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The Age of Enlightenment is characterized by a growing belief in the human capacity to change the world. This volume shows how the educational endeavors of the period contributed in their diversity to a thoroughly educationalized culture around 1800, the very foundation of the modern nation state, which then developed into the long 19th century. An essential resource for researchers, scholars, and students in history, literature, culture, and education, A Cultural History of Education in the Age of Enlightenment presents essays that examine the following key themes of the period: church, religion and morality; knowledge, media and communications; children and childhood; family, community and sociability; learners and learning; teachers and teaching; literacies; and life histories.
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In August 1902 the British Conservative MP for East London, William Evans-Gordon, spent two months in Eastern Europe surveying the living conditions of Jewish populations across the Russian Pale of Settlement. His reflections – and photographs – morphed into a booklet published the following year in London, entitled The Alien Immigrant . Abstracts from the manuscript were read in the commission hearings that led to the adoption of the Aliens Act in 1905, a milestone in the introduction of immigration controls across the United Kingdom and the codification of the legal right to asylum. Among the places that Evans-Gordon visited was Vilna, also known in Polish as Wilno – today's Vilnius. The city was ‘one of the most congested cities of the Jewish pale’; it lay in ‘the centre of the great Jewish drama’. Facing the misery of the Jewish ghetto Evans-Gordon ruminated on the conditions of life in the slums of east London which were populated by Jewish families during the period of the ‘Great Departure’. Eerily anticipating present-day debates across Europe, The Alien Immigrant framed the migration crisis as a ‘national question’ and warned prospective migrants that the United Kingdom could not offer them a better future. Evans-Gordon's arguments gave popular anti-Semitism a progressive veneer. ‘When altruism towards aliens leaves some of our poorest folk without homes and without work’, he noted, ‘it is time to say that the burden of solving the problems of Eastern Europe is not to be laid on them’.
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The paper aims to examine the Home Rule question as a debate, which triggered an interest and some discussions beyond the borders of Ireland and the United Kingdom. Through the example of New Zealand, a British settlement colony, which enjoyed self-governance and had welcomed an Irish diaspora, the paper will attempt to shed light on several important facts. First, Irish communities settled abroad were a source of financial and moral support for the Irish Parliamentary Party and for the Irish organisations campaigning for Home Rule for Ireland. Secondly, like Canada or Australia, New Zealand was a colonial precedent, which Irish Home Rulers used to legitimize their demand for self-government. Lastly, the Home Rule issue also allowed New Zealanders to ponder over their own issues, such as their place within the British Empire and their identity.
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In this essay I argue the French postcolonial corpus on colonialism, as quantitatively significant as it is, is not only a recollection of the colonial past, but also contains within itself an important dimension of forgetting. For, taking my lead from Henry Rousso and Paul Ricœur, I maintain forgetting is neither a dysfunction of memory nor an absence of recollection; rather, it is a way to reorganize memory. I further maintain such reorganizing of memory is neither accidental nor innocent, but a way to define the political present, to give meaning to specific events, to control their contingencies. Such a definition for the case at hand involves an articulating of a form of postcolonial citizenship whose individuals, because they cannot share our forgetting, cannot share our political present.
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All scholars agree that the western public law has always looked at the Roman legal and political regimes specially in creating the concept of nation State. Therefore, the effects of Roman foundations on the western law can be studied from different aspects. It seems that in the concept of nation State the concepts "nation" and "subjecthood" can be found. The present paper seeks to deal with this question: “can we trace these modern legal concepts back to the Roman law?”. What have been studied here are the specific styles of the “gen” in Indo-European families and specific Roman approach towards colonialism and their effects on the creation of “subjecthood” and “citizenship” which is the precursor of “nation” in modern law. By the emergence of Christianity, the coherence form of “gen” to “nation” has been disrupted This is because in Christianity the relations between people are not based on the permanent link between a group of people and a territory, but are centered around common belief. This again led to the distinction between people and aliens. However, the former sequence of Indo-European tradition could have laid the foundation of “nation" even before Modern era.
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En relisant la littérature géographique du début du 20ème siècle jusqu'à nos jours à travers le prisme de la citoyenneté, qui est au coeur de la géographie, on voit que ce concept a connu différentes facettes, qui se sont succédées ou juxtaposées au cours du temps, avec cependant des périodes d'effacement.C'est à toutes les échelles géographiques que la citoyenneté peut s'exprimer, de la nation à l'universel, ou aux petits mondes de l'entre-soi. Mais où est l'entre-soi sur la Terre au 21ème siècle, et comment peut-on y être citoyen ?
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This research is motivated by contestation between nationalism of Indonesia and Papua that gave birth to prolonged conflict in Papua. Focuses of research is construction of nationalism on Papuan college student in Surabaya in multiculturalism perspectives. By using theory of constructive nationalism, that used in perspective of multiculturalism. As a qualitative research, it uses ethnographic approach with emic-ethic perspective. By taking location in Surabaya-Indonesia, data were collected from 35Papuan students with observation, in-depth interviews, FGD, and surf blogs, facebooks, and twitter. The findings is that consciousness as a nation and Papuan nationalism is constructed on the essential-primordial elements, who is influenced by agents of change, colonization, exploitation, marginalization, and the violence and human rights violations, with proceeds through the development of Papuan college student organization that later became the pioneer rejection of government programs and demands for independence, and meaningful cultural reorientation of modern Papua.
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In this introduction to the special issue, the concept of transience is introduced as a theoretical perspective and as an object of research. The perspective of transience foregrounds the temporality of norm formation, located within the practices of people on the move. The introduction suggests that it is beneficial to apply the concept of transience in order to understand processes of norm development, including those pertaining to language choice and language socialization. Working from an understanding that communities form and dissolve, we claim that it is useful to look at these processes, as it is in the process of communities coming into being that norms emerge. Transience, in spite of being ubiquitous, is not always salient for members or analysts, but to identify, fixate and theorize it as an object of study in linguistic anthropology invites new ways of conceptualizing the interdependence of language and social structure.
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British Columbia (BC), Canada is arguably the most important region of North America for large carnivore/human interaction studies, with the continent’s highest densities of cougars and bears, and a rapidly increasing, urbanizing, recreationally oriented and environmentally aware human population. Vancouver Island, BC, with 0.3% of the total area of Canada, has the world’s highest density of cougars, while mainland BC has about 25% of the world’s population of brown or grizzly bears, and between 120 and 150 thousand black bears, out of the North American total of between 850,00 and 900,000. The human population of BC is rapidly increasing, through high birth and immigration rates from international sources and other parts of Canada, the result of a generally strong economy. Intensified and expanded human land use and increased predator populations have contributed to human/animal conflicts, including physical attacks and predation on people and companion animals/livestock, nuisance intrusion by large predators into valued human living spaces and landscapes and human political conflicts defined by different, opposed social attitude groups and influencers. This chapter examines recent literature on the environmental and social networks that surround these animal/human dynamics, and some recent methodologies for the study of these dynamics. Published findings indicate that spatial counter-intrusions of people and large predators into each other’s habitats are increasing, both in areas of dense urban substrates and comparatively remote primal habitats. Research methodologies are also changing, with increasing use of social media, drones, global positioning systems and qualitative cultural value studies. Long term trends may be towards greater tolerance among variable social groups of animal intrusions into human living spaces, greater animal adaptation to human-modified landscapes and a redefinition of ‘conflicts’ as ‘interactions’, with a ‘shared rights’ perspective superseding a ‘dangerous wildlife’ view. However, the adaptive individualism and variable intra-species animal behavior, the variability of perspectives across generational and gendered social strata, and the rapidity of multidirectional environmental change precludes definitive judgments for the near future. This review of critical findings in current research, including discerned trends, make an an important contribution to conservation biology, environmental and conservation psychology, environmental planning, the sociology of environmental change and Canadian studies.
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