Content uploaded by Stephen Mennell
Author content
All content in this area was uploaded by Stephen Mennell on May 02, 2016
Content may be subject to copyright.
On the Civilizing of Appetite
... Eiche 2004, 20, 25, and therein cited literature. 118 Braudel 1981, 187-203;Menell 1987. 119 Heckscher 1935, 42, 99;S€ oderberg 2015S€ oderberg . ...
In this paper we describe how and why turkeys were introduced to Sweden during the 16th century, and how the bird spread to different social groups in the 17th century. We present data from unpublished financial records and provide a compilation of all archaeological findings of turkeys from the geographical area of present-day Sweden. The results show that turkeys, first imported by Duke Karl of Sweden in the 1580s, had spread to the Swedish nobility by the 1610s. During the first decades of turkey husbandry in Sweden, turkeys were items of conspicuous consumption, used to show off during elite dinners and as gifts to peers and subsequently also to subordinates. During the 17th century, the bird was adopted by the urban upper middle class. Early modern Swedish turkeys were small, and likely less affected by selective breeding when compared to modern heritage-breed turkeys.
This chapter explores the complex and often contentious relationship between food landscapes, food policy, and disordered eating. The chapter also focuses on various epistemological and sociological discourses concerning the changing patterns of eating disorders (EDs). The evolving food landscape, marked by globalization and socioeconomic inequalities, has challenged traditional dietary practices and exacerbated health disparities. Modern technology has revolutionized the promotion of health behaviors with key public health initiatives targeting normative and disordered eating and disseminating “biopedagogic” messages which shape public understanding of fitness and health according to neoliberal public health principles. However, the effectiveness of these health messages remains inconsistent, particularly across different socioeconomic and cultural groups. Policies often hinge on the idea that individuals are solely responsible for their health, perpetuating stereotypes and inequalities. The politicization of food, influenced by the “post-truth” society and media dynamics, further complicates the landscape of dietary advice and health behaviors. The chapter finally delves into the ambiguous and complex role of digital technology in regulating our eating behaviors.
This chapter presents an overview of the civilising of appetite as part of expanding the process of civilisation in Japan. As one of the most renowned culinary traditions in the world, the Japanese have created a distinct cuisine on a national and international level. Ranging from sushi and tempura to sake wine and matcha tea, these foods satisfied the hunger and palates of the Japanese. Apart from satisfying hunger levels, however, food plays a momentous role in society. Although there are studies that examine the broad developments of Japanese cuisine, more needs to be said about how the Japanese cooked food, what the Japanese ate, and how much the Japanese ate. Examining the civilising of appetite can help illuminate the institutional and individual developments of Japanese relationships to food. Nevertheless, a significant challenge awaits researchers when examining the civilising of appetite in Japan.
Esta dissertação se concentra no estudo do associativismo vegetariano no Brasil no início do século XX, com foco no caso da Sociedade Vegetariana Brasileira, existente entre os anos de 1913 e 1930 na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, capital do país à época. Partindo de críticas e objetivos semelhantes, o vegetarianismo que tomou forma na associação brasileira se tornou indissociável do naturismo, um conjunto de práticas que buscava aproximar as pessoas daquilo tido como natural, de modo que podemos qualificar o vegetarianismo abordado neste trabalho como naturista. Esta pesquisa se desdobrou em dois grandes objetivos principais: analisar o associativismo vegetariano no Brasil a nível político-intelectual e compreender as suas proposições a nível socioambiental. No primeiro caso, buscamos, inicialmente, entender as circunstâncias em torno da emergência de associações vegetarianas tanto no cenário internacional quanto nacional, mapeando e contextualizando as iniciativas que surgiram no país na década de 1910. Em seguida, focalizamos o caso da Sociedade Vegetariana Brasileira, a fim de compreender suas justificativas, finalidades, formas de ação política e inserção no debate público, além dos grupos sociais que se identificaram com a causa e como a mobilizaram na conjuntura histórica em que se encontravam. Quanto ao segundo objetivo, procuramos questionar como o desenvolvimento do vegetarianismo no Brasil e seus enunciados nos informam sobre as mudanças que ocorriam nas relações entre natureza e sociedade, com o intuito de entender suas concepções de natureza e o lugar que os humanos nela ocupavam. Para tanto, utilizamos um corpus documental diverso, em parte ainda inexplorado, incluindo jornais, revistas, livros, manuscritos, fotografias, ilustrações, documentos oficiais, dentre outros, a partir de buscas por palavras-chave em diferentes bases de dados. Esta pesquisa contribui para pensar uma temática cujo interesse historiográfico no Brasil é recente, selecionando um momento essencial no qual emerge o associativismo vegetariano em diversas partes do mundo entre os séculos XIX e XX.
Bu makalede Türkiye’de yemek tarihçiliğinin ne zaman ve hangi nedenlerden dolayı ortaya çıkmıştır ve gelişmiştir; kaynakları nelerdir, yemek tarihçiliği çalışmalarına diğer sosyal bilimlerin ne gibi katkıları vardır ve bu çalışmalara bir medeniyet perspektifinden bakılabilir mi sorularına tarihi metinler ve güncel literatür kapsamında cevap aranmıştır. Bu kapsamda yemek tarihçiliği çalışmalarının Tanzimattan beri devam eden kendi yemek kültürünü küçümseme ve Batı yemek kültürünü yüceltmeye bir karşı çıkış olarak Cumhuriyetin kuruluşundan sonraki 10 yıl içinde başladığı ve bu tepkinin günümüze kadar farklı araştırma ve platformlarda dile getirildiği verilen örneklerle ifade edilmiştir. Makalede sosyoloji, antropoloji, tıp ve arkeoloji gibi sosyal bilimlerin yemek tarihi çalışmalarına katkısı incelenmiş, yemek tarihçiliği araştırmalarında kullanılan kaynaklar ve kullanılması gereken kaynaklara vurgu yapılmıştır. Makalede ayrıca, Türk mutfağının kendinden önceki bir çok millet ve kültür mutfağı uygulamalarını içinde barındıran zengin bir mutfak mirasına sahip olduğuna vurgu yapılarak yemek tarihçiliği konusuna ulusalcı bir bakış açısıyla değil bir medeniyet perspektifinden bakılması gerektiği ortaya konulmuştur. Makale sonucunda bireyin ait olduğu yemek kültürünün kendi kimliğini oluşturduğunu ve hangi medeniyete mensup olduğunu ortaya koyduğu vurgulanarak üniversitelerdeki tarih ve medeniyet bölümlerinin yemek tarihçiliği konusuna sahip çıkması halinde öğrencilerin ve yeni neslin tarihe bakış açılarının gelişip zenginleşeceği belirtilmiştir.
Este ensaio explora alguns aspectos das sensibilidades que fundamentaram a moral do vegetarianismo naturista brasileiro no início do século XX, tendo como ponto de partida duas imagens mobilizadas na época. A reflexão perpassa por três elementos principais: a senciência animal como fator para a consideração moral, as emoções influentes e decorrentes do consumo alimentar e a projeção sobre a natureza de sentimentos considerados faltantes na sociedade.
This article uses the idea of the carnivalesque to "think through" party tourism as practiced by British charter tourists in the resort of Magaluf on the Mediterranean island of Mallorca. In addition, it considers the related idea of the European medieval fantasy Land of Cockaigne. Both the carnivalesque and Land of Cockaigne invite reflection on symbolic inversions that productively illuminate party tourism practices that are often underlain by transgressive behavior. The article uses the symbolic inversions associated with the carnivalesque of the unruly woman, male-female inversion, and the discourse of the grotesque as a means to understand party tourism practices. The discussion is framed within the context of a deep-rooted discourse of social class-based understandings of tourism-related travel. The condemnation of party tourism in Magaluf, which often occurs in UK-based news media outlets, follows a lineage of a demonization of the working classes that began at the start of industrialization. With the changes brought by industrialization, a demarcation arose between the working classes and the bourgeoisie that was focused on how and where carnival was performed. Based on periods of participant observation in Magaluf, the article notes that contemporary party tourism appeals to an imagination of a life other than that experienced in the quotidian world and that this bears comparisons with medieval fantasies associated with the Land of Cockaigne. KEYWORDS Carnival Carnivalesque Land of Cockaigne Magaluf Mallorca Party tourism Symbolic inversion Transgression Unruly women
In contemporary societies, physical appearance is more important to more people than ever before. This article sketches the expansion of this contemporary beauty regime. Drawing mainly on European data, I argue that since the late 1800s the societal importance of appearance grew, as a result of expanding media and consumer cultures, social democratization, a shift to a service-based economy and the rise of new media. People came to have more developed and diverse tastes in human beauty and more opportunities to cultivate their appearance. It became more important to be beautiful, for men and women, across the course of life, in more domains of life. Drawing on the tradition of process sociology inspired by Weber and Elias, I interpret this gradual raising of cultural standards as the emergence of a beauty regime involving new standards for social control and self-control, standards for moral and aesthetic evaluation and standards for social worth and self-worth. The beauty regime is demanding and constraining for individuals but contributes to the emergence of durable social constellations that people might consider progress. The beauty regime makes appearance more central to many domains of life, and thus more consequential for identities and inequalities, self-worth and social worth.
The data on the death rate of British peerage since 1600, published by the author in 1964, are re-examined here in greater detail. The original figures have first been corrected on account of the poor distribution of ages at death (method shown in the appendix): the corrected death figures by sex, cohort and age are given in a table. A second table shows the corresponding values of q(x), and another table the life-expectancy at each age. The movements in death rates below and above age 40 were then compared by calculating an average death rate before age 40 (from the survivors aged 40) and an average death rate above age 40 (from the life-expectancy at 40): this computation was made for all persons of both sexes. In the oldest cohorts, the death rate above age 40 was high, whilst that below age 40 was relatively low but it then increased for about a century. A table permits a more detailed analysis by distinguishing 3 age-groups: under 25, 25-54, 55 and above. It is shown that the increase in the death rate affected only the first age-group. The average rates for large age groups (25 yr) were then converted into 'period rates'. The death rate obtained by applying the age-specific rates to a standard population is given for each period. It may thus be seen that the drop in mortality was very rapid between 1750 and 1775 approximately. Reverting to cohort analysis, relative death rates by sex, age and cohort are calculated, with the average rates of the 1550-1699 cohorts as a base. Finally, an index centered on the 1st January every 5 yr is calculated by means of a moving average. 3 periods when the death rate diminished rapidly are found: 1860-1874 and 1800-1819, periods for which death rates for the total population were available, and 1745-1764, a period when no decline was suspected. The appendix describes the method of adjusting data to allow for unstated ages. It provides the distribution of ages at death from 0 to 8 yr in the unweighted data; there appears an abnormal number of deaths at ages 2 and 3. In tables the method of distributing these deaths over the neighboring ages is described. Adult mortality is then dealt with.