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Remembering and reminiscing: How individual lives are constructed in family narratives

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Abstract

Stories we tell about our lives very much define who we are as individuals, within particular families, cultures and historical periods. In this article, I review psychological research that demonstrates how autobiographical memories are created and re-created in daily interactions in which we share our stories with others, and how this process is modulated by individual, gendered and cultural models of self expressed in everyday family reminiscing. I focus on two critical developmental periods: the preschool years when autobiography is just beginning to emerge; and adolescence when autobiographical memories begin to coalesce into an overarching life narrative that defines self, others and values. I show how individual differences in the ways in which families reminisce are related to individual autobiographical narratives. Importantly, just as our individual narratives are shaped by cultural and historical models of selves and lives, individuals come to shape their culture and their historical moment by the stories they tell.
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Memory Studies
DOI: 10.1177/1750698007083888
2008; 1; 49 Memory Studies
Robyn Fivush
narratives
Remembering and reminiscing: How individual lives are constructed in family
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Remembering and reminiscing: How individual
lives are constructed in family narratives
ROBYN FIVUSH, Emory University, USA
Abstract
Stories we tell about our lives very much define who we are as individuals, within par-
ticular families, cultures and historical periods. In this article, I review psychological re-
search that demonstrates how autobiographical memories are created and re-created
in daily interactions in which we share our stories with others, and how this process is
modulated by individual, gendered and cultural models of self expressed in everyday
family reminiscing. I focus on two critical developmental periods: the preschool years
when autobiography is just beginning to emerge; and adolescence when autobio-
graphical memories begin to coalesce into an overarching life narrative that defines
self, others and values. I show how individual differences in the ways in which families
reminisce are related to individual autobiographical narratives. Importantly, just as our
individual narratives are shaped by cultural and historical models of selves and lives,
individuals come to shape their culture and their historical moment by the stories
they tell.
Key words
autobiography; gender; memory; narrative; self
There were many such stories, and he understood just how important they were,
and listened with patience and respect. A life without stories would be no life at all.
And stories bound us, did they not, one to another, the living to the dead, people to
animals, people to the land? (Smith, 2004: 189)
From the moment infants enter the world, they are surrounded by stories – stories of
their parents and their parents before them, of family and friends, and of how this
new life will unfold and enrich the ongoing narrative (Fiese et al., 1995). The stories
individuals tell about their lives, what psychologists have called autobiographical nar-
ratives, are critical at multiple levels of individual and cultural analysis. For individuals,
autobiographical narratives defi ne who we are in relation to our family, our nation, our
MEMORY STUDIES © SAGE Publications 2008, Los Angeles, London, New Delhi and Singapore
www.sagepublications.com, ISSN 1750-6980, Vol 1(1): 49–58 [DOI: 10.1177/1750698007083888]
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MEMORY STUDIES 1(1)50
history. From cultural-historical perspectives, the stories that individuals tell are both
shaped by and shape the very understanding of history in the making and in the past.
The stories we tell shape ourselves and the world in which we live.
Intriguingly, by the time toddlers begin to use language, they are already partici-
pating in sharing stories of the past with their parents, listening, confi rming, adding
bits and pieces of information, and by the end of the preschool years, children are
actively engaged in telling and sharing the stories of their lives (see Nelson and Fivush,
2004 and Fivush, in press for reviews). As Bruner (1990) has argued, human beings
are story tellers; it is through stories that we understand our worlds and ourselves.
In this article, I describe how children come to tell the stories of themselves and their
families, and how this process is constructed in family reminiscing that values the
having and telling of a life story, and that varies by individual, culture and by gender.
The premise throughout is that memory in general, and autobiographical memory in
particular, is constructed in social interactions in which particular events, and particular
interpretations of events, are highlighted, shared, negotiated and contested, leading
to fl uid dynamic representations of the events of our lives that function to defi ne self,
other and the world.
AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL MEMORY AND NARRATIVE
Autobiographical memory is commonly defi ned as memories related to the self
(Pillemer, 1998; Conway and Pleydell-Pearce, 2000). As such, autobiographical mem-
ories differ from simply recalling what happened to include information about why
this event is interesting, important, entertaining, etc., essentially why this event is
meaningful for the self (Fivush and Haden, 2005; Fivush and Nelson, 2006; Pasupathi
et al., 2007). Thus it is the evaluative and interpretative information that transforms a
memory from a simple recounting of what occurred to a reminiscing about what the
event means. Moreover, it is through sharing the events of our lives with others that
these evaluative interpretations evolve over time, as events and their consequences
continue to unfold, with developmental changes in understanding, and with input
from listeners who share, confi rm, negate and negotiate these interpretations (Fivush
and Haden, 2005; Fivush, in press).
Language and narratives
Language is clearly a critical tool in autobiographical memory (Fivush and Nelson, 2006;
Vygotsky, 1978; Nelson, 1996). Although autobiographical memory is not linguis-
tically represented, it is through language that expresses and organizes the multiple
sensory components of a personal memory into a form that can be communicated to
and with others that autobiographical memories come to take on new understandings
for the self. More specifi cally, language modulates autobiographical memory in two
ways: fi rst, language allows us to share the past with others and through this joint
reminiscing new interpretations and evaluations of past events evolve, and, second,
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FIVUSH REMEMBERING AND REMINISCING 51
language provides an organizational structure for autobiographical memories, namely
narratives.
Narratives are canonical linguistic frameworks that organize event memories into
comprehensible chronological and causal sequence of events in the world (Bruner,
1990; Fivush and Haden, 1997). Although children understand temporal and causal
sequence well before they are linguistically sophisticated (e.g. Bauer, 1996), narratives
move beyond these simple sequences to allow a hierarchical explanatory frame for
events that includes linking disparate events through time as related through themes
(e.g. personal relationships), motifs (e.g. all my personal relationships fail) and relations
to self (e.g. my relationships fail because I am too needy). In this way, narratives allow for
deeper layers of meaning and evaluations that move beyond descriptions of events to
imbue life experiences with psychological motivations and intentions, essentially
creating a human drama.
Narratives and self in cultural context
Narratives of past events provide the building blocks of a life story. It is as individuals
create narratives of specifi c experiences that are then linked together through time
and evaluative frameworks that individuals construct an overarching life narrative that
defi nes self (Habermas and Bluck, 2000; McAdams, 2001; McLean et al., in press).
Moreover, the form and function of narratives are socially and culturally constructed
and constrained in multiple ways. First, cultures defi ne the shape of a life; whether de-
ned as a ‘life script’ (Bernsten and Rubin, 2004) or a ‘culturally canonical biography’
(Habermas and Bluck, 2000), cultures defi ne developmental periods, such as infancy,
childhood, adulthood, old age and the appropriate events that should occur during
each of these periods, such as education, marriage, childbearing, and so on. These life
scripts are enacted and embodied in culturally mediated activities, such as schooling
and work life, cultural artifacts, such as novels and plays, and cultural rituals, such as
graduation and weddings. By being immersed in a particular culture, each individual
internalizes aspects of these cultural models and creates individualized representa-
tions of their life and their self, forming a life narrative in relation to the cultural script,
whether it is conforming or deviating from these ideals.
In this way, cultures also infl uence the form of the self. In broad strokes, western cul-
tures defi ne a self as an autonomous agent who controls one’s own destiny, whereas
eastern cultures defi ne a self as an interpersonal agent in relation to a family or com-
munity (Oyserman and Markus, 1993; Wang, 2001a). Cultural views of self are
interwoven with cultural life scripts, defi ning the way in which life events should be
interpreted and evaluated. Indeed, adults in western cultures provide personal narra-
tives focusing on themes of autonomy and achievement, whereas adults in eastern
cultures tell personal narratives focused on community and the moral good (Pillemer,
1998; Leichtman et al., 2003).
Within cultures, issues of race, class and gender further differentiate appropriate
life scripts (Fivush and Marin, 2007). Little attention has been paid in the psycho-
logical literature to issues of race and class as related to autobiographical narratives,
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MEMORY STUDIES 1(1)52
but gendered ideals of self suggest that females have a more relational sense of self,
focusing on issues of care and community, whereas males have a more autonomous
sense of self, focusing on individual identity and achievement (Gilligan, 1982; Basow,
1992). Again, these gendered ideals are expressed in autobiographical narratives; adult
females tell personal narratives imbued with emotional connection between self and
other, focusing on relationships and affi liations, whereas adult males tell personal nar-
ratives more heavily focused on self, with less mention of emotional connectedness and
relationships (see Pillemer, 1998 and Fivush and Buckner, 2003 for reviews).
These culturally mediated internalized models of a life and of a self become the fi lters
through which we experience and evaluate events. This process is dynamic, enacted
in everyday social interactions, in which participants re-create and re-vision these
cultural models (Schieffelin and Ochs, 1986). Thus, the ways in which families reminisce,
and how this process differs by gender and culture, provides a critical site for examining
the social construction of individual autobiographies.
FAMILY REMINISCING
Reminiscing is part of everyday social interactions within virtually all families. Whether
over the dinner table, during bedtime routines, while carpooling or doing homework,
references to past events are frequent and often extended (Miller, 1994; Fivush, in
press). These stories of the past may be simple references to events of the day, they may
be more extended shared reminiscing about events the family experienced together,
or they may be stories about the familial past, about the parent’s childhood or the
grandparents’ adventures (see Pratt and Fiese, 2004 for a review). Not surprisingly,
family reminiscing differs developmentally, depending in part on the abilities of the
child to participate, but, at all points in development, the process is social with parents
and children together creating stories that carry individual meaning. Here, I focus on
two critical developmental periods, the early preschool years, during which autobio-
graphical reminiscing emerges (Nelson and Fivush, 2004), and adolescence, during
which the more overarching life narrative begins to take shape (Habermas and Bluck,
2000; McAdams, 2001).
The emergence of autobiographical narratives
When children begin to talk about the past, at about 16 to 18 months of age, parents
provide most of the content and structure of the narrative, with children participating
mainly by confi rming or repeating what the parent says (Eisenberg, 1985; Hudson, 1990).
Very quickly, however, children begin participating more fully in these conversations;
two-year-olds provide bits and pieces of information in response to parental questions,
and three-year-olds introduce new topics and new aspects of the past event being
discussed. By the end of the preschool years, most children are able to provide a
reasonably coherent narrative of a personally experienced event (Eisenberg, 1985;
Fivush, 2007). This developmental progression, from almost complete reliance on the
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FIVUSH REMEMBERING AND REMINISCING 53
parent to provide the narrative structure to independent skill, suggests that children
are learning the forms and functions of autobiographical reminiscing through partici-
pating in parentally guided, or scaffolded, interactions.
Maternal reminiscing style
Intriguingly, parents differ in their reminiscing style along a dimension of elaboration
(see Fivush et al., 2006 for a full review). Most research focuses on white middle-class
mothers in western cultures, so these fi ndings must be interpreted within these con-
straints. Still, the fi ndings are robust; some mothers display a highly elaborative re-
miniscing style, asking many questions, and providing a great deal of embellished
information about the event under discussion (e.g. the mother asks, ‘Remember when
we fi rst came in the aquarium? And we looked down and there were a whole bunch
of birdies … in the water? Remember the name of the birdies?’ And the child responds,
‘Ducks!’ and the mother continues, ‘Nooo! They weren’t ducks. They had on little suits.
[pause] Penguins. Remember what did the penguins do?’). In contrast, other mothers
display a less elaborative reminiscing style, asking few questions that tend to be re-
petitive and sparse in detail (e.g. the mother asks about a visit to the zoo, ‘What kind
of animals did you see?’ and the child responds ‘Giraffe’ to which the mother asks,
‘And what else?’ The child responds ‘Roar’ and the mother asks, ‘What’s roar?’, and the
child explains, ‘Lion’ and the mother again asks, ‘What else did you see?’) (examples
are from Reese et al., 1993). More highly elaborative mothers provide a great deal of
background and contextual information, expanding and elaborating on actions and
objects and weaving them into an ongoing narrative, whereas less elaborative mothers
seem more interested in eliciting specifi c pieces of information from their child, and
spend little time expanding these pieces of information into detailed descriptions
and explanations of events, leading to little sense of narrative in these exchanges.
Highly elaborative mothers also focus more on the emotional and evaluative aspects of
past events (Fivush and Haden, 2005; Fivush, 2007), thus creating more psychologic-
ally nuanced and personally meaningful narratives of the past.
Importantly, mothers are consistent over time in their reminiscing style; even as chil-
dren become more engaged participants in joint reminiscing, mothers who are highly
elaborative early in development remain highly elaborative later in development (Reese
et al., 1993; Harley and Reese, 1999). Just as important, this is not simply a measure
of talkativeness; mothers who are highly elaborative during reminiscing are not neces-
sarily more talkative in other conversational contexts, such as unstructured play (Haden
and Fivush, 1996), suggesting that reminiscing is a unique context in which mothers
have specifi c goals of sharing the past. Critically, mothers with a highly elaborative
reminiscing style facilitate their children’s developing autobiographical narrative skills.
Longitudinal research indicates that maternal elaborative reminiscing style is more pre-
dictive of children’s developing autobiographical narratives than children’s own earlier
language or narrative skills (Reese, 2002; Fivush et al., 2006), and experimental studies
that train mothers to be more elaborative during reminiscing fi nd that these children
become more narratively skilled than children of untrained mothers (Peterson et al.,
1999). The research evidence is clear: a highly elaborated maternal reminiscing style
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MEMORY STUDIES 1(1)54
predicts children’s more elaborated independent autographical narratives across the
preschool years (see Reese, 2002 and Fivush et al., 2006 for reviews).
Culture and gender in maternal reminiscing style
Research on cultural differences in maternal reminiscing fi nds that western mothers are
more elaborative overall, and more elaborative about emotional aspects of the past,
than Asian mothers, whereas Asian mothers focus more on morality and compliance
(Wang, 2001b; Leichtman et al., 2003). By the end of the preschool years, western chil-
dren are telling more elaborated, detailed narratives of their personal past and display
higher levels of emotional understanding and regulation, whereas Asian children focus
more on moral rules and social roles (Han et al., 1998; Wang, 2003), suggesting that
maternally scaffolded narratives are part of children’s developing understanding of their
life experiences. In terms of gender, there is some evidence, at least in western cultures,
that both mothers and fathers are more elaborative (Reese et al., 1996; Fivush and
Buckner, 2003) and focus more on emotions (Reese et al., 1996; Fivush et al., 2003)
when reminiscing with daughters than with sons. In turn, by the end of the preschool
years, girls are telling longer, more detailed and more emotionally imbued narratives of
their personal experience than are boys (Buckner and Fivush, 1998).
Patterns of individual, gendered and cultural differences in early parent–child rem-
iniscing as related to children’s developing autobiographical narratives suggests that
children are learning how to interpret and evaluate their personal experiences in these
early interactions. Parents, and especially mothers, who scaffold elaborated, richly
detailed narratives of the past, focusing on emotions and evaluations, have children
who come to tell their own personal narratives in more embellished, emotional and
evaluative ways.
Family narratives and adolescent identity
As children develop through middle childhood and into early adolescence, they become
increasingly able to think about multiple facets of an event simultaneously, to maintain
cognitive and emotional ambiguity, and to infer and deduct both physical and psycho-
logical connections between events (see Habermas and Bluck, 2000 for a review). With
these skills, adolescents become capable of overarching life narratives infused with
increasingly sophisticated perspective and evaluation. Thus, in adolescence, we see the
beginning of a life narrative that links events across time and places the self in relation
to others, embedded in an unfolding human drama of interconnected stories. How
these stories are constructed in family reminiscing remains critical for adolescents’ de-
veloping sense of self-understanding.
Family reminiscing
We have begun to explore relations between family reminiscing and adolescent self
understanding in a two-year longitudinal study beginning when children are just entering
adolescence, at about 10 to 12 years of age. In this research, the entire family is asked
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FIVUSH REMEMBERING AND REMINISCING 55
to narrate together highly emotional events that the family has shared in the past.
Some families display an overall collaborative style (similar to elaborative reminiscing
early in development) with each family member contributing to an emerging, coherent
narrative of what occurred, constructing a shared perspective on the past event, in
which each family member’s contributions are woven into a single story that expresses
and validates multiple perspectives. Other families engage in more independent rem-
iniscing, with each family member telling their part of the story, but these disparate
parts are not woven together; rather, the narrative remains a series of individual stories
of what occurred. A shared collaborative perspective is related to higher adolescent
self-esteem, whereas an independent perspective is related to higher adolescent self-
effi cacy (Bohanek et al., 2006). A closer examination of the emotional content of these
narratives reveals that families that express and explain more emotion, providing a
more embellished causal understanding and resolution of emotional experiences, have
adolescents who display higher social and academic competence (Marin et al., in press).
These patterns indicate that different aspects of family reminiscing are related differ-
entially to adolescent’s emerging sense of self.
Intergenerational narratives
In addition to soliciting family narratives of shared emotional experiences, we also tape-
recorded family dinner time conversations in order to examine how family narratives
emerge more spontaneously in everyday interaction (Fivush et al., in press). Narratives
emerge frequently (about once every fi ve minutes), with multiple family members con-
tributing across several conversational turns in co-constructing the story. Not surprising,
the majority of narratives are about events that happened that day. Perhaps more
surprising, many families also tell stories about more remote events, events shared
by the family in the past, and stories of the parent’s childhood and other extended
family members. These stories are often long and embellished, with all family members
participating in the retelling, indicating that these stories are often told and enjoyed.
Provocatively, families that tell more of these kinds of family stories over the dinner table
have adolescents who know more of their family history, and also display higher self-
esteem and lower levels of internalizing (anxiety, depression) and externalizing (ag-
gression, acting out) behavior problems. These fi ndings point to the critical importance
of placing one’s own life in the context of familial history that provides a framework for
understanding one’s self as a member of a family that extends before one’s birth and
provides the stage on which one’s individual life will be played out. One’s own story is
embedded in the stories of others in the past and in the present.
CONCLUSIONS
In this article, I described research demonstrating the prevalence and importance of
family narratives. Stories we create with others through socially shared interpretations
and evaluations of our personal past constitute our very being. This process begins early
in development and continues throughout the life span. Memory of our past is not
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MEMORY STUDIES 1(1)56
relegated to a dusty archive, but lives in the moment, in a constantly evolving dialectic
between our self and others in the telling and retelling of who we are through what we
remember. Research has shown how this process is modulated by individual, gendered
and cultural models of self expressed in everyday family reminiscing. Importantly, just
as our individual stories are shaped by cultural and historical models of selves and lives,
individuals come to shape their culture and their historical moment by the stories they
tell. Autobiographical narratives are not just about the individual, but are very much
about the historical time and place within which lives are lived and interpreted. Clearly,
as Smith (2004) notes in the quote that began this article: ‘A life without stories would
be no life at all.’
Acknowledgements
This research was supported by the Emory University Center for Myth and Ritual in American
Life through a grant from the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation.
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ROBYN FIVUSH received her PhD from the Graduate Center of The City University
of New York in 1983 and was a Postdoctoral Fellow at the Center for Human
Information Processing, University of California at San Diego from 1982 to
1984. She joined the Emory faculty in 1984 where she is also associated faculty
at the Institute for Women’s Studies and the Violence Studies Program. Her
research focuses on early memory with an emphasis on the social construction of
autobiographical memory and the relations among memory, narrative, trauma and
coping. She has published over 89 books, book chapters, and articles.
Address: Department of Psychology, Emory University, Atlanta, GA 30322, USA.
Email: psyrf@emory.edu
© 2008 SAGE Publications. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution.
at University of Western Ontario on August 8, 2008 http://mss.sagepub.comDownloaded from
... 3 Even when accuracy is the goal, there are important limitations and additional biases in our memory systems (see Schacter, 1999) though there are contexts where humans can be quite accurate in their recall (e.g., see Diamond et al., 2020). 2 PALOMBO (see Linde, 2015). In the same vein, other researchers distinguish between "recounting" versus "reminiscing" (Fivush, 2008), emphasising the reconstructive nature of the latter (also see Bartlett, 1932;Campbell et al., 2014;Schacter, 2022). In particular, Conway et al. (2004) pointed to a "trade-off" rememberers might face when recalling their past: On the one hand, rememberers aim to provide a coherent account of the past, conveying meaning in relation to their selfschema; yet on the other hand, rememberers strive to be accurate by conveying events as they actually occurred (also see discussions by Campbell et al., 2014;Fivush & Haden, 2005;Fivush & Nelson, 2006). ...
... This begins in infancy, as babies are surrounded by the stories of others. It continues when young children begin to make use of language, via parental scaffolding (e.g., open-ended questioning, probing for additional details), which comes from mothers especially (Fivush, 2008;. How a child acquires a narrative structure may depend on the reminiscing style of their parent (see . ...
... 8 As children get older, there is good evidence of familial storytelling: Together, family members share narratives (as frequent as every few minutes), typically about daily events indicating they are episodic in nature (although not exclusively so). The myriad of benefits for the young sharers who are part of this family dynamic are discussed elsewhere (see Fivush, 2008Fivush, , 2022 but for the present purposes, this literature is important because it illustrates the extent to which memory sharing is woven into the fibres of human experience. Note that as adults age, they engage in less spontaneous sharing of memories in their daily lives (Wank et al., 2020). ...
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Les êtres humains ont une propension à raconter des histoires et à faire de la narration. Bien que le domaine de la mémoire épisodique accorde une grande attention au contenu mnémotechnique des narrations, ces dernières ne servent pas uniquement à transmettre le passé. Au contraire, les narrations sont un moyen de créer du sens, des liens sociaux et d’autres facettes complexes de la cognition et de la pensée humaines. Cette courte réflexion traite de l’importance de la narration dans ces différents domaines. En outre, il aborde brièvement le rôle de la narration de la mémoire dans l’ère numérique moderne.
... 2 Literature review 2.1 Purposeful engagement with painful pasts Knowing one's past-be it relatively peaceful or marred by violence-can be an essential component of psychological flourishing (Fivush 2008). It is important to note, however, that the ways that "families communicate about traumatic experiences… seems to be of importance for the transmission of trauma" (Bek-Pedersen and Montgomery 2006, p. 96)-communication, which is of course culturally embedded (Cai and Lee 2022;Dalgaard and Montgomery 2015;Dalgaard et al. 2019). ...
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Migration stories are at the heart of how many immigrant-background Heritage Language Learners (HLLs) construct a sense of home, community, and identity across spatiotemporal scales. Nevertheless, narratives containing difficult knowledge (e.g., about war) are generally seen as threats to, rather than as assets in language learning and in education more broadly, and as such, are rarely drawn on in classrooms. In this paper I analyse excerpts from a group interview that I conducted with four grade-four girls during a year-long ethnographic case study. In particular, I examine how we all used various linguistic and paralingiustic resources to construct play frames . The play frames created a lower-stakes space in which to navigate the emotionally complex cultural memories that my interview questions about origins and migration prompted. The findings have implications for how language teachers listen to and engage with their HLLs’ funds of difficult knowledge.
... Those who were adolescents and young adults in this period were more likely to have integrated this event into their narrative identity as narrative identities begin to form during this life stage (Fivush, 2008). Young, educated participants were more likely to indicate reappraisal of the event, and their memories were more nuanced and insightful. ...
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Narrative identity embodies a coherent account of significant personal memories. The present study analyzes the autobiographical memory of the period 1992–1993 within a narrative identity framework. During 1992–1993, Mumbai witnessed Hindu–Muslim riots after the Babri mosque demolition. This interreligious conflict was subsequently followed by the serial bomb blasts in March 1993. Twenty Muslims and 18 Hindus who lived in Mumbai during 1992–1993 participated in the present study. During the interview, participants were asked to describe their lives during 1992–1993, without being cued with the words riots or blasts. Event recall and narrative content were both analyzed using a mixed-methods approach. Spontaneous recall of flashbulb memories of the riots and bomb blasts was analyzed with respect to religion. Religion significantly influenced recall of events, with more Muslims recalling the riots whereas more Hindus recalled the bomb blasts. Incorrect event sequence or confusion over event sequence was evident in the narratives of a few Hindus. Narrative content was subjected to reflexive thematic analysis and yielded an overarching theme of event appraisal encompassing three subthemes: continuing impact of the event on the present, event reappraisal, and perception of the police during the riots. Findings indicate that religion, education level, and age at event were related to event appraisal. Implications of event appraisal with respect to current well-being are discussed.
... Since Vygotsky's original conceptualization of the ZPD, numerous studies have explored its application and implications for children's cognitive development. For example, research has examined the use of ZPD in the context of computer-supported collaborative learning (Crain, 2024), peer-assisted teaching (Patrick et al., 2009) and parent-child interactions (Fivush, 2008). Additionally, recent studies have further explored the role of ZPD in promoting children's cognitive development. ...
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In the life story, autobiographical remembering and self-understanding are combined to create a coherent account of one's past. A gap is demonstrated between developmental research on the story-organization of autobiographical remembering of events in childhood and of life narratives in adulthood. This gap is bridged by substantiating D. P. McAdams's (1985) claim that the life story develops in adolescence. Two manifestations of the life story, life narratives and autobiographical reasoning, are delineated in terms of 4 types of global coherence (temporal, biographical, causal, and thematic). A review of research shows that the cognitive tools necessary for constrtlcting global coherence in a life story and the social-motivational demands to construct a life story develop during adolescence. The authors delineate the implications of the life story framework for other research areas such as coping, attachment, psychotherapeutic process, and the organization of autobiographical memory. DOI 10.1037/0033-2909.126.5.748
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This book brings a surprisingly wide range of intellectual disciplines to bear on the self-narrative and the self. The same ecological/cognitive approach that successfully organized Ulric Neisser's earlier volume on The Perceived Self now relates ideas from the experimental, developmental, and clinical study of memory to insights from post-modernism and literature. Although autobiographical remembering is an essential way of giving meaning to our lives, the memories we construct are never fully consistent and often simply wrong. In the first chapter, Neisser considers the so-called 'false memory syndrome' in this context; other contributors discuss the effects of amnesia, the development of remembering in childhood, the social construction of memory and its alleged self-servingness, and the contrast between literary and psychological models of the self. Jerome Bruner, Peggy Miller, Alan Baddeley, Kenneth Gergen and Daniel Albright are among the contributors to this unusual synthesis.