(PDF) Reordering a World: The Tana Bhagat Movement, 1914-1919

http://sih.sagepub.com

Studies in History

DOI: 10.1177/025764309901500101

1999; 15; 1 Studies in History

Sangeeta Dasgupta Reordering a World: The Tana Bhagat Movement, 1914-1919

http://sih.sagepub.com The online version of this article can be found at:

Published by:

http://www.sagepublications.com

can be found at:Studies in History Additional services and information for

http://sih.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Email Alerts:

http://sih.sagepub.com/subscriptions Subscriptions:

http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.navReprints:

http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.navPermissions:

at Oxford University Libraries on August 8, 2007 http://sih.sagepub.comDownloaded from

Reordering

a

World:

The

Tana

Bhagat

Movement,

1914-1919

Sangeeta

Dasgupta

Centre

for

Historical

Studies

Jawaharlal

Nehru

University

New

Delhi

The

Tana

Bhagat

movement

which

began

in

1914

reflected

a

quest

for

an

iden-

tity

within

Oraon

society.

Jatra

Oraon

of

Gumla,

Ranchi,

proclaimed

that

he

was

divinely

ordained

to

establish

a

new

sect,

the

Tana

sect,

which

was

mark-

edly

different

from

the

Oraon

community.

Leaders

arose

and

withdrew,

their

movement

gained

momentum

and

ebbed

at

various

points

in

time

and,

amidst

this

historical

process,

Tana

attempts

at

reordering

their

world

continued.

Their

identity

was

to

be

defined

in

opposition

to

the

zamindars,

the

banias

(moneylen¢ers),

the

missionaries,

the

Muslims

and

the

British

state.

At

the

same

time,

the

Tanas

sought

to

reorder

the

Oraon

society

by

opposing

the

tra-

ditional

leadership

of the pahan

(Oraon

priest)

and mahto

(village

representa-

tive in

secular

affairs),

and

by

rejecting

the

practices

of

spirit

worship

and

sacrifice.

Histories

of

this

Tana

Bhagat

movement

as

recorded

by

administrators,

missionaries

and

anthropologists,

and

theorizations

by

historians

studying

tribal

protest

in

Chhotanagpur

have

remained

constricted

by

a

shared

realm

of

suppositions.

In

these

accounts,

tribal

conflict

is

seen

to

be

the

result

of

the

infiltration

of ‘non-tribals’

into ’tribal’

territory:

movements

have

been

read

as

the

resistance

of

’aboriginals’

against

’non-aboriginals’,

or

of

the

’people

of

a

lower

civilization’

against

those

of

a ’higher

civilization’,

or

of

’insiders’

against

’outsiders’.

The

assumption

implicit

is

that

while

one

could

identify

an

occa-

sional

borrowing

of

religious

and

cultural

symbols

by

tribals

from

non-tribals,

the

economic

interests

of

these

groups

were

inherently

antagonistic.

Tribal

communities,

seen

as

almost

homogeneous,

were

thus

perceived

to

be

united

in

Acknowledgements:

I

am

grateful

to

Professors

Neeladri

Bhattacharya,

Gautam

Bhadra,

Her-

mann

Kulke,

and

to

Padmanabh

Samarendra

for

their

comments

and

suggestions.

I

also

thank

Sohini

Dasgupta

and

Uddalak

Bhattacharya

for

their

editorial

assistance.

at Oxford University Libraries on August 8, 2007 http://sih.sagepub.comDownloaded from

2

an

opposition

to

alien

and

unacceptable

elements

that

had

entered

their

land.

K.S.

Singh

therefore

identifies

in

the

Tanas

a

’peasant

consciousness’;’

B.B.

Chaudhury

finds

an

economic

basis

to

the

’rebel

tribal

consciousness’;2

Prabhu

Prasad

Mohapatra,

drawing

upon

the

juridico-economic

language

of

the

colo-

nial

state,

sees

in

the

’agrarian

regimes

in

Chotanagpur ...

a

continuous

con-

flict

between

landlords

and

tenants’,

a

’class

struggle’.3

3

My

study

of

the

Tana

Bhagat

movement

recognizes

the

importance

of

trac-

ing

Oraon

and

Tana

opposition

to

the

zamindars,

banias

and

the

British

state,

but

it

suggests

that

conflict

must

also

be

located

within

the

internal

hierarchy

of

the

community.

In

the

Oraon

community-where

the

sacred

and

the

secu-

lar

were

closely

interlinked-the

bhuinhars,4

the

dominant

stratum,

derived

authority

both

as

holders

of

privileged

tenures

and

as

claimants

to

the

tradi-

tional

offices

of

the pahan, pujar

(one

who

helped

the pahan

in

the

exercise

of

his

official

duties)

and

mahto.

British

intervention

in

Chhotanagpur,

their

administrative

arrangements

and

agrarian

legislations,

only

intensified

the

already

prevalent

hierarchies

within

the

Oraon

community.

As

administrators

identified

in

the

agrarian

population

the

leaders

of

the

community,

they

directly

promoted

the

interests

of

a

particular

section

of

the

Oraon

tribe,

the

bhuinhars.

It

was

the

special

position

of

these

bhuinhars

that

the

Tanas

also

challenged

through

their

movement.

The

two

seemingly

disparate

realms

of

Tana

protest-an

opposition

to

the

pahan,

mahto,

and

to

the

world

of

spirits

and

ritual

celebrations,

and

a

resistance

to

the

landlords,

banias

and

the

Raj-

were

thus

interlinked.

The

Tanas

articulated

the

ideology

of

a

marginal

group

within

Oraon

society

and

challenged

those

elements,

tribal

and

non-tribal,

that

had

forced

them

into

dependence

and

subordination.

Theit

movement

expressed

the

efforts

of

a

section

of

the

Oraon

society

to

redefine

its

identity,

its

past,

its

future.

In

this

essay

I

discuss

the

precepts

of

the

Tana

faith

in

an

attempt

to

under-

stand

the

diverse

trends

in

the

Tana

movement;

locate

the

community

in

the

agrarian

terrain

of

Chhotanagpur;

examine

the

Tana

opposition

to

the

Oraon

world

of

spirits,

sacrifice

and

festivity,

their

selective

critique

of

a

hierarchy

which

was

based

on

claims

to

lineage

and

land,

and

their

implicit

opposition

to

an

economy

of

settled

agriculture.

Finally,

I

consider

the

ambiguities

in

the

Tana

perceptions

of

the

Raj

and

in

their

conceptualization

of

the

’German

Baba’.

1

K.S.

Singh,

’Tribal

Peasantry,

Millenarianism,

Anarchism and

Nationalism:

A

Case

Study

of

the

Tana

Bhagats

in

Chotanagpur,

1914-25’,

Social

Scientist,

Vol.

16, 1988,

p.

36.

2

Benoy

Bhusan

Chaudhury,

’The

Story

of

a

Tribal

Revolt

in

the

Bengal

Presidency:

The

Reli-

gion

and

Politics

of the

Oraons,

1900-1926’,

in

Adhir

Chakrabarti,

ed.,

Aspects of Socio-economic

Changes

and

Political Awakening

in

Bengal,

Calcutta,

1989,

p.

55.

3

Prabhu

Prasad

Mohapatra,

’Class

Conflict

and

Agrarian

Regimes

in

Chotanagpur,

1860-

1950’,

The

Indian

Economic

and

Social

History

Review

(

IESHR

),

Vol.

28:1,

1991,

p.

35.

4

For

an

explanation

of

the

term,

see

p.

18

ff.,

infra.

at Oxford University Libraries on August 8, 2007 http://sih.sagepub.comDownloaded from

3

The

Story

It

began

in

April

1914.

A

twenty-five-year-old

youth,

Jatra

Oraon

of

Gumla,

Ranchi,

proclaimed

that

he

had

received

on

a

piece

of

paper,

a

divine

message

from

Dharmes,

the

supreme

God

of

the

Oraons.1

Jatra

was

to

be

a

king

and

his

followers

were

to

share

the

kingdom.

All

those

who

did

not

join

the

move-

ment,

Jatra

prophesied,

would

be

struck

dumb.

Gathering

about

him

one

to

two

thousand

men,

Jatra,

reciting

what

he

claimed

to

be

divinely

inspired

mantras

or

songs,

advocated

that

Oraon

religion

should

be

freed

of

evils

like

ghost-finding

and

exorcism,

belief

in

bhuts

or

spirits,

animal

sacrifice

and

liquor

drinking.6

Jatra’s

followers

were

to

work

no

more

as

coolies

or

labour-

ers

for

men

cf

other

castes

or

for

the

government.

They

were

also

to

stop

the

payment

of

rent

to

landlords.’

God

would

provide

for

them,

and

a

single

grain

of

rice

would

satisfy

a

person’s

hunger.8

Because

of

the

impending

destruction

of

the

world

when

earthly

possessions

would

be

the

only

hindrances,

disciples

of

the

faith

were

asked

to

purify

themselves

by

discarding

household

equip-

ment,

agricultural

implements

and

ornaments

into

the

river,

as

purificatory

sacrifices

to

the

Goddess

Ganga.9

As

the

new

faith

began

to

spread,

people

from

nearly

twenty

villages

in

the

Ghagra,

Gumla

and

Bishnupur

districts

joined

Jatra

and

began

to

learn

the

Tana

mantras.

The

method

of

communication

was

to

teach

the

divine

words

to

certain

youths

who,

in

turn,

returned

to

their

respective

villages

to

set

up

simi-

lar

chains

of

communication.

The

mantras,

that

had

originally

referred

only

to

ghosts,

soon

came

to

include

Babhans

(a

high

caste

in

Bihar),

Mussalmans

and

the

English

in

their

list

of

evils

But

there

was

hope

for

redemption.

In

Nov-

ember,

on

new

moon,

the

sun

would

set

for

five

days

and

there

would

be

only

night;

after

this

long

night,

a

new

light

would

burn,

fresh

and

free

from

all

malevolent

elements-Hindus,

Muslims,

missionaries,

the

police

and

offi-

cials.ll

There

entered

too

into

the

catalogue

of

referents

a

benefactor,

the

5

A.

John,

’Eine

Reise

nach

Chechari’

[A

Journey

to

Chechari],

Die

Biene

auf dem

Missions-

felde für Missions-freunde und Missions

Vereine

(hereafter

Die

Biene auf dem Missionsfelde

)

No. 1,

January,

1928,

p.

65.

This

journal

translated

as

’The

Bee

from

the

Missionfields:

For

Missionary

Friends

and

Missionary

Associations’,

published

from

Berlin,

was

the

annual

missionary

journal

of

the

German

Evangelical

Lutheran

Mission

(later

renamed

the

Gossner

Evangelical

Lutheran

Mission).

6

Sarat

Chandra

Roy,

Oraon

Religion

and

Customs,

Calcutta, 1928,

p.

341.

Roy’s

account

of

the

movement

draws

upon

a

government

report.

This

report,

’Oraon

Unrest’,

which

unfortunately

does

not

have

a

reference

number,

is

found

among

Roy’s

private

papers

[hereafter

RPP],

located

at

the

office

of

the

Man

In

India

[hereafter

MII],

Ranchi.

7

Bihar

and

Orissa

Government,

Political

Department,

Special

Section,

File

No.

54

of

1925.

8

John, ’Eine

Reise

nach

Chechari’,

p.

64.

9

W

Dehmlow, ’Ein

falscher

Prophet

in

Bahar-Barwe’ [A

False

Prophet

in

Bahar-Barwe],

Die

Biene

auf dem

Missionsfelde,

No.

11,

November,

1914,

p.

151.

10

’Oraon

Unrest’,

RPP,

MII,

Ranchi.

11

F.

Zernick,

’Zum

Uraun-Aufstand

von

1915’

[About

the

Uraun-unrest

of

1915],

Die

Biene

auf dem

Missionsfelde,

No.

11/12,

November/December,

1919,

p.

97.

at Oxford University Libraries on August 8, 2007 http://sih.sagepub.comDownloaded from

4

’German

Baba’ or

the

Kaiser,

who

would

attack

non-believers

of

the

faith

with

bombs

from

the

sky.

The

cry,Angrez ki

kshai,

German

ki jai

(Destruction

to

the

English,

Victory

to

the

Germans)

almost

became

a

password. 12

By

1915,

the

process

of

purging

Oraon

society

of

ghosts

was

in

full

swing.

Young

Oraon

men

gathered

after

their

evening

meal

at

the

boundary

of

the

village. 13

While

the

whole

village

turned

out

for

the

spirit

drive

and

armed

themselves

with

twigs

or

branches

of

the

tamarind

tree,

only

the

men

would

participate

in

the

process.

Each

man,

uttering

the

mantras.

would,

with

his

tamarind

twig,

sweep

the

ground

before

him,

sweeping

each

stone

and

the

base

of

each

bush

and

tree

on

the

way.

As

the

crowd

advanced,

one

or

the

other

of

the

men

would

cry

that

he

was

possessed,

upon

which

his

neighbours

would

brush

him

with

their

tamarind

branches,

chanting

mantras

and

implor-

ing

the

spirits

to

withdraw. 14

Alternatively,

the

assembled

villagers

would

arrange

themselves

in

a

circle

and,

with

their

hands

folded

as

in

prayer,

keep-

ing

time

by

clapping

their

hands

and

lifting

each

leg

alternately,

they

would,

with

heads

shaking,

chant

their

invocations

and

urge

the

spirits

to

go

away.

Sometimes

they

would

form

a

circle;

at

times

they

would

kneel

down

and

just

shake

their

heads.

When

the

singing

was

at

its

peak,

someone

would

get

pos-

sessed,

shout

and

begin

to

run,

and

all

would

run

about

shouting

at

the

spirits

to

go

away.

These

proceedings

would

be

repeated

at

another

spot

and

thus

would

the

process

continue

till

dawn.

As

the

whole

company

gradually

advanced

with

its

operations

towards

the

basti

(inhabited

portions

of

the

vil-

lage),

a

white

goat

would

be

brought,

given

some

dust

to

lick

and,

instead

of

being

sacrificed,

would

be

let

loose

in

the

name

of

Dharmes.

The

headman

would

then

pray

for

forgiveness

for

past

sins

committed

by

villagers

in

igno-

rance

of

the

True

Religion.

On

the

last

few

days

of

this

ritual,

the

villagers

entered

into

the

huts

of

individual

Oraons

during

the

day,

and

searched

every

nook

and

corner

until

they

found

an

article

such

as

a

stick

or

a

plait

of

straw.

This

was

regarded

as

the

emblem

of

the

bhut,

and

it

was

burnt

or

buried

in

some

open

space

outside

the

basti

or

by

the

river.

An

offering

of

fruits

and

sweets

to

Dharmes

and

a

purificatory

bath

ended

the

process. 15

In

end-1915,

the

movement

had

spread

to

Mandar

and

Kuru.

Due

to

inter-

mittent

acts

of

violence,

a

panic

was

created

among

local

zamindars

and ’non-

aboriginals’.

Particularly

harassed

were

the

zamindars,

their

servants

being

beaten

and

turned

out

of

jungles

when

they

attempted

to

collect

wood.

By

this

time,

the

cult

had

also

reached

the

districts

of

Palamau

and

Hazaribagh.

Dallias

(messengers)

from

Ranchi

visiting

Oraon

villages

in

Palamau-Adhi,

12

John,

’Eine

Reise

nach

Chechari’,

p.

65.

13

Roy,

Oraon

Religion

and

Customs,

p.

343.

14

Tea

District

Labour

Association,

Handbook

of Castes

and

Tribes,

Calcutta,

1924,

p.

28.

15

Roy,

Oraon

Religion

and

Customs,

pp.

350-52.

at Oxford University Libraries on August 8, 2007 http://sih.sagepub.comDownloaded from

5

Chechari,

Chainpur

and

Mahuadand-began

to

organize

meetings

at

night.

Here,

songs

were

sung

and

mantras

recited;

people

were

urged

to

become

bhagats

(devotees);

believers

were

commanded

to

refrain

from

the

consump-

tion

of

fowl,

pig

and

liquor;

further,

they

were

to

avoid

articles

that

were

red

in

colour mirchai

(chillies)

and

even

red

dhan

(paddy)-for

red

represented

the

British

whom

the

Oraons

were

to

hate.

Non-bhagats

were

forbidden

from

the

use

of

wells,

and

their

wives

were

declared

to

be

witches.

True

education

was

to

come

from

Heaven;

so

children

were

prevented

from

going

to

school,

and

missionary

schools

were

forcibly

closed

down.16

As

appeals

to

the ’German

Baba’ were

particularly

marked

in

this

phase,

a

battle

between

the

Germans

and

the

English

was

predicted;

in

this,

the

Ger-

mans

would

win

and

they

would

then

march

to

India.

In

the

meantime,

the

British

may

turn

against

the

bhagats,

but

their

bullets

would

be

turned

into

water. 17

The

Sub-Inspector,

Garhwa,

reported

that

Oraon

meetings

in

the

vil-

lages

of

Tilday

and

Marhatra

invariably

ended

with

the

words,

Pancham ki

kshai,

German

ki jai.

Pancham

(fifth),

presumably,

referred

to

George

V18

It

was

believed

that

the

German

Badshah

(Emperor)

was

on

the

hill

on

the

other

side

of

the

river

Koel

with

fifteen

carriages

loaded

with

gold

for

the

Oraons.

The

arrival

in

Panari

of

ten

men

from

the

military

police

signified

that

the

Kai-

_

ser

would

send

1,500

men

to

aid

the

Oraons.

The ’German

Baba’ was

to

help

in

restoring

the

Golden

Age.

So

strong

was

their

belief

in

their

deliverer

that

the

Oraons

dismantled

the

roofs

of

their

huts

to

let

the

spirit

in

from

above.19

By

1916,

the

movement

had

spread

among

the

migrant

Oraon

coolies

employed

in

the

tea

gardens

of

Jalpaiguri;

details

of

the

’unrest’ were

seen

to

correspond

to

the

information

already

received

from

Ranchi,

Palamau

and

Hazaribagh.

These

disturbances

were

apparently

started

by

labourers

who

had

visited

their

villages

in

Chhotanagpur.

They

often

brought

back

with

them

Tana

gurus;

it

was

expected

that

these

priests

would

hypnotize

selected

preachers

in

their

respective

localities.2’

Meetings

were

held

at

night

in

the

forests

of

the

tea

estates

and,

interestingly,

never

at

the

same

spot. 22

On

the

approach

of

the

village

police,

the

chanting

of

mantras

was

immediately

16

Bihar

and

Orissa

Government,

Political

Department,

Special

Section,

File

No. 1165

of

1916.

17

Ibid.

18

Bihar

and

Orissa

Government,

Police

Department,

Abstract of

Intelligence,

Vol. V,

Palamau,

12

March

1916.

19

H.

Josson,

La

Mission

Du

Bengale

Occidentale

Ou

Archdiocese

Du

Calcutta,

Bruges,

1921,

trans.

L.

Clarysse,

The Mission

of West

Bengal

or The Archdiocese

of Calcutta,

Ranchi, 1993,

p.

249.

20

Bihar

and

Orissa

Government,

Police

Department,

Abstract

of

Intelligence,

Vol. V,

Bihar

S.B.,

19

February

1916.

21

Bihar

and

Orissa

Government,

Police

Department,

Abstract

of

Intelligence,

Vol.

V,

Extract,

Bengal

Abstract,

13

May

1916.

22

Bihar

and

Orissa

Government,

Police

Department,

Abstract

of

Intelligence,

Vol.

V,

Extract,

Bengal

Abstract,

11

March

1916.

at Oxford University Libraries on August 8, 2007 http://sih.sagepub.comDownloaded from

6/

terminated.

Fish,

flesh

and pachwai

(alcohol)

were

to

be

renounced

and

arti-

cles

that

were

red

in

colour

were,

of

course,

to

be

avoided.

Heaps

of

red

pota-

toes

were

seen

lying

about

in

the

courtyards

of

Oraon

houses.13

It

was

believed

that

the

Oraon

Raj

would

come

within

three

years.2a

Through

1918,

the

Tana

Bhagat

movement

continued

to

spread.

At

Jamira-

pat

in

Sirguja,

a

&dquo;rebellion’

of

Kishans

and

Oraons

broke

out;

in

official

per-

ception,

it

was

linked

to

the

Tana

Bhagat

movement

of

Ranchi

and

Palamau

that

had

already

spread

into

the

states

of

Sirguja,

Udaipur,

Jashpur

and

Korea

in

1916.

The

villagers

in

Sirguja,

after

taking

a

bath

in

the

evening,

would

gather

at

a

sacred

and

secluded

spot.

Here

they

would

sing

Tana

songs

in

cho-

rus,

invoke

Hindu

mythological

Gods

and

scribble

indecipherable

writings

on

slates.

Preachers

advised

the followers

to

give

up

the

tilling

of

land

since

crops

of

a

single

plot

of

land

would

be

sufficient

for

the

whole

of

the

Oraon

and

Kishan

population;

and

they

advocated

abstinence

from

alcohol

and

meat.

Each

Oraon

was

to

keep

a

painted

iron

stick

to

guard

against

evils,

misfor-

tunes

and

disease

in

the

family.

In

almost

every

village,

a

white

goat

was

kept

for

the

purpose

of

worship:

Oraons

washed

its

feet

and

fed

it

with

rice

when

it

wandered

into

their

homes.

It

was

a

common

belief

that

after

practising

the

’Tana’

for

three

years,

Oraons

would

reach

perfection,

the

goats

would

become

immortal,

and

the

Tanas

would

be

able

to

escape

all

worldly

evils

and

misfortunes.

In

the

impending

resurrection

that

was

predicted

by

the

Kishans

and

Oraons,

the

Maharajah

of

the

state

was

to

be

replaced

with

the

help

of

the

Germans,

and

Oraon

Raj

was

to

be

established.

The

predicted

battle

would

be

between

Gods

and

men,

the

Germans

being

the

Gods

on

the

side

of

the

Oraons.

The

leaders

explained

to

their

followers

that

they

were

in

regular

communication

with

the

Germans

who

travelled

in

udankhatolas

(air-ships).

A

glass

tube

about

six

inches

long

and

half-an-inch

in

diameter

was

displayed

as

the

wondrous

weapon

that

could

kill

enemies

from

a

distance

of ten

miles.

One

Khikir

Kishan

explained

that

he

had

come

back

with

orders

to

carry

on

the

battle

at

Jamirapat.’~

In

1919,

Tana

activity

resumed

under

a

new

leader,

Sibu

Oraon.

Sibu

had

been

instructed

by Bkagwan

to

leave

his

home

and

family

and

wander

all

over

the

world

in

order

to

reform

it.

The

Raj

was

shortly

to

be

restored

to

the

Oraons.

Bhagwan,

Sibu

claimed,

would

send

him

letters.

Pieces

of

foolscap

in

illegible

Hindi

writing,

distributed

to

the

police,

expressed

some

of

Sibu’s

ideas.

23

Bihar

and

Orissa

Government,

Police

Department,

Abstract

of

Intelligence,

Vol. V,

Bihar

S.B.,

19

February

1916.

24

Bihar

and

Orissa

Government,

Police

Department,

Abstract

of

Intelligence,

Vol. V,

Bihar

S.B.,

18

March

1916.

25

Bihar

and

Orissa

Government,

Political

Department,

Police

Branch,

File

No.

p-5R-3

of

1919.

at Oxford University Libraries on August 8, 2007 http://sih.sagepub.comDownloaded from

7

The

Mussalman

kill

cows,

so

their

bones

will

be

broken ...

Marwaris

sell

cloth

at

a

very

high

price,

so

their

houses

should

be

burnt ...

Zamindars

realize

taxes

and

keep

dancing

girls,

they

should

be

turned

out .... 26

The

Oraons

need

not

work

since

Bhagwan

would

feed

them;

no

rent

or

chauki-

dari

tax

was

required

to

be

paid.

Sibu

was

reported

to

have

said

that

hands

and

legs

of

all

the

people

except

the

Oraons

would

be

cut

down.

Women were

to

be

massacred

and

only

a

few

would

be

spared

to

continue

the

generation. 27

From

1921,

fresh

injunctions

were

added

to

the

Tana

tenets;

followers

were

to

carry

the

Congress jhanda

(flag),

wear

khaddar

(home-spun

cloth)

and

take

vows

in

Gandhi

Maharaj’s

name.

Lores,

myths

and

rumours

grew

around

Gandhi,

his

charkha

(spinning

wheel)

and

swaraj

(self-rule).

In

subsequent

years,

the

campaign

of

the

Tanas

was

narrated

as

part

of

another

history

in

which

their

interest

was

shown

to

have

merged

with

that

of

the

nation

striving

for

independence

Tana

Precepts

As

the

Tana

movement

spread,

inhabitants

of

village

after

village

would

gather

to

learn

the

essentials

of

the

faith.

At

the

common

boundaries

of

adja-

cent

villages,

the

men

would

meet,

and

in

their

sabhas

(assemblies),

they

enunciated

the

’Gospel

of

Dharmes’29

or

the ’Gospel

of

LakShmi’. 30

Rhythmi-

cal

bhajans

(devotional

songs)

would

be

sung

that

took

the

form

of

stories,

questions

and

answers,

or

prohibitions

and

instructions

in

order

to

inspire

the

adherents

of

the

faith.

From

the

outset,

therefore,

the

Tana

movement

was

a

collective

enterprise;

its

ideals

were

consciously

learnt

and

carried

by

word

of

mouth.

Teachings

were

imparted

by

an

’enlightened

man’

who

became

the

’head

teacher’

and

’showed

the

way

to

all

men’. 31

The

guru

taught

the

follow-

ers

of

the

new

faith

its

doctrines

and

showed

them

the

path

to

the

’True

Reli-

gion’,

for

he

was

believed

to

have

a

link

with

Dharmes.

The

Tanas

affirmed

that

their

faith

had

been

disclosed

to

the

guru

by

God

Himself.

The

principal

God

to

whom

the

Tanas

prayed

was

Dharmes

Baba

or

Bhag-

wan

Baba:

his

name

featured

in

all

invocations.

In

addition,

a

retinue

of

other

deities

drawn

from

the

Hindu

pantheon

was

mentioned:

Suraj

Baba,

Chandar

26

Bihar

and

Orissa

Government,

Political

Department,

Special

Section.

File

No.

86

of

1919.

27

Ibid.

28

For

a

discussion

of

the

relationship

between

the

Congress

and

the

Tana

Bhagats,

refer

to

my

Ph.D.

dissertation.

Sangeeta

Dasgupta,

Reordering

of

Tribal

Worlds:

Tana

Bhagats,

Missionaries

and

the

Raj,

Ph.D.

Dissertation,

Centre

for

Historical

Studies,

Jawaharlal

Nehru

University, 1998,

pp. 253-84.

29

Roy,

Oraon

Religion

and

Customs,

p.

357.

30

Ibid.,

p.

356.

31

Ibid.,

pp.

354-55.

at Oxford University Libraries on August 8, 2007 http://sih.sagepub.comDownloaded from

8

Baba,

Gunibani

Baba,

Tarigan

Baba,

Indra

Baba,

Brahma

Baba,

Ganesh

Baba,

Jagarnath

Baba,

Hindu

Baba,

Siva

Baba,

Jodhaji

Baba,

Ganga

Baba,

Jamuna

Baba,

Ram

Baba,

Lachman

Baba,

Bharat

Baba,

Satrughan

Baba,

and

Mahadeo.

The ’German

Baba’ was

also

referred

to

in

Tana

hymns.

The

only

female

deity

invoked

was

Dharti

Ayo,

also

referred

to

as

Sita

Ayo.

What

is

interesting

to

note

is

that

in

Oraon

myths,

Sita

Ayo

is

identified

with

Parvati,

the

consort

of

Siva,

and

is

described

as

the

wife

of

Dharmes.

Significantly,

it

was

Dharmes

whom

the

Tanas

had

in

mind

in

their

prayers,

even

when

they

worshipped

other

Gods.

So

powerful

was

His

grace

that

he

would

end

the

Kale

Yug,

the

Age

of

Sin.

With

his

advent

would

begin

the

Sat

Yug,

the

Golden

Age.32

What

was

the

path

that

was

to

be

followed

in

order

to

usher

in

this

Golden

Age?

A

movement

that

had

spread

over

Ranchi,

Palamau,

Hazaribagh

and

parts

of

north

Bengal

and

had

spanned

a

considerable

period

of

time,

threw

up

doctrines

that

often

differed.

Yet,

certain

essential

principles

marked

the

Tana

faith,

and

these

were

as

follows.

Ghosts

and

spirits

were

to

be

purged,

along

with

dains

(witches),

matis

and

ojhas

(those

who

dealt

with

the

spirit

world);

the

traditional

leadership

of

the pahans

and

mahtos

was

to

be

ques-

tioned ;

sacrifices,

violence

and

non-vegetarianism

were

to

be

abhorred;

aus-

terity

and

abstemiousness

were

to

characterize

religion

and

society.

Accord-

ingly,

socio-religious

festivities

were

forbidden;

embroidery

and

ornaments

were

discarded;

bonds

between

men

and

women

outside

marriage

were

dis-

couraged.

Pure

thought

and

speech,

knowledge,

wisdom,

understanding,

intelligence

and

strength

were

regarded

as

virtues

to

be

inculcated.

In

addi-

tion,

the

Tanas

questioned

their

subordination

to

the

zamindars,

illaquadars

(those

who

had

been

granted

land

by

the

Maharajah

of

Chhotanagpur

in

exchange

of

services

that

were

to

be

rendered)

and

banias,

and

to

the

Muham-

madans,

Christians

and

the

British

state.

Their

demands

related,

among

other

things,

to

issues

of

land,

rent

and

a

variety

of

other

forms

of

dues.

The

story

of

Tana

protest

thus

reflects

a

complex

of

seemingly

contradictory

pressures

that

coexisted

within

the

movement.

Their

movement

drew

upon

a

collective

Oraon

identity

and,

at

the

same

time,

distanced

itself

from

some

of

the

Oraon

traditions

and

practices.

Tanas

questioned

the

supremacy

of

the

pahan,

pujar

and

mahto,

denounced

the

prevalent

Oraon

practices

of

spirit-

worship,

witchcraft,

sacrifice,

non-vegetarianism

and

festivity,

and

presented

a

critique

of

settled

agriculture.

Simultaneously,

they

identified

the

enemy

outside

the

Oraon

community:

they

critiqued

the

privileges

of

the

zamindars

and

banias,

and

the

exactions

imposed

by

them.

These

seemingly

divergent

practices,

I

seek

to

argue,

were

interlinked;

these

were

expressions

of

an

inte-

grated

Tana

protest

against

social

relations

and

hierarchy

that

were

based

on

claims

to

lineage

and

ownership

of

land.

32

Ibid.,

p.

379.

at Oxford University Libraries on August 8, 2007 http://sih.sagepub.comDownloaded from

9

Against

Zamindars,

Bahias

and

an

Agrarian

Order:

Locating

the

Tanas

in

the

Agrarian

Terrain

of

Chhotanagpur

From

the

outset,

Tanas

protested

against

landed

elements.

This

protest

took

the

form

of

refusals

to

pay

rent

and

offer

began

(praedial

services),

assaults

on

the

zamindar,

a

forcible

cultivation

of

his

lands

and

the

cutting

of

crops,

and

appeals

to

the

state

through

the

submission

of

pamphlets,

petitions

and

memorials.

Their

protest

drew

upon

a

longer

tradition

of

Oraon

agrarian

struggle.

Cases

of

crop-cutting

and

refusals

to

pay

rent

or

perform

began

were

common

among

bhuinhars,

particularly

after

the

Bhuinhari

Settlement

of

1869.

Appeals

to

revenue

officials

were

frequent

during

the

survey

and

settle-

ment

operations.

Submission

of

petitions

and

memorials

were

a

part

of

the

agitation

of

the

Sirdars

and

Christian

ryots.

At

times,

then,

the

Tanas

articu-

lated

feelings

of

outrage

that

were

shared

by

other

members

of

the

agricul-

tural

community

against

the

infiltration

of

’outsiders’

into

their

land;

it

was

this

protest

that

reinforced

community

solidarity.

Jatra

had

decided

that

the

Oraons

and

the

Mundas

would

come

together,

the

smiths

and

the

Kuhhir

caste

would

melt

into

one

community,

and

the

Christians

would

constitute

a

separate

order.33

On

other

occasions,

groups

with

whom

the

Tanas

had

shared

a

harmonious

relationship

and

socio-economic

transactions

were

included

as

’bonafide

residents

of

the

State’.

The

Rajwars,

Khairwars,

Ghansis,

Korwas,

Kidakus

and

Bargahs

would

be

spared

if

they

joined

the

Tanas,

the

leaders

at

Sirguja

proclaimed.34

At

times

however,

Tanas

expressed

their

links

only

with

the

Oraon

people.

Sibu

threatened

that

’the

hands

and

legs

of

all

the

people

except

the

Oraons

would

be

cut

down’.35

Jatra,

in

1914,

had

insisted

that

his

disciples

were

to

do

no

work

for

zamindars,

nor

pay

rent

to

them.

The

servants

of

the

zamindars

were

harassed,

refused

any

assistance,

beaten

and

turned

out

of

the

jungles

when

they went

to

cut

wood.~

Tana

opposition

to

Mussalmans,

Brahmins,

Bhabans,

Rajputs

and

Marwaris

through

the

years

1915-17

expressed

their

disapproval

of

those

ele-

ments

who

had

participated

in

the

inter-related

credit

and

land

markets

and

had

wielded

power.

By

1918,

memorials

which

claimed

the

rights

of

the

Oraons

to

hold

rent-free

lands

as

descendants

of

the

original

settlers

were

submitted

to

the

government

by

Jura

Bhagat.

The

State

was

expected

to

intervene

on

behalf

of

the

Tanas:

the

Raj

was

the

arbiter,

its

legal

institutions

were

the

altar

of

judgement,

and

submission

of

memorials

became

a

new

mode

of

Tana

appeal.

Jura

stated

that

he

had

filed

a

case

before

the

government

claiming

the

ownership

of

the

reve-

nue

estates

or

parganas

of

Khokhra

and

Deesa;

if

successful,

he

promised,

33

Dehmlow,

’Ein

falscher

Prophet

in

Bahar-Barwe’,

pp.

151-52.

34

Bihar

and

Orissa

Government,

Political

Department,

Police

Branch,

File

No.

p-5R-3

of

1919.

35

Bihar

and

Orissa

Government,

Political

Department,

Special

Section,

File

No.

86

of

1919.

36

Ibid.

at Oxford University Libraries on August 8, 2007 http://sih.sagepub.comDownloaded from

10

holdings

would

be

free

of

every

sort

of

payment.

Subscriptions

at

the

rate

of

Rs

17

per

village

were

sought

from

Tanas

in

order

to

fight

the

case.

Hundreds

of

typed

copies

of

the

petition

were

prepared

and

circulated.

Tana

residents

of

Dana

Kera

Police

Station

in

Lapsung

refused

to

pay

rent

to

the

Maharajah

of

Chhotanagpur

on

the

ground

that

their

land

was

lakhiraj

(land

that

belonged

to

the

goddess

Lakshmi) .17

The

same

memorial

was

submitted

by

Tana

ten-

ants

of

the

Kairo

Estate

to

Hansen,

the

Manager

of

the

estate,

against

the

Kairo

thakurs

who,

they

claimed,

had

usurped

their

rights

to

property.

The

new

proprietors,

they

hoped,

would

not

take

rent

irum

them. 38

By

late

1919,

the

memorial

seemed

to

have

legitimized

acts

of

crop-cutting

by

Jura

and

his

followers.

Tana ’tenants’ on

the

estate

of Baldeo

Das

Birla

pro-

claimed

that

they

had

obtained

their

Raj.

Cutting

and

claiming

the

crops

on

bakasht39

lands

with

the

cultivator’s

consent

was

stated

to

be

their

right.

A

copy

of

Jura

Bhagat’s

petition

to

the

government

was

produced

by

them

along

with

an

order

stating

that

Jura’s

case

had

been

referred

to

the

Revenue

Depart-

ment.4°

Similar

cases

were

reported

from

elsewhere.41

The

Tana

Bhagat

movement

continued

between

1919

and

1921

under

the

leadership

of

Sibu

and

Turia

Bhagat.

Sibu

threatened

the

zamindars

Jagdeo

Nand

Tewarry

and

Jagjiwan

Nand

Tewarry,

and

distributed

leaflets,

supposed

to

have

heen

sent

by

Bhagwan,

in

order

to

express

his

ideas:

It

is

no

longer

the

Raj

of

the

Zamindars.

The

earth

belongs

to

pious

men.

Nobody

should

give

any

rent

or

chaukidari

tax.

The

banias

must

not

attend

bazars.

They

rob

the

men.

Marwaris,

may

your

cloth

be

burnt

to

ashes.

Mussalmans,

may

you

perish!

The

vagabonds

and

their

prostitutes

will

per-

ish

as

soon

as

Phalgun

(the

time

of

the

Holi

festival)

comes.

Brahmans,

Rajputs,

Rajas

and

Zamindars

had

nothing

to

eat

when

they

came

here,

but

now

they

have

become

so

powerful

as

to

beat

the

Oraons

and

Mundas.

Christians

are

the

lowest

class.

God

says

so.42

When

Sibu

was

arrested,

the

movement

did

not

flag.

Tanas

continued

their

movement

under

the

new

leader

Turia,

and

refused

to

pay

rent,

perform

begari

or

work

as

labourers

or

carriers.

They

claimed

that

Oraons

were

forced

to

pay

Rs

2

per

bigha

while

formerly

they

had

paid

only

4

to

8

annas.43

Turia

demanded

37

Bihar

and

Orissa

Government,

Police

Department,

Abstract

of

Intelligence,

Vol.

VII,

Patna,

27

July

1918.

38

Bihar

and

Orissa

Government,

Police

Department,

Abstract

of

Intelligence,

Vol.

VIII,

Patna,

14

June

1919.

39

Bakasht

was

the

land

originally

cultivated

by

the

tenants

but

resumed

by

landlords

on

the

ground

of

non-payment

of

rent,

and

usually

let

out

again.

40

Bihar

and

Orissa

Government,

Political

Department,

Special

Section,

File

No.

86

of

1919.

41

Bihar

and

Orissa

Government,

Police

Department,

Abstract

of

Intelligence,

Vol.

VIII,

Patna,

25

October

1919.

42

Bihar

and

Orissa

Government,

Political

Department,

Special

Section,

File

No.

86

of

1919.

43

Bihar

and

Orissa

Government,

Police

Department,

Abstract

of

Intelligence,

Vol.

VII,

Patna,

23

March

1918.

at Oxford University Libraries on August 8, 2007 http://sih.sagepub.comDownloaded from

11

rasad

(grain

levies)

from

the

zamindars:

200

maunds

of anval

chawal

(a

variety

of

rice),

20

maunds

of dal

(pulses),

and

2

maunds

of

spices

were

requisitioned

for

the

German paltan

(platoon).

The

zamindars

were

to

provide

the

means

of

sustenance

for

an

anti-zamindari

campaign!4a

Meetings

in

1919

reiterated

similar

demands.

At

Usku

Serun,

the

non-

payment

of

rent

was

accompanied

by

a

claim

made

to

the

zamindar

of Tusmu

for

8

maunds

of

paddy

and

for

the

produce

of

his

manjhihas

lands. 45

Under

Turia’s

leadership,

the

zamindar

of

village

Chetar,

Kuru,

was

assaulted.

While

Tanas

declined

to

pay

rent,

they

were

willing

to

allow

zamindars

to

cultivate

land

on

bataia

(share-cropping).46

Tana

interest

in

land

however

went

beyond

an

anti-zamindari

campaign.

Their

antagonism

towards

the

zamindars

and

banias,

and

towards

the

existing

power

structure,

fused

with

an

indignation

against

an

agrarian

system

and

the

hierarchies

that

it

sustained.

Perceiving

their

oppression

and

subjugation

to

be

a

consequence

of

plough

agriculture,

they

critiqued

the

pattern

of

settled

agri-

culture

that

veered

around

the

plough,

agricultural

festivities,

elaborate

cus-

toms

and

dancing,

and

proposed

a

return

to

their

past

of

shifting

agriculture

and

forest

dwelling.

In

their

myths

and

legends

they

linked

their

subjugation

and

impoverishment

to

a

history

of

their

transformation

from

shifting

cultiva-

tors

to

plough

agriculturists,41

This

had

initiated

a

process

of

decline,

a

move-

ment

from a

state

of

well-being

to

a

state

of

impoverishment.

It

had

provided

the

context

in

which

their

degradation

and

subordination

was

complete

and

their

freedom

lost.

Their

escape

lay,

therefore,

in

a

renunciation

of the

basis

of

their

subjection.

It

was

thus

an

attachment

to

pre-agricultural

forms

that

Jatra’s

affirmations

indicated:

he

had

asked

his

followers

to

give

up

ploughing

of

fields

since

it

entailed

cruelty

to

cows

and

oxen,

but

did

not

save

the

Oraons

from

famine

and

poverty.

God

would

provide

for

them,

he

stated.

A

single

grain

of

rice

would

be

enough

to

satisfy

a

person’s

hunger.

Jatra

pronounced

that

large

areas

of

land

were

not

required

for

cultivation.

’One

or

two

small

quadrangles’

were

sufficient

for

the

maintenance

of

an

entire

family:

a

hand-

ful

of

rice

grains,

if

scattered

on

this

land,

would

produce

enough

to

fill

a

grain

attic.

A

grain

of

rice

would

fill

a

large

earthen jug,

and

a

split

grain

of dal would

fill

the

same.48

Houseloid

equipment,

agricultural

implements

and

orna-

ments

were

to

be

discarded

by

his

disciples

as

part

of

the

purificatory

acts

that

would

welcome

the

millennium.

Similar

ideas

were

repeatedly

emphasized

by

Tana

gurus.

Preachers

in

Sirguja

advised

their

followers

to

give

up

the

tilling

of

lands:

a

single

plot

of

44

Bihar

and

Orissa

Government,

Political

Department,

Special

Section,

File

No.

86

of

1919.

45

For

an

explanation

of

the

term,

refer

to

p.

14.

46

Bihar

and

Orissa

Government,

Political

Department,

Special

Section,

File

No.

86

of

1919.

47

For

a

discussion

of

the

sharing

of,

and

differences

between

the

Oraon

and

Tana

mythic

tradi-

tions,

see

my

’Reordering

of

Tribal

Worlds’,

pp.

181-87.

48

Dehmlow,

’Ein

falscher

Prophet

in

Bahar-Barwe’,

pp.

151-52.

at Oxford University Libraries on August 8, 2007 http://sih.sagepub.comDownloaded from

12/

land

would

be

sufficient

for

the

whole

of

Oraon

and

Kishan

populations.49

In

1919,

Sibu

forbade

his

followers

from

cultivating

land

on

the

ground

that

it

inflicted

cruelty

on

cattle

or

’Lachmi’

(Lakshmi

the

goddess

of

wealth).

Cattle

were

let

loose,

and

stores

of

rice

and

paddy

were

thrown

away

by

Sibu’s

fol-

lowers.

God

would

feed

the

Oraons,

Sibu

proclaimed.10

To

understand

the

various

elements

of

Tana

protest

against

landed

ele-

ments

and

their

critique

of

Oraon

agricultural

pursuits,

one

needs

to

enquire

into

the

structure

of

landed

power

in

Chhotanagpur,

and

the

internal

struc-

ture

and

dynamics

of

Oraon

society.

I

seek

to

locate

the

Oraons

within

the

agrarian

terrain

of

Chhotanagpur

where

they

encountered

an

oppressive

sys-

tem

of

landlordism,

and

study

the

processes

through

which

the

already

preva-

lent

hierarchies

in

Oraon

society

were

strengthened

and

recast

as

a

result

of

colonial

intervention.

Colonial

records,

particularly

settlement

reports,

reflected

the

rural

sce-

nario,

but

reconstructed

it

as

well.

The

intervention

of

the

Raj

altered

and

reconstituted

tenurial

relations;

administrative

arrangements

and

juridico-

legal

structures

dismantled

rural

hierarchies

and

traditional

methods

of

con-

trol

and

management.

Lines

of

communication

between

an

outlying

province

and

the

metropolis

introduced

newer

socio-economic

forces

and

forged

a

closer

link

between

labour,

capital

and

the

market.

Transformations

in

the

Oraon

world

and

the

Tana

Bhagat

movement,

with

its

varying

dimensions

and

dichotomies,

need

to

be

located

within

this

context.

Of

the

four

categories

of

ryots

defined

by

the

settlement

report-occupancy

ryots,

ryots

having

khuntkatti

(a

local

variant

of

bhuinhari

that

was

usually

held

by

those

of

the

Munda

tribe)

rights,

non-occupancy

ryots

and

under-ryots5l

-

the

Tanas

came

from

the

last

two.

Sibu’s

profile

in

this

context

is

illustrative.

A

mere

lad

of

20,

he

was

the

son

of Riba

Oraon

who

had

for

his

cultivation

only

1

1/2 pawas

(a

measure

of

land).

Formerly,

he

had

worked

as

a

dhangar

or

agri-

cultural

labourer

in

village

Batkuri

and

Supa.52

’

The

exploitation

of

these

non-occupancy

and

under-ryots

took

various

forms.

For

example,

the

agitation

of

Tana ’tenants’ of

the

Kairo

estate

against

Baldeo

Das

Birla

was

the

result

of

objectionable

practices ...

of

regularly

settling

bakasht

land

on

sajha

[share

cropping]

rents

for

short

periods

under

the

impression

that

occupancy

rights

would

not

accrue,

of

realising

rasid

likhai

[an

abwab]

at

excessive

rates

and

of

taking

nazrana

or

salami

[premium

taken

by

the

landlord]

from

49

Bihar

and

Orissa

Government,

Political

Department,

Police

Branch,

File

No.

p-5R-3

of

1919.

50

Bihar

and

Orissa

Government,

Political

Department,

Special

Section,

File

No.

86

of

1919.

51

F.A.B.

Taylor,

Final

Report

on

Revisional

Survey

and

Settlement

in

Ranchi

1927-35,

Patna,

1938, p. 42.

52

Bihar

and

Orissa

Government,

Political

Department,

Special

Section,

File

86

of 1919.

at Oxford University Libraries on August 8, 2007 http://sih.sagepub.comDownloaded from

13

the

tenants

for

the

acceptance

of

portions

of

arrear

rents

when

they

could

not

pay

the

full

amount

due.53

Tana

grievances,

then,

centred

around

the

issues

of

rent

and

begari.

Land,

if

cultivated,

would

be

on

the

bataia,

they

asserted.

The

raiyati

land

or

the

’regu-

lar

rent-paying

tenancies’

which

the

Tanas

occupied

were

included

in

the

rajhas

that

comprised

the

uttakar,

chattisa,

murile

chattisa,

maswar

and

korkar.

While

on

the

uttakar,

which

comprised

the

don

(lowlands),

cultivators

were

denied

the

rights

of

occupancy,

on

the

chattisa

lands

that

included

the

don

and

the

tanr

(uplands),

they

enjoyed

occupancy

rights

independent

of

the

length

of

occupation.

In

addition

to

paying

money

rent

and

various

cesses,

the

’tenants’

on

chattisa

were

expected

to

assist

the

landlord

in

the

cultivation

of

his

manjhihas

and

perform

begari.

On

the murile

chattisa,

chattisa

rents

were

to

be

paid,

but

cesses

were

exempted.

Maswar

lands

were

tanr

lands

held

in

addition

to

the

chattisa:

no

rights

of

occupancy

could

accrue

on

such

land;

rent

was

pay-

able

in

kind

and

only

for

the

year

in

which

a

crop

was

cultivated.

The

don

pre-

pared

from

the

tanr

by

the

individual

exertions

of

the

cultivators

was

termed

korkar.

Those

who

had

created

korkar

could

not

be

ejected

under

any

circum-

stances.

Korkar

land

was

exempted

from

rent

for

the

first

three

years,

after

which

a

half-rent

was

charged.

Landlords

continually

sought

to

convert

korkar

into

uttakar,.54

On

these

different

categories

of

land,

except

on

the

murile

chattisa,

in

addi-

tion

to

rents

that

were

to

be

paid,

ryots

had

to

perform

customary

praedial

ser-

vices.

In

Chhotanagpur,

there

was

a

variety

of

rent

payments

and

praedial

ser-

vices.

Several

forms

of

produce

rent

prevailed:

the

saika,

the

maswar

or

kar,

and

the

adhbataia

or

sajha.

The

saika,

levied

on

the

zamindar’s

manjhihas

and

khas

lands,

was

the

most

lucrative

from

the

landlord’s

point

of

view.

A

fixed

amount

of

the

produce

was

payable

by

ryots

under

this

system.

On

tanr

land,

a

common

form

of

payment

was

the

maswar,

according

to

which

the

ryots

sur-

rendered

an

amount

of

produce

equivalent

to

the

quantity

of

seed

sown

by

him.

The

adhbataia,

the

most

acceptable

to

ryots,

required

that

half

the

pro-

duce be

deposited

as

rent

Praedial

conditions

included

the

payment

of rakumats

and

the

performance

of

begari.

Rakumats

consisted

of

various

payments

in

kind

and

miscellaneous

cesses

or

abwabs.

A

fixed

quota

of

the

produce

of

the

tanr

was

charged

as

a

kind

of

produce

rent.56

A

variety

of

abwabs-dasai,

batia-bhatta,

rasid-likhai,

53

Taylor,

Final

Report

on

Revisional

Survey

and

Settlement,

p.

54.

54

Letter,

dated

8

April

1875,

Ranchee,

from

G.K.

Webster,

Manager

of

the

Chota

Nagpore

Estate,

to

the

Deputy

Commissioner

of Lohardugga,

Chota

Nagpur

Agrarian

Disputes

[hereafter

CNAD],

Vol.

1,

unpublished,

pp.

43-44.

Cf.

John

Reid,

Final

Report

on

the

Survey

and

Settlement

Operations

in

the

District

of Ranchi,

Calcutta,

1912,

pp.

95--96.

55

Reid,

Final

Report

on

the

Survey

and

Settlement

Operations,

p.

91.

56

The

most

common

kind

of

rakumats

payable

in

kind

were

urid,

sarguja,

kapas,

gundli,

dhan,

straw

and

kher;

ibid.,

p.

87.

at Oxford University Libraries on August 8, 2007 http://sih.sagepub.comDownloaded from

14

dak

mushara,

neg,

bardoch,

sarai

chaul

or

nawa

khani,

and

danr pancha were

given

to

the

landlord

on

various

occasions

and

for different

purposes:

in

sup-

port

of

his

bhandari

(agent)

and

for

the

maintenance

of

village

officials

like

the

Maharajah’s

Record

Keeper,

his

dewan

(treasurer),

the

Brahmin

and

the

village

police;

at

the

time

of

his

visits

to

the

village

for

the

collection

of

rent;

during

festivals

like

Dussehra

and

the

Dasai

or

on

auspicious

occasions

like

marriages.

Begari

consisted

of

a

number

of

days’

labour

given

by

the

ryots

to

the

land-

lord,

either

for

the

cultivation

of

his

khas

lands

(private

estate

land)

or

as

per-

sonal

service.

The

incidence

of

begari

was

discriminatory.

Certain

privileged

castes

were

ordinarily

exempted

from

begari;

some

peasant

communities

like

the

Kurmis

rendered

services

for

a

period

shorter

than

that

for

tribal

communities.

In

contradistinction

to

the

rajhas

or

the

cultivating

tenancies

were

the

manjhihas

and

bethkheta

lands,

belonging

to

the

zamindar

or

lessee

of

the

vil-

lage.

For

the

cultivation

of

the

manjhihas

khas,

the

zamindar

was

entitled

to

get

help

from

his

ryots.

Such

help

usually

consisted

of

three

days

ploughing

and

three

days

of

cutting.

Alternatively,

under

the

saika

agreement,

the

land

could

be

cultivated

by

ryots

who

would

give

a

certain

quantity

of

produce

to

the

zamindar.

No

length

of

occupation

gave

the

ryot

any

right

on

manjhihas

khas.

Bethkheta

lands,

set

apart

for

service,

were

granted ’to

villagers

who

culti-

vated

these

individually

or

collectively.57

Contentious

relations

between

the

zamindars

and

the

ryots,

reflected

in

the

Tana

movement

had,

however,

lea,

long

history.

In

their

perceived

history,

the

Oraons

and

Mundas

were

the

proprietors

of

the

soil

who

had

gradually

lost

their

lands

to

outsiders.

The

identity

of

these

’outsiders’, -however,

differed

over

time.

For

example,

Sibu

identified

Hindus,

Babhans

and

Muslims

as

the

culprits.

These

groups

had

come

to

Chhotanagpur

after

the

1820s

as

horse

dealers,

or

shawl

and

brocade

merchants.

The

vansis,

Rajputs,

Rautias,

Bharmans

and

Bhimans-had

granted

land

to

them

as

convenient

forms

of

payment

for

goods

or

for services

rendered.

Rents,

abwabs

and

salami,

imposed

by

these

groups

on

the

ryots,

were

much

resented

by

the

latter. 58

Enhancement

of

rents

and

rakumats

were

usually

effected

by

three

methods:

by

subletting

the

villages

to

the

thikadars

(intermediary

ten-

ure-holders)

with

the

sole

object

of

enforcing

enhancements

through

their

agency;

by

filing

fictitious

suits

in

the

revenue

courts

against

ryots

for

arrears

of

rent,

and

later

suing

them

at

these

enhanced

rates;

and

through

private

arrangements

with

ryots

whereby

the

latter

were

induced

to

submit

to

and

exe-

cute

agreements

and

contracts

at

higher

rates.s9

Salami,

on

the

other

hand,

57

Ibid.,

p.

108.

58

Letter

No.13, ’Resolution’ by

A.

Mackenzie,

Secretary

to

the

Government

of

Bengal,

Selec-

tions

from

Ranchi

Settlement

Papers,

unpublished,

pp.

48-49,

Commissioner’s

Record

Room

and

Library

[hereafter

CRRL],

Ranchi.

59

Reid,

Final

Report

on

the

Survey

and

Settlement

Operations,

p.

100.

at Oxford University Libraries on August 8, 2007 http://sih.sagepub.comDownloaded from

15

recognized

by

custom,

was

a

premium

that

was

taken

by

zamindars

from

ryots

for

the

settlement

of

their

bakasht

lands;

alternatively,

it

was

charged

for

the

reclamation

of

jungles

and

wastelands

in

those

villages

where

the

zamindar’s

prior

permission

was

necessary

for

reclamation

purposes.

Willingness

to

pay

high

rates

of salami

allowed

outsiders

to

acquire

control

over

land

that

could

be

brought

under

cultivation;6°

this

trend

provoked

widespread

resentment

as

it

violated

the

almost

universal

custom

that

residents

of

the

village

had

the

first

preference

during

the

settlement

of

lands.

This

violation

of

custom,

according

tb

Mansfield,

the

Settlement

Officer,

had

directly

led

to

agrarian

unrest

and

movements

like

those

of

the

Tana

Bhagats.6’

The

newly

established

courts

in

Chhotanagpur

often

imparted

a

legal

sanction

to

zamindari

appropriations.

The

rights

to

the

jungle

was

yet

another

contested

domain

between

the

zamindar

and

the

ryot,

and

between

the

Tana and

his

landlord.

As

under-ryots,

Tanas

were

opposed,

at

one

level,

to

settled

agriculture;

their

utopia

was

a

return

to

a

past

of

forest

dwellings

and

shifting

cultivation.

Under

the

circum-

stances,

the

attachment

of

the

Oraons

to

the

forest,

the

integral

role

of

the

jun-

gle

in

the

rhythm

of

their

life,

assumed

increasing

importance.

The

rise

in

pop-

ulation,

the

multiplication

of

tenures

and

the

opening

up

of

the

country

by

roads

and

later

the

railways

had

already

led

to

the

partial

disappearance

of

forest

area;

the

leasing

of

forests

by

zamindars

to

contractors

aggravated

the

problem.

Moreover,

as

timber

became

a

marketable

commodity,

landlords

began

to

press

their

rights

as

proprietors

and

imposed

fees

on

the

villagers-

the

bankar

or

bankati-for

the

exercise

of

their

customary

rights.62

In

British

perception,

the

’zamindars’

and ’raiyats’ who

constituted

the

two-

tiered

society

of

Chhotanagpur,

were

’natural

and

sworn

enemies’63

whose

economic

interests

were

seen

to

be

irreconcilably

conflicting.

‘Aboriginals’

were

considered

to

be

the

oppressed

victims

of

the

landlords’ wrath.

In

admin-

istrative

documents,

the

’Kol

insurrection’

of

1832,

and

conflicts

between

landlords

and

their

Christian

tenants

in

Sonepore

and

Busseea

were

seen

as

reflecting

the

generalized

animosity

between

zamindars

and

ryots.

Only

an

enquiry

into

the

land

structure

and

the

settlement

of

rents

and

disputes

could

reverse

Chhotanagpur’s

history

of

agrarian

disturbances,

it

was

argued.

As

Davidson

wrote:

Efficient

administration

in

this

part

of

the

country

will

be

impracticable

until

the

rights

of

the

people

have

been

authoritatively

recorded

and

steps

60

Taylor,

Final

Report

on

Revisional

Survey

and

Settlement,

p.

50.

61

Ibid.

62

Letter

No.

1348

dated

3/6

February

1908,

Ranchi,

from

John

Reid,

Settlement

Officer

of

Chota

Nagpur,

to

the

Director

of

Land

Records,

Bengal,

Selections

from

Ranchi

Settlement

Papers,

p.

120.

63

’Note’ by

Rai

Charan

Ghose,

Personal

Assistant

to

Commissioner,

Ranchi, 15

March

1890,

CNAD,

Vol.

2,

unpublished,

p.

43.

at Oxford University Libraries on August 8, 2007 http://sih.sagepub.comDownloaded from

16

have

been

taken

to

secure

them

in

the

enjoyment

of

their

rights

by

a

com-

prehensive

legislative

enactment.64

British

intervention

thereafter

took

the

form

of

legislative

enactments.

The

Bhuinhari

Act

II

(B.C.)

of

1869

was

followed

by

surveys

between

1869

and

1880.

While

the

Act

had

intended

to

settle

land

disputes

and

agitations,

pro-

tect

the

Oraons

from

the

oppression

of

landlords

and

ensure

the

rights

of

zamindars,

it

failed

to

afford

security

to

the

holders

of

rajhas,

and

did

not

demand

the

commutation

of

praedial

services

and

begari

into

money

pay-

ments.

The

survey

and

settlement

operations

in

Ranchi

that

extended

from

1902

to

1910,

and

the

Chota

Nagpur

Tenancy

Act

of

1908

were

British

’

attempts

to

address

these

issues:

the

settlement

operations

sought

to

finalize

a

record

of

rights

in

order

to

settle

the

long-debated

questions

of

praedial

dues

and

services.

The

Act

performed

two

functions:

on

the

one

hand,

by

securing

and

granting

occupancy

rights

to

the

vast

majority

of

tenants

and

protecting

them

from

arbitrary

rent

enhancements

and

ejections

at

will

by

landlords,

it

accepted

individual

property

rights

on

land

and

thereby

widened

the

base

of

the

land

market;

at

the

same

time,

by

disallowing

the

sale

or

permanent

trans-

fer

of

tenurial

and

tenancy

rights,

it

sought

to

create

a

secure

but

unsaleable

right

in

the

raiyati

land.65

The

implementation

of

the

Act

resulted,

on

the

one

hand,

in

a

rise

in

the

price

of

land,

an

increase

in

the

volume

of

land

transac-

tions

and

a

greater

number

of

registered

mortgages

(bhugat

bandha

and

zarpeshgi);

on

the

other

hand,

it

led

to

a

change

in

the

mode

of

landlord

exac-

tion.

Once

enhancement

of

rent

was

declared

illegal,

a

demand

of

salar~ii

became

a

means

of

increasing

landlord

extraction.

Traders

and

moneylenders

or

the

mahajans,

sahus

and

banias,

zamindars,

intermediate

tenure-holders

and

ryots,

lawyers

and

petty

traders,

entered

the

credit,

tenurial

and

tenancy

markets.

While

zamindars

had

always

been

prom-

inent

in

the

land

market,

the

class

that

emerged

as

the

single

most

important

group

in

the

land

and

credit

markets

comprised

the

sahus

and

banias,

the

pro-

fessional

moneylenders

and

the

village

merchants.

What

attracted

this

group

to

the

land

market

was

the

social

prestige

attached

to

zamindari,

control

over

credit,

and

the

importance

of

land

as

an

area

of

profitable

investment.

There

were,

of

course,

regional

variations

in

the

tenurial

and

tenancy

markets:

mon-

eylenders

dominated

in

Hazaribagh,

the

zamindars

in

Palamau,

while

in

Ranchi,

the

leading

group

consisted

of

zamindari

amlahs

(managerial

staff),

urban

professionals

and

petty

government

officials.66

The

above

categoriza-

tions,

it

is

to

be

noted,

are

problematic.

The

categories

of

’mahajans’

and

64

Letter

dated

29

August

1839,

from

Davidson

to

Ouseley,

in

Sarat

Chandra

Roy,

’Ethnographical

Investigation

in

Official

Records’,

The

Journal

of the

Bihar

and

Orissa

Research

Society,

Vol.

21:4,1935,

p.

11.

65

Prabhu

Prasad

Mohapatra,

’Land

and

Credit

market

in

Chotanagpur,

1880-1950’,

Studies

in

History,

Vol.

6:2,

n.s.,

1990,

p.

166.

66

Ibid.

at Oxford University Libraries on August 8, 2007 http://sih.sagepub.comDownloaded from

17

’zamindars’

and

’intermediate

tenure

holders’

are

not

mutually

exclusive.

Many

included

in

the

group

of

’zamindars’ were

of mahajani

background

who

were

involved

in

money-lending

activities.

Significantly,

the

ryots

as

a

group

emerged

as

a

major

contender

particularly

in

the

tenancy

markets,

a

point

that

will

be

elaborated

upon

later.

The

already

latent

conflict

between

the

zamindars

and

the

thikadars

on

the

one

hand,

and

the

ryots

on

the

other,

was

further

aggravated

by

the

adminis-

trative

efforts

at

recording

the

customary

forest

rights

of

landlords

and

villa-

gers.

The

ultimate

aim

of

the

British

in

Chhotanagpur

was

to

convert

non-

culturable

jungle

into

the

exclusive

preserve

of

the

State.

In

these

reserved

forests,

all

existing

customary

rights

were

to

be

extinguished,

as

suggested

by

Reid,

the

Settlement

Officer.

With

regard

to

the

remaining

non-culturable

jungles,

the

Deputy

Commissioner

would

be

empowered,

on

applications

by

landlords

or

a

majority

of

the

ryots,

to

partition

the

jungle

area.67

Roy,

in

a

comprehensive

report

on

the

’deforestation

of

Chota-Nagpur’,

discussed

the

consequences

of

British

action.68

Once

jungles

were

recorded

in

the

record

of

rights

as

the

gair

majaraua

khas

(exclusive

preserve

of

the

landlord),

and

the

wood

cutting

rights

of

tenants

were

recorded

in

the

jungle

khatiyan

(document

indicating

ownership

of

land)

or

khatiyan

part

II,

tenants

could

exercise

their

rights

only

so

long

as

landlords

chose

to

keep

the

jungle standing.

Moreover,

landlords

were

free

to

sell

the

jungle

or

give

unrestricted

jungle

cutting

leases

to

timber

merchants

and

others,

disregarding

the

recorded

rights

of

tenants.

The

arena

of

conflict

between

landlords

and

ryots

was

thus

widened.

There

were

repeated

incidents

of

overt

defiance

by

the

Oraons

and

the

Tanas

to

for-

est

settlement

operations.69

As

officials

found

themselves

unable

to

control

the

demarcation

of

rights

chalked

out

and

recorded

by

British

administrators,

it

was

argued:

The

mala

fides

of

the

cutting

under

discussion

is

evident

from

the

fact

that

it

was

in

wild

excess

for

any

reasonable

requirements

or

of

any

customary

right

known.

In

fact

it

was

in

pursuance

of

a

concerted

movement

to

estab-

lish

a

right

or

rather

to

create

evidence

of

a

right

to

the

only

remaining

jun-

gle

in

the

village

in

view

of

the

approaching

revisional

settlement

proceed-

ings

that

the

petitioners

and

the

other

villagers

deliberately

defied

the

law. 70

Tanas

Against

Bhuinhars

’

The

opposition

to

zamindars

and

banias

tied

the

Oraons

together

as a

commu-

nity ;

the

conflict

around

bhuinhari

rights

split

them

apart.

Tanas,

as

non-

67

Reid,

Final

Report

on

the

Survey

and

Settlement

Operations,

p.

134.

68

This

thirty-five-page

report

by Roy,

which

contains

detailed

references

to

other

reports

on

deforestation

in

Chhotanagpur

as

well,

is

found

among

RPP,

MII,

Ranchi.

69

Refer

to

’Jaigi

Uraon

and

Others

vs

Emperor’,

All

India

Reporter,

Patna

Series,

1929.

70

Ibid.

at Oxford University Libraries on August 8, 2007 http://sih.sagepub.comDownloaded from

18

bhuinhars,

turned

against

the

bhuinhar

Oraons.

Who,

then,

were

these

bhuin-

hars

whom

the

Tanas

opposed,

but

never

explicitly?

What

was

the

nature

of

conflict

that

arose

within

the

Oraons

as

a

community?

This

section

seeks

to

analyse

a

process

of

internal

differentiation

which

was

strengthened

in

Oraon

society

with

the

intervention

of

the

British

in

Chhotanagpur.

The

support

exte ded

to

the

bhuinhari

community

by

the

British,

and

the

codification

and

implementation

of

the

Bhuinhari

Act

of

1869

had

deepened

not

only

the

con-

flict

between

the

bhuinhars

and

the

illaquadars

but

had

also

accentuated

the

differences

between

the

bhuinhars

and

non-bhuinhars

in

Oraon

society.#The

Tanas,

as

non-bhuinhars,

now

opposed

the

Bhuinhari

Settlement

and

those

who

were

recognized

as

exercising

these

bhuinhari

rights.

In

the

agrarian

terrain

of

Chhotanagpur,

the

bhuinhars,

or

those

who

held

bhuinhari

lands,

were

a

community

that

the

British

regarded

as

significant.

Apart

from

the

’tenures’

of

the

zamindars

(manjhihas)

and

the

’tenancies’

(rajhas)

of

the

ryots,

the

officials

had

identified

in

Chhotanagpur

a

third ‘class’

of

rights

on

land,

the

bhuinhari.

Bhuinhari

rights,

it

was

argued,

were

exercised

by

descendants

of

the

original

clearers

of

the

soil.

Bhuinhari

was

held

rent-free

.

with

only

services

attached

to

it,

or

at

a

quit-rent.

In

this

categories

of deotas

(dei-

ties)

and

bhuts

in

the

Oraon

pantheon

of

spirits.

Deotas

like

Chala

Pachcho

or

Sarna

Burhia,

and

bhuts

like

Darha

and

Deswali

comprised

the

tutelary

dei-

ties

and

spirits

of the

Oraon

village

to

whom

periodical

sacrifices

were

offered

by

the pahan

on

behalf

of

the

village

community.

The

most

important

ritual

at

the

annual

spring

festival

of

Khaddi

or

Sarhul

was

in

honour

of

Chala

Pach-

cho ;

fowl,

sheep,

goats

and

pigs

were

offered

as

sacrifices

to

her.

The

sarna

or

the

grove

of sal

trees

in

every

village

was

considered

to

be

the

sacred

spot

of

Chala

Pachcho;

after

the

Sarhul

festival,

the

village

priest

inserted

sal

blossoms

98

Ibid.,

p.

36.

at Oxford University Libraries on August 8, 2007 http://sih.sagepub.comDownloaded from

27

into

the

thatches

of

the

houses

in

the

village

so

that

every

family

would

be

blessed

with

an

abundance

of

food

grains

in

the

coming

year.

The

attributes

and

functions

of

Chala

Pachcho

clearly

indicated

that

she

was

in

origin

a

nature

deity,

representing

the

spirit

of

vegetation

and

fertility.

Darha-Deswali

were

believed

to

guard

and

protect

the

village

from

incur-

sions

of

spirits

from

outside.

These

spirits

required

elaborate

and

expensive

sacrifices

for

propitiation;

if

not

provided

with

the

appropriate

sacrifices

at

the

appointed

time,

men

and

cattle

were

afflicted

with

calamities.

The

khunt

bhuts

or

clan

spirits

of

each

different

branch

of

the

bhuinhars

comprised

yet

another

group

of

spirits

that

the

Tanas

sought

to

oust.

The

bhuinhars

believed

that

the

clearing

of

jungles

for

establishing

villages

involved

a

disturbance

of

the

spirits

residing

there.

These

spirits

therefore

needed

to

be

propitiated

by

bhuinhari

families.

Occasionally,

the

pahan

was

also

asked

to

offer

sacrifices.

The

khunt

bhuts

looked

after

the

health,

crops

and

other

be-

longings

of

their

khunts;

delay

in

propitiation,

brought

disease

or

misfortune.

The

non-bhuinhar

Oroans had

their

own

guardian

spirits

to

which

each

family

provided

offerings.

Included

within

this

group

of

spirits

were

Barnda

Pachcho

or

Bar

Pahari,

the

Chigri

nad

(ghosts)

and

the

Goesali

nad.

Chandi,

a

female

deity

invoked

by

young

Oraon

bachelors,

was

propitiated

for

success

in

hunting

and

war.

On

a

full

moon

day

during

the

month

of Magh,

young

bachelors

assembled

along

with

the

pahan

and

his

wife,

at

the

akhra

(dancing

place)

near

their

dhumkuria

(bachelor’s

dormitory),

in

order

to

elect

for

the puja

(propitiation)

of

Chandi

the

bachelors’ pahan.

Other

ceremonies

were

also

performed

by

the

bachelors’

pahan

for

propitiating

the

deity.

Pugri

bhuts

and

dain

kuri

bhuts

were

spirits

adopted

by

individuals

for

a

spe-

cific

purpose;

the

votary

secretly

made

periodical

sacrifices

to

the

spirit.

Oraons

believed

that

a

dain

or

a

bishahi

(wizard)

who

was

believed

to

have

been

born

with

the

’evil

eye’

(najar gujar)

and

’evil

mouth’

(bai

bhak

or

bhak

nisan),

adopted pugri

bhuts

dalled

bishahi

nad

or

dain

kuri

bhuts.

To

counteract

the

dain

bishahi,

the

Oraon

appealed

to

a

mati,

deonra

or

ojha,

who

once

again

depended

on

a pugri

bhut

for

assistance.

It

was

this

spirit

world

that

the

Tanas

sought

to

oust

through

their

chants

and

invocations.

The

spirits

were

not

seen

as

a

part

of

a

system

that

sustained

the

rules

and

norms

of

the

community

and

protected

it

from

evil.

By

denying

the

dual

nature

of

beneficence

and

malevolence

that

the

Oraons

had

attrib-

uted

to

these

spirits

and

denouncing

these

as

wholly

evil,

and

by

breaking

the

relationship

of

reciprocity

between

the

’living’

and

the

’dead’,

the

Tanas

marked

a

sharp

break

from

prevalent

Oraon

customs.

Dharmes

had

emerged

as

the

sole

protector;

only

he

could

ensure

prosperity

and

abundance.

The

unrivalled

position

of

Dharmes

was

thus

reinforced

as

the

Tanas

severed

their

ties

of

interdependence

with

the

spirit

world.

at Oxford University Libraries on August 8, 2007 http://sih.sagepub.comDownloaded from

28

The

Tana

ousting

of

spirits

was

accompanied

by

extensive

campaigns

of

witch-hunting

and

a

rejection

of

the

mati

or

ojha.

Since

Oraon

society

associ-

ated

the

lowest

Reordering a World: The Tana Bhagat Movement, 1914-1919

Recommended publications

A computational model of arm trajectory modification using dynamic movement primitives

External Swing Method for Forward Motion Compensation of Airborne Digital Camera

Greene, Thomas H., Comparative Revolutionary Movements, Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1974,...

PASSAGE GATES FOR SEAFORTH DOCK, LIVERPOOL