Article

Bloody Revenge in "God's Playground": Poles' Collective Memory of Relations with Germans, Russians, and Jews

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Abstract

The chapter analyzes the assignment, perceptions, and representations of the roles of aggressors, offenders, victims, and witnesses in Polish relations with Germans, Russians, and Jews in the aftermath of World War II as reflected in recent public discourse in Poland. Analysis will focus on debates triggered in Poland by the following issues: (1) the German project to create a "Center Against Expulsions" (inspired by the forced migration of Germans from Poland); (2) a demand for recognition of massacre of the Polish prisoners of war in Katyń as an act of genocide and a crime against humanity; (3) the publication of Jan T. Gross's book Neighbors, on the massacre of Jews in Jedwabne. The theoretical and methodological framework is derived from Thomas J. Scheff's theory of pride and shame emotions as key mechanisms that generate both strong social bonds and intractable conflicts. Conclusions will recommend the acknowledgment of feelings and apologies as directions toward resolution of the protracted conflicts and reconciliation between nations.

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... Different groups exhibit a sense of historical collective victimhood as part of their shared identity, either as a muted note or a more fundamental tone. Examples of historical collective victimhood can be found among Poles (e.g., Jasiñska-Kania, 2007), Serbs (Volkan, 1997), and Jews (e.g., Bar-Tal & Antebi, 1992; Schori-Eyal, Klar, Roccas, & McNeill, 2014;Wohl & Branscombe, 2008), to name just a few. Based on an experience of considerable harm embedded in a society's collective memory as severe and unjust (Paez & Liu, 2011;Wertsch, 2002), it is a sense of unforgotten shared trauma and unjustified wrongdoing by others done (e.g., Armenians carry in their collective memory the traumatic event of the genocide performed during War World I; see Wertsch, 2002). ...
... As mentioned before, it is possible to a group to experience different combinations of the three layers of victimhood. A group may be imbued with a strong sense of historical wrongdoing that occurred once but was not repeated (such as the Armenian genocide; Hovannisian, 2011), or historical victimhood that is restricted to the past but is not reflected in contemporary intergroup conflicts (as is the case with Poles; e.g., Confino, 2005;Jasiñska-Kania, 2007), or experience historical victimhood that still plays a part in the group's internal and international politics, but not as part of an active, violent conflict (e.g., China; Callahan, 2004;Renwick & Cao, 1999). It is also possible for a group to experience victimhood only in the context of a specific conflict (e.g., American perception of victimhood in the wake of the 9/11/2001 attack on the World Trade Center and the following wars); or to experience both layers simultaneously (e.g., Jewish Israelis' interlocking layers of historical victimhood, particularly the Holocaust, and the general conflict layer of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict). ...
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Perceived collective victimhood plays a significant role in conflictual intergroup relations. We suggest a conceptualization of three different layers of collective victimhood: historical victimhood, general conflict victimhood, and conflict event victimhood. Three studies explore the interrelationship between the layers and their effects in the context of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. In Study 1, general conflict victimhood mediates the relationship between historical victimhood and willingness for compromise. In Study 2, conducted in two waves, changes in general conflict victimhood predict support for military actions against the out-group. The relationship between general conflict victimhood and support for military actions was mediated by conflict event victimhood. In Study 3, three new scales were developed, and their relations with different outcomes examined. Findings were nearly identical to the models tested in Studies 1–2.
... Such groups hold onto the collective memory of a long-ago trauma and maintain a sense of woundedness and past injustice across generations (Staub & Bar-Tal, 2003, p. 722). Examples of these "chosen traumas" can be found among some European nations, such as the Serbian defeat in the Battle of Kosovo (Volkan, 2001), the Polish suffering under the dominance of their Russian and German neighbors (Jasińska-Kania, 2007), and the lasting memory of the Great Famine in Ireland (Rice & Benson, 2016). In some instances, the group utilizes the memory of such an event to mobilize its members in the future, particularly when an opportunity arises to pursue the group's political goals or seek revenge (Bar-Tal & Čehajić-Clancy, 2014, pp. ...
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... (Prussia was predominantly Protestant and Russia predominantly Orthodox.) These foreign occupations were moreover partially interpreted in religious terms, as signing meaning to the Polish fate by relating it to the suffering of Christ, claiming that Poland atones on behalf of other nations (Bar-Tal, Chernyak-Hai, Schori, & Gundar, 2009;Jasińska-Kania, 2007). Such religious interpretations probably tightened the connection between being Polish and being Catholic. ...
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... Okrucieństwa II wojny światowej i dziedziczone w ich następstwie traumy są dojmujące i wciąż mają wpływ na mentalność narodów i społeczeństw po obu stronach Odry. Taka opowieść jest standardem, którego w żadnej mierze nie zamierzamy umniejszać czy unieważniać (Davies, 2005a;Davies, 2005b;Jasińska--Kania, 2007). ...
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... In addition to beliefs about their victimhood being forgotten and invisible, Central Eastern European peoples are also likely to hold beliefs about betrayal by others (Jasinska-Kania, 2007). Moreover, this sense of betrayal is associated with the belief that historical self-sacrifices often served the interests of other groups such as Christendom, Europe, or the so-called free world. ...
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This chapter provides a comprehensive review of the existing social psychological literature on collective victim beliefs. This mostly includes comparative victim beliefs—above all, competitive victimhood and, to a lesser extent, inclusive victim consciousness. Other collective victim beliefs that have been studied include siege mentality, PIVO and FOV, dangerous ideas, and downward comparisons. The review illustrates that completely opposite intergroup outcomes can occur as a result of collective victimization, depending on how it is construed. However, the existing research so far has mostly been conducted in contexts of intractable conflicts and, therefore, may not generalize to other historical, political, and cultural contexts. For example, drawing on the Central Eastern European context (specifically, Hungary and Poland), this chapter suggests that other relevant collective victim beliefs involve invisibility of collective victimhood by third parties, feelings of betrayal, perceived territorial threat, and pride born of suffering.
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... .is full of instances of genocide against Serbs and of exoduses to which they were exposed ( [30], p. 124). Many Poles traditionally view Poland as the 'Christ of nations' [31]. The association between current and historical enemies can be also manipulated. ...
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A sense of self-perceived collective victimhood emerges as a major theme in the ethos of conflict of societies involved in intractable conflict and is a fundamental part of the collective memory of the conflict. This sense is defined as a mindset shared by group members that results from a perceived intentional harm with severe consequences, inflicted on the collective by another group. This harm is viewed as undeserved, unjust and immoral, and one that the group could not prevent. The article analyses the nature of the self-perceived collective sense of victimhood in the conflict, its antecedents, the functions that it fulfils for the society and the consequences that result from this view.
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Chapter
Memory chains establish the statement of stability, durability, and continuity in peculiarity to the never-ending change of the unique world and set up a horizon, border, and space of possible pasts. There is no possible way to picture a land beyond the horizon of triumph and trauma. Traumas and triumphs comprise the “mythomoteurs” of national identity. They stand for experiences and ultimate horizons for the self-constitution of a collective subject. Similar to this topic, collective identity is built according to a similar logic. It is not only founded on past triumphs. It references the past and can also be traumatic. The trauma is the opposite of triumph, but it is constructed according to similar logic.
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This article proposes a unitary explanation of social control for normal and rigid conformity. Conformity may arise from the interaction of deference with normal pride and shame; rigid conformity from chain reactions of shame. I show that Darwin, Cooley, and others suggested the same context for pride and shame: self's perception of the evaluation of self by other(s). Their work, which assumes a continuous social monitoring of the self from the standpoint of others, suggests a puzzle: If social monitoring is continuous and causes either pride or shame, why are so few manifestations of either emotion visible in our lives? One possible explanation is that pride and shame usually have very low visibility. I call this the Cooley-Scheff conjecture. Goffman's work on "face" implies this conjecture and Lewis's discovery of unacknowledged shame confirms it. Her analysis of hundreds of clinical interviews demonstrates that low-visibility shame was present in every session, though neither therapist nor patient seemed to be aware of it. Drawing on Lewis's exact description of the markers of various manifestations of shame and Goffman's analysis of the relation between deference and embarrassment, a deference-emotion system is described. Members perceive this system as compelling conformity to norms exterior to self by informal but pervasive rewards (outer deference and its reciprocal, inner pride) and punishments (lack of deference, and the inner shame that is its reciprocal). I show how Asch's study of conformity and independence illustrates the role of shame in compelling conformity to exterior norms.
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Thomas Scheff argues that the roots of protracted conflict lie in unacknowledged feelings of shame and rage. Scheff builds from the assumption that the social bond is a real and palpable phenomenon and that in every type of human contact the bond is either built, maintained, repaired, or damaged. He then demonstrates how damaged bonds are the basic cause of conflict. When one side or the other in a dispute is humiliated or threatened in such a way as to disturb fundamental bonds, the feelings that follow are often not acknowledged. Threats to the social bond give rise to violent emotions, shame, and rage. Unless these feelings are resolved, the stage is then set for cycles of insult, humiliation, and bloody revenge. According to Scheff, it is by recognizing the emotional source of conflict and repairing the broken social bond that both sides achieve cognitive and emotional understanding, allowing them to trust and cooperate, and perceive themselves as "all in the same boat." Thus, secure social bonds ensure clear boundaries—even during competition or conflict—that help keep wars limited and make disagreements productive. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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