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Women's Attitudes and Fantasies About Rape as a Function of Early Exposure to Pornography
Abstract
Although much has been learned about how social forces such as pornography can shape or direct men's sexual violence against women, few empirical data exist on how these forces impinge on women's attitudes and behavior. In the present study, 187 female university students responded to a questionnaire regarding childhood exposure to pornography, current sexual fantasies, and endorsement of rape-supportive attitudes. Early exposure to pornography was related to subsequent “rape fantasies” and attitudes supportive of sexual violence against women. Findings were interpreted in the context of women's socialization to accept sexual aggression as a sexual/romantic event.
... Exposure to IP may also be associated with the normalisation of violence. Both crosssectional and experimental studies with women have found an association between exposure to violent pornography and rape-supportive beliefs and fantasies, increased victim blaming and a corresponding reduction in perceived perpetrator responsibility (Corne et al., 1992;Cowan & Campbell, 1995;Davis et al., 2006). However, these associations do not demonstrate causation and longitudinal studies are required to clarify the directionality of these effects. ...
Introduction
Characterised by both exploration and engagement in risky behaviours, late adolescence and emerging adulthood are periods of particular vulnerability to dysregulated behaviours. One such behaviour less well explored is that of problematic Internet pornography (IP) viewing, despite viewing explicit online material becoming increasingly pervasive and normative.
Method
In 2020, 385 (270 females, 110 males) Australian undergraduate students (aged 17–25 years) completed an online survey assessing exposure to IP, affective and cognitive responses to IP, IP-related sexual beliefs, self-assessed problematic IP viewing and key psychological vulnerability factors. Correlational and regression analyses were utilised to assess the relationships between variables.
Results
Most male (57.3%) and female (33.7%) respondents recalled their first exposure to IP as occurring between 12 and 14 years; however, 28.2% of males and 23.7% females recalled their exposure as occurring between 9 and 11 years, and a small proportion were exposed even earlier. Higher IP viewing frequency, positive affective responses to IP at current exposure, elevated sexual impulsivity and the endorsement of IP-related sexual beliefs were all found to be associated with self-assessed problematic IP viewing.
Conclusions
Findings suggest that both person and situational factors may contribute to problematic IP viewing patterns. IP viewing may also be shaping the sexual beliefs and behaviours of some viewers.
Policy Implications
There is little consensus on the factors that may lead IP viewing to become problematic, which limits the ability of clinicians to identify more susceptible individuals. These findings suggest that in addition to dysregulation factors such as sexual impulsivity, dissociation and depression, affective responses to IP and IP-related beliefs may also be important to consider when assessing for whom IP viewing may become problematic.
... Building on the respondents' descriptions of pornographic likes and fantasies as holding complex and ambivalent positions in their sexual lives, this article contributes to a growing body of empirical research on women's porn use attending to both contextual nuance and the multiplicity of identity positions through which gendered relations are structured (for example , Juffer 1998;Ciclitira 2004;Smith 2007;Ashton, McDonald, and Kirkman 2018;Attwood, Smith, and Barker 2019;Goldstein 2020;Meehan 2020;Spišák 2020). It further contributes to qualitative knowledge production on the appeal of extremity among female porn consumers outside frameworks seeking to identify the impact of pornographic scenes on women's sexual fantasies, likes or levels of tolerance (see Corne, Briere, and Esses 1992;Sun, Wright, and Steffen 2017). ...
This article examines the appeal of extreme imageries through a 2017 journalistic survey of 2438 participants on Finnish women’s approaches to, opinions on and preferences in porn, with a specific emphasis on responses addressing preferences deemed extreme. The respondents regularly positioned these pornographic fantasies in relation to the assumed tastes of other women while also addressing the complex and ambivalent roles that porn played in their ways of making sense of their sexual selves. By focusing on disconnections articulated both towards the category of women and within one’s sexual self when accounting for the attractions of extremity, this article also questions the ‘will to knowledge’ underpinning popular queries into women’s pornographic likes, asking how such data can be productively explored without reproducing the binary gender logic that structures it.
... Within the pornography effects literature, pornography is found to predict a variety of negative outcomes pertaining to rape and sexual aggression (de Heer et al. 2020;Malamuth 2018). Research finds that exposure to pornography is positively associated with increased rape fantasies (i.e., mental fantasy of being the target of sexual aggression), attitudes supportive of sexual violence against women, decreased bystander intervention, and increased rape myth acceptance (Brosi et al. 2011;Corne et al. 1992). ...
College students report turning to pornography for guidance regarding sexual expectations and norms. Similarly, research has shown that compulsive pornography exposure (i.e. extreme amounts of viewing and dependence on pornography) leads to an engagement in risky sexual behaviors. This is problematic considering the high rates of sexual assault in college campuses. In light of this, the present study examined whether compulsive pornography exposure was associated with college students’ sexual refusal assertiveness, and whether this relationship would be moderated by consent attitudes. Data were collected from 266 college students who regularly watched pornography (Mage = 20.60, SD = 2.77, 45.1% female). Results showed that compulsive pornography exposure was negatively associated with sexual refusal assertiveness. An interaction emerged such that the association between compulsive pornography exposure and sexual refusal assertiveness was only significant for those who believed consent was less important, whereas this did not occur for those who believed consent was more important. Our results are unpacked in light of sexual script-based theories.
... This is especially concerning when added to the research findings from Corne et al. (1992) who found that women and girls who were exposed to pornography from an early age were more likely to accept common rape myths and even experience sexual fantasies where they were raped. ...
A report exploring the way the UK media portrays sexual violence against women. The second part of the report analyses 6 UK sexual violence prevention campaigns and then suggested recommendations for improving the media reporting and campaigning around sexual violence to reduce victim blaming of women and children
... Yet, research findings suggest that women do consume pornography and can consume it for reasons independent of a male partner, such as for purposes of curiosity, masturbation or arousal, to name a few (e.g., Romito and Beltramini) Citing Pornhub, the UK Daily Mail reports that 26% of the traffic on Pornhub is from women and that women are more likely to view porn on their smart phone or tablet than men, with 80% of women doing so (Liberatore 2017). Research findings are also conflicted regarding the impact or effects of pornography consumption, ranging from the deleterious, such as acceptance of rape myths and sexual callousness toward women (e.g., Allen et al. 1995;Zillmann and Bryant 1986), increased extramarital affairs due to cyberporn usage (e.g., Stack et al. 2004), women's positive attitudes toward extramarital affairs (e.g., Wright 2013), individuals' lessened relational commitment (Lambert et al. 2012) and female pornography consumers increasing their own rape myth acceptance (e.g., Corne et al. 1992), to name a few. On the other hand, research exists to suggest that pornography consumption can serve in educational and therapeutic fashions, such as expanding sexual horizons (Weinberg et al. 2010), more positively evaluating one's own sexual behaviors (Staley and Prause 2012) or used therapeutically to enhance the sexual aspect of couple relationships (Tiefer 2006). ...
The purpose of this investigation is to examine the associations among gender and reasons for pornography consumption as well as attitudinal impacts. One hundred and forty-three participants, ranging in age from 18 to 48 (M = 21.22), participated in an online study at a large, southwestern university. Seventy-six of these participants identified as current consumers of pornography and are the primary focus of the analyses. Findings indicate that regardless of gender, pornography is preferably consumed in a solitary fashion for masturbatory purposes with a perceived positive physical, but not psychological, sexual satisfying impact for the self as well as for the consuming partner. Further, regarding attitudinal impacts, current male consumers of pornography report significantly higher adversarial sexual beliefs, rape myth acceptance and sexual conservatism than do current female consumers of pornography. Discussion and future directions follow.
... When exposed to extreme or violent pornography, many people may become upset and disgusted and stop viewing it. Upon repeated viewing, however, typically both men and women develop more callous and negative attitudes towards rape victims and placed less responsibility on the perpetrator of the rape (Corne et al., 1992;Cowan & Campbell, 1995). This is even truer when the depicted victim appears to have deserved to be raped or enjoyed the rape. ...
Based upon both theory and research, pornography appears to play a major teaching role in the sexual beliefs and behaviors of men, women, and children. As a teacher, it is arousing, rewarding, and modeling. It miseducates about sexuality and relationships. It teaches unhealthy self-esteem, sexual narcissism, sexual entitlement, and relative deprivation. It is a potent drug that is both flexible and fast. It encourages permission-giving beliefs that include that sex is a commodity that we buy and if we can buy it, we can steal it. This makes a natural and potent pathway to sexual violence. Numerous studies show a variety of negative effects in both attitudes and behaviors, but the most troubling is this connection to sexual violence. The messages of pornography damage the providers of sex as well as the users of sex. The continuum of the sexual exploitation industry and the continuum of sexual abuse and violence are seamlessly interconnected.
Dating violence (DV) and sexual violence (SV) are widespread problems among adolescents and emerging adults. A growing body of literature demonstrates that exposure to sexually explicit media (SEM) and sexually violent media (SVM) may be risk factors for DV and SV. The purpose of this article is to provide a systematic and comprehensive literature review on the impact of exposure to SEM and SVM on DV and SV attitudes and behaviors. A total of 43 studies utilizing adolescent and emerging adult samples were reviewed, and collectively the findings suggest that (1) exposure to SEM and SVM is positively related to DV and SV myths and more accepting attitudes toward DV and SV; (2) exposure to SEM and SVM is positively related to actual and anticipated DV and SV victimization, perpetration, and bystander nonintervention; (3) SEM and SVM more strongly impact men’s DV and SV attitudes and behaviors than women’s DV and SV attitudes and behaviors; and (4) preexisting attitudes related to DV and SV and media preferences moderate the relationship between SEM and SVM exposure and DV and SV attitudes and behaviors. Future studies should strive to employ longitudinal and experimental designs, more closely examine the mediators and moderators of SEM and SVM exposure on DV and SV outcomes, focus on the impacts of SEM and SVM that extend beyond men’s use of violence against women, and examine the extent to which media literacy programs could be used independently or in conjunction with existing DV and SV prevention programs to enhance effectiveness of these programming efforts.
What are sexual fantasies, and what roles do they play in relationships? Fantasies are sometimes (but not always!) a window into what people want to experience in their own relationships—what do fantasies tell us about relationships? Do they help us get closer to a monogamous partner, or do they drive us apart? Could they be a way to promote communication among partners? Do women and men fantasize differently? And if so how? These are some of the questions we will be addressing in this chapter. Specifically, in this chapter, we explore the role of sexual fantasies in romantic relationships and investigate the potential advantages and disadvantages of sexual fantasies within the context of romantic relationships. Additionally, we discuss women’s sexual fantasy preferences and look at findings that suggest that women, more so than men, indicate that submission is among their favorite or most frequent sexual fantasies (Arndt et al. in J Pers Soc Psychol 48:472–480, 1985; Crepault et al. in Prog Sexol 267–285, 1976; Davidson and Hoffman in J Sex Res 22:184–205, 1986; Hariton Psychol Today 1973, March; Hariton and Singer in J Consul Clin Psychol 42(3):313, 1974; Kanin in Victim Int J 7:114–121, 1982; Knafo and Jaffe in J Res Pers 18:451–467, 1984; Pelletier and Herold in J Sex Res 24(1):250–256, 1988; Talbot et al. 1980). Finally, in an attempt to better understand this gender difference, we present and investigate three potential explanations.
We assessed whether a relationship exists between the degree of men's exposure to Playboy and Penthouse magazines and the frequency of their sexual and hostile-aggressive fantasies. No significant relationships were found between frequency of readership of Playboy and either sexual or aggressive fantasies. This finding supported the contention by Playboy's publisher that consumers are not attracted to the magazine primarily for sexual fantasizing. Penthouse readership was best predicted by the interaction of sexual and hostile fantasies: For those with low-hostile fantasies, there was not a significant relationship between sexual fantasies and Penthouse exposure, whereas for those with high-hostile fantasies, there was a strong association between exposure to this magazine and sexual fantasizing (r = .51, p
In light of theoretical and empirical suggestions that mass media violent erotica may have antisocial effects, a content analysis was performed to ascertain the amount of sexual violence in the pictorials and cartoons of Playboy and Penthouse magazines. This analysis included all issues of the two magazines from January, 1973 through December, 1977. While the two raters, a male and a female, showed relatively high reliability in their ratings of sexual violence within the pictorial stimuli, less agreement was found on cartoon stimuli. Pictorial violent sexuality was found to increase significantly over the five years analyzed both in absolute numbers and as a percentage of the total number of pictorials, although even by 1977 only about 5% of the pictorials were rated as sexually violent. No significant changes in the percentage of sexually violent cartoons were found over the years, although in Penthouse there was an increase in the absolute number of such cartoons. Throughout this five‐year period, however, Penthouse was found to have a greater percentage of sexually violent cartoons than Playboy (approximately 13% vs. 6%). The results are discussed within the context of empirical research in the area and the possibility that sexually violent stimuli may contribute to a “cultural climate” promoting a sexist ideology.
We present a model hypothesizing indirect effects of media sexual violence on aggression against women. It suggests that certain cultural factors (including mass media) and individual variables interact to affect some people's thought patterns and other responses that may lead to antisocial behavior, including aggression. Two streams of current research are relevant to the model. The first shows connections between exposure to sexually violent media and the development of thought patterns that support violence against women. The second reveals links between such patterns and various forms of antisocial behavior in the laboratory and in naturalistic settings. Suggestions for further research are discussed.
This article integrates the findings of a series of studies that empirically address contentions that many “normal” men possess a proclivity to rape. In these studies, an attempt was made to identify individuals with such a proclivity by asking male college students how likely they personally would be to rape if they could be assured of not being caught. On the average, about 35% indicated some likelihood of raping. To assess the validity of such reports as indicators of a proclivity to rape, the following three steps were taken: First, the literature was reviewed to identify responses that distinguished convicted rapists from the general population. The responses found to characterize rapists were greater acceptance of rape myths and relatively high sexual arousal to rape depictions. Second, the relationships between reported likelihood of raping and the responses found to characterize rapists were analyzed. The data clearly showed that in comparison with men who reported lower likelihood of raping, men who indicated higher likelihood were more similar to convicted rapists both in beliefs in rape myths and in sexual arousal to rape depictions. Third, the relationship between likelihood of raping reports and aggressive behavior was examined. It was found that higher reported likelihood of raping was associated with greater aggression against women within a laboratory setting. The overall pattern of the data is interpreted as supporting the validity of likelihood of raping ratings and consistent with contentions that many men have a proclivity to rape. Possible causes of such a propensity and directions for future research are discussed.
The present study tested the hypothesis that self-reported likelihood of wife battering is related to childhood experiences of violence and attitudes supportive of family violence. One hundred ninety-one male university students were administered three attitude measures and a survey of childhood experiences, and were asked to rate their potential likelihood of wife battering (LB) in a variety of situations. Most subjects (79%) indicated some likelihood of battering. This likelihood covaried with violent Attitudes Toward Wife Abuse (AWA), conservative Attitudes Toward Women (AWS), Acceptance of Interpersonal Violence (AIV), and, to a lesser extent, physical abuse as a child and witnessing one's mother being battered.
The present study compared the relative effectiveness of sexuality variables versus attitudes hypothesized to be rape-supportive in the prediction of “likelihood to rape” (LR) and “likelihood to use sexual force” (LF) measures. This research was guided by the suggestion that understanding the variables which underlie LR and LF may shed light on the factors which cause some men to actually commit acts of violence against women. The results were inconsistent with viewing rape as primarily caused by sexual frustration or sexual maladjustment, since sexuality variables were generally not predictive of LF or LR. In contrast, a variety of rape-supportive attitudes and beliefs such as blaming the victim for her rape or viewing sexual violence as sexually arousing to women were successful predictors of both LF and LR. These data were interpreted as supporting theories of rape which consider cultural, socially transmitted attitudes about women and rape to be psychological releasers for sexual aggression. The findings also supported the notion of an “aggression toward women” continuum, rather than a conceptualization of rape as a discrete, isolated phenomenon with its own determinants.
Two hundred twenty-two undergraduate males were administered an “attitudes survey” examining pornography use, attitudes, and self-reported likelihood of rape (LR) or using sexual force (LF). Nonviolent pornography was used by 81% of subjects within the last year, whereas 41 and 35% had used violent and sexually violent pornography, respectively. Twenty-seven percent of subjects indicated some hypothetical likelihood of raping or using sexual force against a woman. Discriminant function analysis revealed that use of sexually violent pornography and acceptance of interpersonal violence against women were uniquely associated with LF and LR. It is hypothesized that the specific fusion of sex and violence in some pornographic stimuli and in certain belief systems may produce a propensity to engage in sexually aggressive behavior. Results are interpreted in terms ofMalamuth and Briere's (1986, Journal of Social Issues, 42, 75–92) model of the effects of sexually violent media.
Three hundred ninety-two junior college students responded to a questionnaire concerning a depiction of a rape incident in which a photograph of the supposed victim was included. A manipulation of the attractiveness of the victim produced several findings indicating that views of rape as a sexually motivated crime mediate attributions of blame to the rape victim. Gender differences in attitudes toward rape were also prevalent throughout the factor structure of beliefs which was found. Male subjects also rated their own likelihood of raping, “if they could be certain they would not be caught”. The results of a discriminant analysis indicated that high scorers on this self-rating showed a pattern of disinhibitory beliefs about the normality and acceptability of rape, and the seductiveness of rape victims. High self-rated likelihood of raping among males also correlated negatively with scores on the femininity scale of the BSRI.
When the life of every creature on this planet is in danger, as it is today, we all have a vested interest in peace research. But peace research tends to be male-biased and does not take into account the experiences and interests of women. Because it is skewed, it is weakened. Feminist research offers a badly needed corrective, and a transformative vision. Data on violence against women, on the links between violence against women and male violence in general, on the nature and experience of power and powerlessness, on mothering, and moral development, have significant implications for peace research. A feminist peace researvh would reground discussions of war and violence in the lived experiences of women, men and children. It would speak about and to all of us.