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Discourse, Cognition and Society
... Bahasa yang dominan yang digunakan dalam wacana kritis bukan hanya persoalan linguistik semata melainkan ada faktor eksternal seperti pengaruh situasi dan kondisi dalam penggunaanya. Dalman, Y. A. (2009), Van Dijk (1994, Eriyanto (2001) konsep dan karakter analisis wacana kritis yang dikemukakanT eun A. Van Dijk, Fairclough, danWodak. Pertama, wacara pada dasarnya merupakan tindakan yang komprehensif. ...
... Ideologi menjadi hal yang sangat penting sebab merupakan cakupan pemikiran dan mendasar dalam analisis. Van Dijk, Teun A. (1994), dan (Payuyasa, 2017)ideologibiasanya mencerminkan aspek pemakaianlinguistik (kosa kata, kalimatdantatabahasa). Kedua, kekuasaan yang sangat berpengaruh dalam pandangan perpolitikan. ...
Penelitian ini dilatarbekangi oleh media televisi yang mempunyai fungsi ideologis dapat menentukan kepentingan dan perspektifdan pemikiran tertentu, terutama peristiwa UU Omnibus Low Cipta Kerja yang begitu menguat dalam perpolitikan di Indonesia. Penelitian bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan penggunaan kata ganti terhadap keberpihakan penutur dalam acara Mata Najwa di Trans7 tentang UU Omnibus Low Cipta Kerja. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif dengan menggunakan metode deskriptif. Data berupa tuturan pewara di dalam acara Mata Najwa yang berjudul “Mereka-reka Cipta Kerja: Di Balik Kejar Tayang UU Cipta Kerja”. Berdasarkan analisis data dan pembahasan disimpulkan kata ganti berjumlah 98. yang setuju (perwakilan pemerintah) berjumlah 37 kata ganti, dan kelompok tidak setuju berjumlah 61 kata ganti. Jumlah kata ganti kelompok “pro” yang berpihak 9 dan tidak berpihak 28 kata ganti. Selanjutnya jumlah kata ganti kelompok “kontra” yang berpihak 10 dan yang tidak berpihak berjumlah 51. Itu artinya terlihat secara jelas ideologi, karakteristik Najwa Sihab dalam hal ini bersifat terbuka, idependen dan tidak memihak kerena di kelompok pro dari 37 hanya 9 kata ganti yang memihak, dan kelompok kontra dari 61 kata ganti hanya 10 yang memihak
... Aristotle, of course, was mainly concerned about logical fallacies; his Organon is perhaps the first treaties on the issue of fallacies in logical argumentation. Nevertheless, Greek rhetoric has profoundly informed such areas of inquiry as critical discourse analysis (Battista, 2022;D'Avanzo, 2022;Fairclough, 1989;Raffone, 2022;Padley, 2022;Russo & Grasso, 2022;Van Dijk, 1996, 2014Zollo, 2022), register analysis (cf. Hutchinson & Waters, 1987), systemic functional linguistics (cf. ...
Presuming two major interrelated and at the same time distinct perspectives on pragmatics, the current paper seeks to delineate the similarities and differences of dialectic versus dialogic pragmatics. It begins with a brief and informative overview of rhetoric and claims that rhetoric is essentially a kind of pragmatics where a rhetor carries dialectic into oration to challenge, sway, persuade, or defeat an adversary through elocution. It then moves on to a brief overview of dialogic pragmatics and argues that it builds on a cooperative dyad where the interlocutors work in tandem to co-create a dialogue. Assuming an inclusional distribution between the two, the paper concludes that dialectic pragmatics is essentially concerned with one form of intentionality and can therefore be called micro-pragmatics whereas dialogic pragmatics encompasses all forms of intentionality including that of rhetoric, and that it can therefore be called macro-pragmatics.
... Drawing on the insights from pragmatics, with language and context being core for language understanding (Levinson [8], Mey [9], Fairclough [4], Dijk [15][16][17][18][19]) and Positioning Theory (Davies, Rom [3]), the study investigates the common Russian propaganda narratives being countered and dispelled in the UK and the US media based on the ideas of structural forms of discourse related to social practices [4]. According to Fairclough [5], discourses must be analysed at three levels at the same time: at the text level, as a discursive practice in the production and interpretation of texts, and social practice (the situational context). ...
Based on critical discourse analysis conducted on the media reports which cover the articles from British and US press, the research gives insights into the common Russian propaganda narratives which have been spread over the last decade on Ukrainian sovereignty and the war unleashed by Russia on the territory of Ukraine. The linguistic analysis of the confl ict rhetoric covers pragmatic and semantic elements with the implied negative assessment of Russian policy. With Critical Discourse Theory and Analysis, Critical Metaphor Analysis and Positioning Theory applied, the research classifi es the positioning of the main actors as aggressors or victims and describes the discursive strategies used for countering and dispelling the fake Russian narratives. The study reveals the causes and implications of the analysed practices, identifi es the linguistic means used for the realisation of the discursive strategies and shows how emotional triggers engage readers through lexical-semantic means and stylistic fi gures. Key words: critical discourse analysis, discursive strategies, linguistics means, stylistic fi gures, Russian fake narratives, war in Ukraine.
... Do outro lado, encontra-se a tendência "mediacionista" (Nyckees, 2008), ou "sociocognitiva" (van Dijk, 2014 Por isso, e pelo alcance da criação freudiana, seus modelos continuam sendo comparados por alguns autores em discussão com a psicologia cognitiva contemporânea. ...
Meaning is a constitutive part of the phenomena which interest psychoanalysis, but its theorizing constitutes a challenge. There is a deficit in the psychoanalytic theory of meaning, partly explained by a lack of recent exchanges with linguistics. A theory of meaning is necessary in psychoanalysis to describe the clinical use of language since the analyst both discerns semantic relations in the subject's discourse as well as aims to produce transformative meaning-effects through interventions. Lacanian language theory brought psychoanalysis closer to linguistics and made fundamental contributions to the debate, but also constructed critiques of signification that ended up deepening the problem. We developed a systematic analysis of Lacan's language theory, identifying the incompleteness of the signifiable as a central contribution of his thought. Simultaneously, we mapped its theoretical fluctuations, such as the oscillation of the signifier between the formal and the conceptual and the instability of his notion of meaning; showing that linguistic signification cannot be excluded from Lacanian psychoanalysis. Moving forward, we look for a semantic theory which could contribute to theoretical and clinical gap in psychoanalysis’ relation to meaning. A historical review allows us to understand the challenges inherent in structural theories of meaning and the relevance of Cognitive Semantics’ contemporary framework. This linguistic-psychological theory of meaning emerges as a potential solution to the challenge of making the psychoanalytic clinical procedures explicit, as well as a possible path for the epistemological renewal of psychoanalysis and for its defense within the broader scheme of sciences.
... Este trabajo tiene un enfoque cualitativo, está basado en una revisión hemerográfica y un análisis de contenido de los artículos publicados en el diario El Universal sobre protestas de personas mayores a favor del pago de sus pensiones. El análisis se realizó siguiendo los lineamientos de los estudios críticos del discurso (Van Dijk, 1994), para ello, fueron consultados los ejemplares de El Universal publicados entre marzo de 2018 y mayo de 2024 que se encuentran disponibles en el repositorio online abierto de dicho diario. El estudio se desarrolló a través de las siguientes etapas: ...
Introducción: La crisis económica y política en Venezuela, intensificada desde 2013, ha aumentado significativamente las protestas sociales. Los adultos mayores han sido uno de los grupos más afectados y han organizado manifestaciones en reclamo de una vida digna. Este estudio analizó la cobertura del diario El Universal sobre estas protestas entre marzo de 2018 y mayo de 2024, examinando las representaciones de los adultos mayores en sus publicaciones. Metodología: Tras una búsqueda hemerográfica, se realizó un análisis cualitativo desde los estudios críticos del discurso de las publicaciones sobre protestas de mayores en El Universal, evaluando tanto los discursos escritos como las fotografías. Resultados y discusión: Se identificaron cuarenta y tres (43) titulares y treinta y cinco (35) imágenes al respecto. Las representaciones destacan a los mayores como protagonistas de movimientos sociales y agentes políticos, promoviendo nuevos modelos de vejez. Sin embargo, persisten imágenes edadistas que subrayan la fragilidad de los adultos mayores. La cobertura informativa es limitada, no refleja la diversidad del grupo y las mujeres están subrepresentadas. Conclusión: A la luz de estos resultados, se considera necesario reflejar una mayor diversidad en los medios de comunicación para contrarrestar estereotipos y promover la igualdad y el activismo entre mayores.
... Este título transmite una sensación de preocupación y pesimismo que ya venía forjándose al menos desde finales del siglo XIX (Fernández, 2022) e insinúa que sin este colectivo el problema del paro en España sería menos grave. Afirmaciones como esta crean una correlación ilusoria entre el agravamiento del paro y las repatriaciones (Van Dijk, 1994) y enseñan a temer las consecuencias que puede traer el retorno de estas personas (Ahmed, 2004). ...
El impacto de la recesión económica de los años treinta del siglo XX entre los emigrantes españoles en América generó una significativa diáspora de repatriados. El costo de las repatriaciones y las condiciones materiales extremadamente precarias que traían alarmaron a la administración republicana y tuvieron repercusión en los medios de comunicación. En este sentido, esta investigación se centra en estudiar la imagen de los españoles repatriados de Latinoamérica en el diario Ahora (1930-1936), analizando las emociones, acciones y representaciones asociadas a las personas de este grupo. Utilizando un enfoque cualitativo hemos realizado una revisión hemerográfica y un análisis crítico del discurso de las noticias publicadas sobre el tema en el diario Ahora. Los resultados muestran que Ahora priorizó un enfoque generalizante de los repatriados que ocultaba la diversidad interior del grupo y los relacionaba con ideas como fracaso, indigencia y pasividad. Este tipo de encuadre dificulta la creación de puentes empáticos y puede inducir al rechazo social. Se evidencia también que la cobertura de este fenómeno tuvo una función de alerta para evitar nuevas emigraciones.
... The final principle shaping the language perspective centers on the intricate relationship between discourse, cognition, and society (Van Dijk, 2014. Discourse serves as the medium through which cognition is communicated, constructed, and negotiated within the broader societal framework. ...
This reflective theoretical article explores the intersection of poststructuralist perspectives and English Language Teaching (ELT) trends, specifically in rural areas of Colombia, addressing language policies that prioritize the utilitarian aspects of English while neglecting its intercultural essence. The objective is to advocate for a poststructuralist approach in reshaping English language education in rural Colombian contexts, challenging utilitarian paradigms to promote inclusivity, equity, and social justice within language learning frameworks. Drawing on extensive research and the author’s ongoing doctoral studies, the paper explores intricate connections among linguistic trends, power dynamics, and language ideologies within ELT. The paper discusses the implications of poststructuralism in Colombian ELT, emphasizing the need for a paradigm shift. Embracing a more inclusive perspective, the study highlights the transformative potential of poststructuralist frameworks in fostering equitable language education.
... To clarify what is meant by manipulation, Fairclough (1989) defines linguistic manipulation as "the conscious use of language in a devious way to control others," emphasizing three key elements: intention, discursive distortion, and control" (p. 6). Other scholars, such as Kress (1990) and Van Dijk (1996), broaden the definition to view manipulation as a method of achieving goals via persuasion. ...
Orwell’s (1945/2013) Animal Farm is a rich source of manipulative discourses, especially as embodied in the character Squealer, who masterfully exploits the peripheral entities. Despite its critical and widespread acclaim, the systematic exploration of specific pragma-stylistic strategies that Orwell uses to depict manipulation and propaganda are understudied in the literature. Utilizing an eclectic theoretical framework incorporating Johnson’s (2000) manifest rationality theory and the deceptive principle posited by Merzah and Abbas (2020), this study performs a qualitative intra-analysis to unearth the distinct employment of a myriad of fallacies, such as scapegoating, ad nauseam, false dilemma, domino fallacy, historical negationism, and ad ignorantiam. This research aims to explore manipulative rhetoric from the viewpoint of pragma-stylistics. The significance of this research lies in its potential to deepen our understanding of rhetorical strategies in allegorical literature, offering insights into how language can be used to manipulate and influence. This study addresses the central question: How do specific pragma-stylistic strategies enable characters in Animal Farm to manipulate and propagate fallacies, and what implications does this have for understanding similar manipulative techniques in political discourse? The findings suggest a contrast between Squealer’s and Napoleon’s manipulative strategies: Napoleon, akin to the uncharismatic communication style of Stalin, leverages scapegoating to undermine his adversaries, while Squealer, Napoleon’s rhetorical extension, focuses on distorting historical events, exaggerating consequences, and perpetuating falsehoods
... Various directions can be taken in CDA. For this chapter, we applied the framework proposed by Teun Van Dijk (1993a, b, 2000, 2006 in his socio-cognitive method of analyzing discourse. This model has three components: discourse, social cognition, and society. ...
Thin populism is a political-communication style in which political actors refer to the people, identify with them, display closeness to them, and pretend to speak in their name. As such, it is not strictly connected to any ideology and is a common strategy used by politicians to reach out to their electorate. In this chapter, we study thin populism in the answers of three Montenegrin prime ministers—Duško Marković (Democratic Party of Socialists), Zdravko Krivokapić (unaffiliated), and Dritan Abazović (United Reform Action), delivered during six parliamentary question-time sessions held in 2020–2022. We explore the various references to the people and study their syntactic functions, investigate the inclusive use of the first-person-plural pronoun (we = the people), and study how the people are discursively presented. The results point to presence of thin populism in the discourses of three Montenegrin prime ministers, as well as to the differences in how much and how thin populism is employed by each of them individually.
... Using the methodology of semantic-pragmatic analysis, lexical cohesion, and taxonomy, and relying on models established by Fairclough (1992Fairclough ( , 1995aFairclough ( , b, 1996Fairclough ( , 2000Fairclough ( , 2003Fairclough ( , 2005, Ives (2004), van Dijk (1980van Dijk ( , 1990van Dijk ( , 1993van Dijk ( , 1994van Dijk ( , 2001van Dijk ( , 2002van Dijk ( , 2003van Dijk ( , 2006a, Wodak (1989Wodak ( , 2002Wodak ( , 2007 and, when it comes to the spoken language of Montenegro, Lakić (2011), we will point to the structure of public discourse and to the types of changes that occurred when selecting characteristic language formulations (Gradinaru 2018), as well as the consequences, that is, the results obtained through the changes in public political discourse. The analysis highlighted the rhetorical significance of public discourse and subsequently the consequences that specific linguistic formulations had on the very process of shaping the public political discourse, indicating a shift in the experience of the Soviet Union's historical, economic and political role. ...
The article analyzes Montenegrin public discourse in the first years after the Second World War in the context of the political conflict between the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia in 1948. The research has been based on archival material, daily press, and texts in literary journals, and is focused on the change of public discourse towards the ussr, conditioned by the political and ideological conflict between Yugoslavia and the ussr. The historical and semantic-pragmatic analysis of the text, as well as the analysis of lexical cohesion and taxonomy, indicate all changes in public discourse that result from the political conflict between the two countries. The critical analysis of public discourse points to the justification of the initial research hypothesis that political processes had a dominant influence on the formation of postwar public discourse in Montenegro.
... Van Dijk connects these two huge poles with a social cognition model that describes the mental representation of the text writer. Social cognition is an intermediary variable because text writers are part of a society that always does "socially shared knowledge, beliefs, attitudes and ideologies," which is a necessary interface in the interaction between texts and society (Dijk, 1994). The author interprets every historical event in history textbooks in a particular scheme (Eriyanto, 2001). ...
This study aims to reveal the discourse practices in the narrative of the Chinese Rebellion in the Indonesian History textbook. Having long disappeared from Indonesian historiography, the Chinese-Javanese alliance against the VOC, often called Geger Pacinan (1740-1743), has reappeared in history textbooks. Its presence needs to be studied to understand the discourse practices that are to be conveyed by the narratives that are constructed. This study's subject was the Chinese Rebellion text in the Indonesian History textbook for class XI SMA based on the 2013 Curriculum published by the Ministry of Education and Culture of the Republic of Indonesia in 2017. The Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) method, according to Teun A. van Dijk, was used to analyze the dimensions of the text, social cognition, and the social context of the narratives that are the research subject. The result is that the report in the text dimension does not present the Chinese role through the history of the event as a whole. In the size of social cognition, it is found that there is a potential to strengthen the practice of discourse, which leads to the marginalization of the Chinese role. The social context dimension has not entirely shifted from the New Order paradigm, which harbored stereotypes against the Chinese. In conclusion, the text of the Chinese Rebellion requires the teacher’s role to make the deconstruction process in learning history meaningful for students, especially in internalizing the value of diversity for national integration.
... Consequently, considering the institution as the producer of a text is a must within this framework. Van Dijk (1993;, one of the most remarkable CDA scholars, theorized the triangular concept which emphasizes on the connections of discourse, cognition, and society known as "the discourse-cognition-society triangle". The cognition here refers to the cognitive processes which significantly affects the interpretation process of a discourse. ...
Literatures have shown that discursive investigation on universities’ vision and mission statements can reveal the universities’ ideologies as well as the prevailing sociopolitical factors in the country. However, there is no such investigation within Indonesian higher education discourse yet. This study seeks to fill the gap by conducting a corpus-assisted analysis on the vision and mission statements of 100 Indonesian universities. By implementing CADS procedures, this study combines corpus linguistics techniques and ideological discourse analysis approach. The final results reveal the social responsibility of Indonesian universities to support public welfare and the emergence of internationalization movement within the educational system of the country, denoting collectivism and neoliberalism as ‘negotiating’ ideologies within the institutional discourse. It is related to none other than the view that universities are institutional bodies that cannot be stagnant as they must always be progressing towards the current development of society and even the world.
... Primero, porque al discurso se le puede considerar como un espejo de su correspondiente cultura y sociedad (Tiwary, 1968). En segundo lugar, por medio del uso del lenguaje a través del discurso es que se crea, se recrea y se modifica la cultura (Sherzer, 1987) y, en tercer lugar, la serie de vínculos y relaciones de reciprocidad entre el discurso y la sociedad estarán mediados por la cognición social (Van Dijk, 1992), este último punto hace alusión al significado, mismo que hace parte no sólo de la constitución de los grupos, sino también de la cultura (Pardo, 2007, p. 12). ...
La tesis se enmarca tanto en el campo de los estudios culturales en discapacidad, así como en el modelo cultural de la discapacidad, todo lo cual permitirá ampliar la perspectiva analítica para poner en claro las relaciones que se establecen entre los sistemas simbólicos (imaginarios), los procesos de categorización (normalidad, anormalidad, incompletitud, etcétera) y las prácticas discursivas, así como sus consecuencias e implicaciones socioculturales para las personas con y sin discapacidad. A su vez, esta aproximación es de naturaleza crítica debido a que se cuestiona la comúnmente incuestionable 'normalidad' e indaga cómo las prácticas capacitistas que privilegian la funcionalidad y la completitud fundan la categoría sociocultural de la 'discapacidad' (Ingstad & Whyte, 1995; Davis, 1995, 2006; Garland-Thomson, 2006; McRuer, 2006; Siebers, 2006; Waldschmidt, Berressem & Ingwersen, 2017).
Particularmente, nos interesa propiciar un acercamiento con los estudios críticos en discapacidad (ECD) debido a que éstos se anclan a lugares de enunciación políticamente críticos y activamente transformadores, capaces de alterar, desestabilizar y remover los fundamentos normativos de la cultura y de la sociedad (McRuer, 2006).
Así entonces, teniendo en cuenta estos argumentos, nos proponemos develar la construcción socioimaginaria de la discapacidad presente en los discursos parlamentarios del Estado chileno que pueden orientar de manera decisiva la definición y representación del fenómeno de la discapacidad a nivel sociopolítico y sociocultural.
De manera concreta, para lograr desarrollar esta propuesta de investigación, nos concentraremos en analizar el discurso político de los parlamentarios que participan en la discusión de los proyectos de Ley N.º 20.422 que establece las normas sobre igualdad de oportunidades e inclusión social de personas con discapacidad en Chile; Ley N.º 21.015 que incentiva la inclusión de personas con discapacidad al mundo laboral y, finalmente, Ley N.º 21.091 sobre educación superior; esto en virtud de que en las discusiones de los proyectos de ley antes mencionados se podrá obtener y configurar un corpus, el cuál será estudiado por medio del análisis del discurso, lo cual nos permitirá identificar, primero, la descripción de los imaginarios en torno a la discapacidad como fenómeno socio- cultural a partir de identificar los argumentos y objetos del discurso que se asientan durante la discusión de las leyes por parte de los/as diputados/as y senadores/as de la República de Chile. En segundo lugar, este análisis permitirá evidenciar cuál/es son los valores y creencias que subyacen a las relaciones de poder que se estructuran en el discurso político sobre la discapacidad en Chile. Finalmente, se pretende que esta investigación ayude a la construcción de una serie de tipologías socioimaginarias para la comprensión situada del fenómeno sociopolítico y sociocultural de la discapacidad en Chile.
... Teks bukan merupakan satu-satunya bagian dari analisis wacana yang dapat menunjukkan suatu realitas sosial masyarakat, melainkan juga melibatkan kognisi sosial yang berfungsi untuk mengungkapkan makna yang tersembunyi di dalam suatu teks (Van Dijk, 1994). Pandangan Van Dijk disintesis mengenai komponen kognisi sosial ke dalam sebuah tabel yang terbagi atas empat skema, yaitu skema person, skema diri, skema peran, dan skema peristiwa (Augoustinos & Walker, 1995). ...
Indonesia ranks 89th out of 180 countries and is still a corrupt country. As the leader of the country, the president is expected to make Indonesia no longer a corrupt country. This study seeks to analyze corruption news in the March 31, 2019 edition of Media Indonesia in order to raise views on Joko Widodo as a social actor. This can be known through the analysis of language structure, cognitive processes, and the meaning of discourse based on the context of the "2019 Presidential Election". This study applies a qualitative approach with van Dijk's critical discourse analysis (AWK) approach. The results show that the text of corruption news in the March 31, 2019 edition of Media Indonesia aims to raise Jokowi's image ahead of the 2019 Presidential Election. The context of the "2019 Presidential Election" shows a tremendous influence for the Media Indonesia editorial team to produce corrupt news texts associated with Jokowi, as well as his candidacy, himself as a presidential candidate in the 2019 presidential election.Indonesia menempati posisi ke-89 dari 180 negara dan masih menjadi negara korup. Sebagai pemimpin negara, presiden diharapkan menjadikan Indonesia tidak lagi menjadi negara yang korup. Penelitian ini berupaya untuk menganalisis berita korupsi di Media Indonesia edisi 31 Maret 2019 dalam memunculkan pandangan kepada Joko Widodo sebagai aktor sosial. Hal ini dapat diketahui melalui analisis struktur bahasa, proses kognitif, dan makna wacana berdasarkan konteks “Pilpres 2019”. Penelitian ini menerapkan ancangan kualitatif dengan pendekatan analisis wacana kritis (AWK) van Dijk. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa teks berita korupsi di Media Indonesia edisi 31 Maret 2019 bertujuan untuk mengangkat citra Jokowi menjelang Pilpres 2019. Konteks “Pilpres 2019” menunjukkan pengaruh yang luar biasa bagi tim redaksi Media Indonesia untuk memproduksi teks berita korupsi yang dikaitkan dengan Jokowi, serta pencalonan kembali dirinya sebagai calon presiden pada Pilpres 2019.
... Dalam perspektif wacana kritis, bahasa juga mampu mengeksklusikan seseorang sebab bahasa merupakan alat 'permainan' yang mampu meminggirkan dan menguatkan orang. Karena itu, dalam pandangan Dijk (2006Dijk ( , 2008Dijk ( , 2014, di dalam bahasa terepresentasikan ketidakadilan, keopresian, dan kekuasaan. Bahasa memiliki simbol-simbol yang tersembunyi dalam diksi-diksi harus diinterpretasikan secara heuristik dan hermeneutik agar bisa ditemukenali makna yang terkandung di dalamnya. ...
The study of gender is currently attracting the researchers from various fields. One of them is research gender in literature. Therefore, this study aims to describe the exclusion of women contained in Indonesian literature through a gender psychology perspective. The method used qualitative with narrative exposure style. The data source used a short story by Budi Darma in 2016-2020. Data analysis techniques includes identification, classification, and data exposure. The results of the study and discussion showed that exclusion in literature emerged some categories: (1) exclusion of women through the selection of short story titles that were more tendent to men, (2) exclusion of wartime women, and (3) exclusion of women through labeling. Studi mengenai gender saat ini menarik perhatian peneliti berbagai bidang. Salah satunya adalah penelitian gender di bidang sastra. Berkait dengan itu, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan eksklusi perempuan yang terdapat dalam sastra Indonesia melalui perspektif psikologi gender. Metode yang digunakan adalah kualitatif dengan gaya pemaparan naratif. Sumber data yang digunakan adalah cerpen karya Budi Darma tahun 2016-2020. Teknik analisis data meliputi, identifikasi, klasifikasi, dan pemaparan data. Hasil penelitian dan pembahasan menunjukkan bahwa eksklusi dalam literatur muncul dengan kategori (1) eksklusi perempuan melalui pemilihan judul cerpen yang lebih condong kepada laki-laki, (2) eksklusi perempuan masa perang, dan (3) eksklusi perempuan. melalui pelabelan.
... Some speakers-despite being non-Christian-may choose the former if they do not believe in polygamy for whatever reason. Van Dijk (1996, among others emphasizes the role of personal beliefs and personal knowledge in shaping one's discourse options and how he/ she constructs the discourse and interacts with others around him/her. The discussion of the difference between birruʁum and maʕ ʔalʕilim contributes to this line of research, given that the difference here rests on how interlocutors view the (14) وهناك السمراء الخربة تنقية محطة في يصب أردنية مدينة من ألكثر الصحي الصرف بأن يعقل هل صحي؟ صرف بال اللواء مناطق من 60% من أكثر hal juʕqal biʔan asˤsˤarf asˤsˤiħħi liʔkθar min madiina ʔurdunijja tasˤubu fi maħatˤat tanqijat ʔalχirbah assamraaʔ wa hunaak ʔakθar min 60% min manatˤiq ʔalliwaaʔ bila sˤarf sˤiħħi? ...
This study investigates the use of concessive discourse markers in Jordanian Arabic (JA), particularly relying on a corpus analysis of naturally occurring data. It argues that there are mainly two types of concession in JA: extrinsic concession and intrinsic concession. The two types of concession are shown to differ from each other with respect to Kratzer's (1977) compatibility of propositions. Intrinsic concession occurs when a speaker has a manifest intention/meaning that does not cause hearers to question its occurrence. This type is realized when one discourse segment is not compatible (i.e., does not normally happen at the same time) with another discourse segment (e.g., somebody is so rich, but he/she lives in a very poor house). Extrinsic concession, on the other hand, occurs when a speaker has a latent intention/meaning that normally causes hearers to question its occurrence. This type of concession emerges when discourse segments are compatible with each other (i.e. may normally happen at the same time), in which case the made-up concession is enforced by the speaker (e.g., somebody is poor, but he/she lives in a poor house). The study shows that certain discourse markers in JA are preferred over others in each type.
... First, this analysis utilizes Critical Incident Technique (CIT) (Butterfield et al. 2005;Flanagan 1954;Bott and Tourish 2016) to outline 'critical incidents' wherein the Trump-led hyper-partisan Right has utilized a 'fake news' approach to undermine First Amendment Freedoms. Second, an Internet-based corpus review (Mautner 2005;Jensen 2011;Boellstorff et al. 2012;Marshall 2011;van Dijk 2014) of state media as authoritative text (via tweets, interviews, speeches, official press releases, executive actions) and leftist and rightist domestic media sources (news reports, editorials, commentaries) are used to construct a discursive glonacal media heuristic (State, Left, Right) (Marginson and Rhoades 2002) surrounding the issue of protest -as an embattled First Amendment freedom in the USA. ...
Digital technics of authoritarianism – media censorship/propaganda, mediated digital commons and social credit scores, etc. – have been used by governments to surveil, repress, and manipulate the behaviours and actions of respective populations. Autocratic states have utilized these technics to promote nationalism within carefully mediated digital ecologies of knowledge, curtailing critical civic engagement while galvanizing populism as a foundation of regime stability. This chapter positions the US’ hyper-partisan rightist ‘fake news’ ecology of knowledge as an authoritarian technic of US digital nationalism. The chapter highlights that, through the propagation of hyper-partisan fake news narratives, this rightist bulwark of US digital nationalism garners expedient material and political gains at the cost of no less than the destruction of critical civic discourse within the USA. This chapter utilizes critical incident technique (CIT), in conjunction with Internet-based critical discourse analysis (CDA), to provide a glonacal US media heuristic of the US’ Black Lives Matter (BLM) protest movement. The foregrounding of these ‘critical incidents’ highlights that US digital nationalism has provided Trump and his allies a ‘fake news’ platform of legitimacy, one which has been used to raze First Amendment freedoms alongside an ever-growing list of foundational US democratic norms and values.
Animated cartoons provide entertainment for children. In addition, they serve as agents of socialization. The content of animated cartoons is capable of changing, molding and influencing the thoughts and actions of children. Using Thompson’s Modes of Ideology, this study provides a critical discourse analysis of the ideologies projected in three selected animated cartoons of African origin and how the projected ideologies are portrayed. Data were gathered through document analysis and examined using textual and thematic analyses. It was discovered that animated cartoons are embedded with certain ideologies or worldviews capable of changing the mindsets of children. Ideologies such as patriarchy, hegemonic masculinity and sexualization of women were projected in the animated cartoons. It was also found that the selected animated cartoons project parent-child power imbalance and marriage and childbirth as the ultimate. In addition, the findings revealed the projection of certain ideologies through authorization, affiliation, alienation and entrenchment which are in line with Thompson’s Modes: legitimization, unification, fragmentation and reification. This study concludes that animated cartoons contribute to the spreading of certain ideologies.
Les problèmes de propreté de l’environnement sont rencontrés dans tous les pays, y compris la France. Pendant les vacances, les Français oublient parfois les choses auxquelles il faut faire attention lorsqu'il s'agit d'entretenir la propreté. En effet, 92 % d'entre eux trient régulièrement leurs déchets, « seulement 86 % d'entre eux le font sur leurs destinations de vacances. Selon Vinci, 72 % de ceux qui déclarent
le faire régulièrement sur la route. Selon l'enquête, le plastique est le matériau le plus répandu. Les déchets sont les plus répandus le long des autoroutes, suivis par le carton et le métal. L'étude révèle également que « 5 % des Français interrogés, soit plus de deux millions de personnes, ont reconnu avoir jeté des masques sur la voie publique ». L’objectif spécifique de cette recherche est d’examiner le discours sur l’hygiène environnementale en France. Une analyse du discours a été réalisée sur des affiches appelant à la propreté et interdisant de jeter des déchets en
français. Cette recherche utilise une approche descriptive qualitative. La méthode d'analyse utilise une approche socio-pratique et l'analyse discursive de Norman Fairclough des données contenues dans les slogans sur la propreté en français. Les résultats de la recherche montrent que l’analyse critique du discours sur les affiches appelantes et interdisant les déchets sauvages est une activité de recherche très
intéressante car elle a des implications et des problèmes très vastes.
The representation of Jews as foreigners or strangers—or simply the Other—constitutes the oldest stereotype on which all antisemitic stereotypes and other concepts are built. While many different groups and peoples have been and are conceptualised as “the other,” Jews and Judaism can be understood as “the paradigmatic other.” The movement of Jewish groups and the formation of the Jewish diaspora created a dynamic where Jews often lived in close proximity to other groups while retaining their own ethnic, cultural and religious identity. This made Jews a common object for practices of in- and out-group identity formation across centuries. Indeed, the twin questions of Jewish “belonging” and “otherness” are deeply woven through the political, cultural and philosophical history of Western and/or Christian societies. They lie at the root of a long tradition of “anti-Judaism,” in which different people in different contexts used the image of “the Jew” to think about and describe the present, to engage and transform their understanding of the past, and to reshape visions of the future. The idea of “the Jew” here is used again and again throughout history as a limit point, the line beyond which one community, history, belief system and understanding of the world, reaches its end—and another, one entirely alien and foreign, begins.
The study aims to investigate the ideological manipulation of language within news media headlines regarding the killing of Palestinian journalist Shireen Abu Akleh. This study employs Van Dijk’s socio-cognitive model of Critical Discourse Analysis to conduct a comparative qualitative analysis of 100 Arabic and 100 English news headlines, exploring linguistic features at both microstructure and macrostructure levels. The analysis delves into identity construction for the victim and perpetrator, revealing the discursive linguistic manifestations of underlying ideologies in two distinct linguistic and cultural contexts. The microstructure analysis reveals the preference of Arabic headlines for active voice structure, rhetorical devices of numeration, emphatic language, and metaphors. On the other hand, English headlines preferred the passive voice structure and the rhetorical device of litotes. The macrostructure analysis unravels the cognitive interplay between news media outlets and their target audience, demonstrating how selective headlines significantly impact public opinion. It shapes their comprehension and interpretation, particularly within the broader context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Ultimately, this research highlights the dynamic interplay between language, ideology, and power in news media, offering key recommendations for understanding their comparative impacts.
Discourse has been a focal point for linguists over an extended period. The multidisciplinary character of the term ‘discourse’ has resulted in diverse approaches aiming to define and explore this phenomenon. The study of various facets of discourse significantly enhances its comprehension. For our understanding, discourse encompasses the following pertinent characteristics: it is a communicative process, a dialogue, an interaction between communicators; it is a structure, a system, a distinct way of representing and perceiving the world, a special language and world, an expression and manifestation of national identity. Discourse implies knowledge, as it includes various types of it. Knowledge and news are closely linked. They are processed in discourse and with the help of it. Any explicit or implicit knowledge and news influence discourse production and comprehension. True and fake information can alter existing types of knowledge and create new ones, influence mental processes, and shape new mental models. The aim of the article is to describe discourse in its close connection with its main constituents – knowledge, news and fake. ‘Fake’ becomes a linguistic and discursive matter. It is associated with the concepts of ‘lie’, ‘deception’, and ‘manipulation’. Corpus data about ‘fake’ and ‘fake news’ give a bigger picture of the overall context of their representation, changes and dynamics in the usage. The widespread influence of fake is provided with the help of mass media. Strategic control of knowledge in the interaction process is achieved through the use of knowledge itself, accordingly, it becomes possible to control knowledge by means of deception and fake. Fake news is a genre of news information and news discourse, it is an integrative type of media text. The main goal of fake news is to deceive and manipulate consciousness of a wide audience. Manipulation entails language to subtly influence recipients, encouraging them covertly to undertake particular actions. Fake news can be studied within news discourse, media discourse, television discourse, manipulative discourse, political discourse, discourse of fake, and other types. Thus, knowledge, news and fake presented in discourse and with the help of it allow to create ‘new knowledge’, shape the audience’s understanding of discourse, make and generate mental models, control and restrict access to certain information, manipulate consciousness of the audience, transform traditional mental attitudes associated with the pursuit of truth.
https://doi.org/10.1080/14708477.2024.2365335
Erasmus student experiences currently seem to be closely linked to the neoliberal common sense, meaning that market-oriented motivations and consumerist behaviours can often be found in students’ discourses and experiences. With this point in mind, in this qualitative inquiry, we focused on how a cohort of prospective English language teachers constructed their Erasmus experiences. Upon analysing a qualitative set of data, we argued that the participants constructed a polydimensional Erasmus experience marked predominantly by neoliberal elements, interspersed with discernible critical facets. We, then, offered recommendations aimed at ensuring a more balanced and transformative Erasmus experience for prospective English language teachers.
Despite its recent formal steps taken to ensure more gender equality, Montenegro still has a rather patriarchal culture. A United Nations Development Program (UNDP) supported study (2021) found that 90% of Montenegrin female politicians have experienced discrimination due to their gender, and 70% have experienced violence during their political work. Against such a background, this study explores sexist humor targeting female Montenegrin politicians in public Facebook comments. Comments that elicited humorous reactions were considered humorous, whereas those that reduced female politicians to sexual objects, presented them as caricatures conforming to traditional gender roles in Montenegrin society, or played on the stereotype of women's inferiority, were regarded as sexist. Although a significant share of the commentary was sexist, most often such comments were not recognized as humorous. In those that were recognized as humorous, the most prevalent themes included women's bodies and appearance, the sexual objectification of female politicians, personality flaws stereotypically associated with women (such as lacking intelligence or being evil), and encouraging women to prioritize family over politics.
Political speech is a strategy to persuade the political goals and interests to the audience. This study investigates the process of Critical Discourse Analysis in Kamala Harris's speech by using Three-Dimensional Model proposed by Fairclough. The data analysis was conducted by a descriptive qualitative method. This study showed that Kamala Harris represented the Democrat Party's principles, equal opportunity, and voting rights through the speech. Discursive analysis showed that Kamala Harris addressed this speech to some particular societal stakeholders, such as the feminist movement, minority groups, so on. On the other hand, social analysis represented the social effects, such as the first Indigenous cabinet secretary has confirmed. The most dominant ideology in this speech is membership/self-identity. In textual analysis, Kamala Harris also showed the one who has equality, liberty, and justice on her ideological values.
The Ge Sa-er (also known as Gesar) saga has been handed down for above 1000 years by Tibetan Chinese, Mongolian Chinese, the Tu and the Naxi, describing a heroic story in present-day Kangba Tibetan area. This article analyse the English translation of social discourse in the Ge Sa-er version retold by Alai (2009). Due to different knowledge shared by source and target readers, it is difficult to represent the source social meaning in the English translation. Aiming to resolve the translation problems revealed by social cognition, this article uses statistical methods together with corpus to conduct stylistic analyses on Ge Sa-er Wang (Alai, 2009). An unexpected finding of this research is that the data from statistical methods can better predict the translation difficulties of Ge Sa-er Wang than the data from corpus. Based on the stylistic features of Ge Sa-er Wang, we propose a social discourse translation model for Chinese ethnic minority literature.
The discourse of prosperity gospel has attracted significant international research attention. However, contextually, recent South African writings on both mainstream news media and scholarly have associated the prosperity discourse with nefarious and crass acts tantamount to the commercialisation of religion, subsequently birthing a commission of inquiry in South Africa. Prosperity gospel agents, often neo-Pentecostal religious elites, have been reported to weaponise the prosperity message for self-vested commercial gains. Evidently, there appears to exist a nexus between prosperity gospel and the commercialisation of religion, erroneously attracting interchangeable naming and conceptualisation. The chapter acknowledges and foregrounds this nexus but zooms specifically on how the prosperity gospel message represents on select South African English newspaper reports and opinion pieces, appraising the fact that news is never neutral but ideologically charged. Teun van Dijk’s ideological discourse analysis approach is employed to gauge how prosperity gospel is represented from the year 2000–2022 time frame. Emergent ideological themes demonstrate that the representations of prosperity gospel have evolved overtime; from temperate to scathing, attributable to the recent eruptions of commercialised religion manifest in the South African public sphere. Prosperity gospel, a discourse and message of human flourishing is postured by most news authors and opinion piece writers as a practice of commercialisation of religion without considering the nuanced conceptions of the prosperity gospel among both clerics and congregants.
The major goal of green technology is to lessen the greenhouse effect and control global warming. Hence, the main idea is to come up with new inventions that do not deplete natural resources. The research, here, is attempted to examine the factors influencing consumers to purchase hybrid cars like environmentally friendlier automobiles that are gaining more popularity. Hybrid car is a vehicle that uses at least two or more power supply as to make the vehicle move. The combination of an internal combustion engine and electric motors is one of the uniqueness owned by hybrid cars. This study discusses various theoretical models and proposes a conceptual model based on those theories, especially on UTAUT2 (Extended Unified Theory of Acceptance and Use of Technology) which adapted and identified seven independent variables (performance expectancy, social influence, environmental concern, price value, hedonic motivation, facilitating conditions, and health benefit) and one dependent variable (behavioral intention to purchase) from the related literatures. Though there is huge importance or advantages of hybrid cars, there have been many people in Bangladesh till now who are not currently buying/using hybrid cars. This study is significant and rationale in environmental, marketers, and economic perspective. The expected outcome of this study will enhance new understanding on the profile of Bangladeshi consumers in purchasing hybrid cars as well as marketers, and policymakers can take opportunity to take decisions by utilizing the findings of this study.KeywordsHybrid carUTAUT2Conceptual modelBangladesh
Inclusive advertising is used to communicate through brands and campaigns the values they allow, their ideologies, and attitudes which search to promote equality or positive behavior toward society. This study pursues as an objective to gather information about how commercial spots coming from Mexico, Argentina, and Ecuador in 2019, referred about inclusion and diversity, around the ranges of; communication, special needs models, switching roles between men and women, stereotypes and inclusion, throughout ongoing YouTube campaigns. Each analysis is based on the qualitative method in which the content is examined to determine the characteristics assigned to non-traditional models of selected commercial spots, locating those with effects in speech and with the social impact each ad carries. Denotative and connotative focused analysis diagrams are used as a fundamental tool to describe the elements that constitute inclusion and diversity within advertising creativity. And semi-structured interviews with the creative directors of some advertising agencies coming from the three countries previously mentioned, with the objective of getting to know their intention or objectives regarding the use of this type of campaign.KeywordsAdvertisingInclusionDiversityStereotypesAdvertising creativity
This study is a Critical study that applies Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) principles on a group of national songs. The selected songs are by AbdelHalim Hafez due to the fact that he was known to be ‘the voice of the 1952 revolution’. Narrative analysis and features of involvement analysis are conducted on the selected songs. This study attempts to clarify how ‘the self’ is presented against ‘the other’ in national songs under the Nasery regime, the thesis defines who the self is and who the other is. Moreover, it shows the functions of national songs under the Nasery regime as a method of communicating ideologies to the public. This study, also, traces evolution of CDA theory by reviewing the works of Norman Fairclaugh (1989) and Van Dijk (1994, 1999 a. 1999 b, 2001, and 2006). The discursive recourses of manipulation in national songs are uncovered by applying van Dijk’s (1994) ‘Socio-Cognitive Approach’. The study analyzes the narrative structure that is used in national songs under the Nasery regime, and uncovers the ideologies embedded within. On the subsequent section, features of involvement are analyzed; the social implications of these structures and the ideologies they entail are elucidated. The thesis concludes with the findings of the study and recommendations for further research
This paper examined South African politicians' (re)presentation in Tony Leon’s regular column, On the contrary, which appeared in The Times newspaper from 2012 to 2017. This period in South African politics is made interesting by the fact that it coincides with the time when there was mounting pressure for the then president, Jacob Zuma, of the ruling party, the African National Congress (ANC), to step down, especially between 7 January 2015 and 21 March 2017. Tony Leon, who also once served as a councilor for the Democratic Party (DA), one of the major opposition parties in South Africa is the columnist who at the time authors the on the contrary column. This creates interesting research on how the columnist and the newspaper are able or not to maintain ethical journalism. In conducting the study, this article employs the framing theory and critical discourse analysis (CDA) as research tools to assess the columnists’ objectivity and bias in his depiction of the then president and several prominent politicians during the examined period. Data analysis constitutes six newspaper articles which were purposively selected to obtain a representative sample. The results indicated that these articles were well-researched in respect of the information they presented. At the same time, biased tendencies were noted in favor of the political party aligned to the columnist.
Whereas theoretical and political thought on the existence of ideologies has a long history, fewer focus has been given to their exact nature, socio-cognitive frameworks, discursive replication, and ideological discourse. This article investigates the relation between the structure of discourse and structure of ideology from the socio-cognitive perspective, adopting van Dijk’s (2006, 2008, and 2009) 'sociocognitive' approach. Moreover, ideologies are Ideologies pertain to the concepts and convictions of a group of individuals and the mental character and the psychological studies of ideologies are rare, the aim is to reveal how such cognitive phenomena are interconnected with discourse structures, verbal engagement, communication events and contexts, as well as society structures like dominance and social inequity. In order to understand the structures of discourse and to examine the nature and functions of ideologies in society, the structure of beliefs should be involved in the same way because they interact and subsequently are mutually related into systems. Ideologies' mental characteristics, including their nature as concepts or beliefs their relationship with views and knowledge, and their position as socially shared interpretations, will be discussed. Discourse structures and social structures are of distinct kinds, and the only way to connect them is through language users' mental representations of themselves as individuals and social members
Drawing on Halliday's Theory of Transitivity with language constructs critically examined through van Dijk's Ideological Discourse Analysis, this study determined ideologies in the banner headlines from three selected Philippine daily broadsheets; namely, Philippine Daily Inquirer, The Philippine Star, and Manila Bulletin about President Rodrigo Duterte and his first 100 days in his office. The paper elucidated how these ideologies are created and how social identity is shaped through the linguistic choices of the journalists. Also, the Transitivity analysis of the 80 banner headlines revealed that the broadsheets portrayed the Philippine president as an active agent mostly through the verbal process with circumstances highly related to his duties and responsibilities as a national leader. This observation is supported by the results of Ideological Discourse Analysis revealing the following ideologies as major themes: President Duterte: (1) as a sayer, (2) as a national leader with a strong personality; and (3) his conflicts. These ideologies were found to be constructed through mapping the ideas in the headlines' language domains.
La presente investigación tiene como objetivo central identificar y analizar las temáticas del cine mexicano premiado en festivales internacionales nodales entre 2000 y 2020. El estudio emplea una metodología mixta que combina una búsqueda longitudinal para la conformación de una base de datos histórica sobre películas premiadas mexicanas en festivales internacionales durante dos décadas. La metodología cuantitativa se usa para conocer el número de películas mexicanas premiadas internacionalmente, así como su evolución en el tiempo y sus temáticas durante las décadas de 2000 a 2020, a través de la construcción de una base de datos con fundamento en informes y bases de datos especializadas. El análisis teórico-metodológico de los discursos cinematográficos se realiza con base en los conceptos sobre la violencia desarrollados por Galtung, Foucault, Arendt, Butler, Magnani, Han, así como desde el concepto de estructura del sentimiento de Williams. El estudio revela que un 81% de los premios recibidos por la cinematografía mexicana en festivales internacionales trata sobre un tipo de violencia estructural, directa o cultural, expresadas a través de la violencia de Estado, pobreza y desigualdad, violencia de género, violencia intrafamiliar y la guerra contra el narcotráfico. El cine mexicano que ha participado durante las últimas dos décadas en festivales internacionales nodales, ha experimentado una tendencia progresiva a tratar temas relacionados con la violencia en México y es previsible que siga esta tendencia.
El presente trabajo propone una descripción cualitativa sobre lo que Moscovici denominó representaciones sociales, en torno al concepto de bilingüismo, ya sea que éste conformado por lenguas hegemónicas – español-inglés – o por una lengua indígena –otomí-español–. Los datos se recabaron de estudiantes de sexto de primaria en el Estado de México, por medio de una encuesta sociolingüística y una entrevista semiestructurada; y la información obtenida fue posteriormente revisada en el marco del análisis del discurso.
The war unleashed by Russia in 2022 is widely presented in online versions of English-language
newspapers; Ukraine is constantly in the epicentre of the world news. This study highlights political and
ideological contexts of the war in Ukraine, the sociopolitical and cognitive aspects of news according
to an interdisciplinary approach considering the language as a social practice. The article highlights the
polarization in the presentation of the events and the main actors entitled in the discursive strategies,
representing the dichotomy In- versus Out-group. The study is aimed at the investigation of the ideological
structures and their manifesting linguistic devices in political discourse based on Critical Discourse Analysis
(CDA) of discursive strategies for constructing the images of Ukraine and Russia in the British and American
press. The integrated Critical Discourse Analysis was applied to the research of the news to study the media
discourse and the language, where CDA focuses on social practice, social power and ideology. Political
Discourse Analysis (PDA) is used to research the ideology of war images presented in the language of news
reports. The relevance of this study determined by the aim is to show the main discursive strategies of
polaeization in political media discourse. The research methods of the article combine three vectors of the
analysis by Fairclough with explanatory tools (by van Dijk), and the elements of stylistic analysis and Critical
Metaphor Analysis. The illustrative material was collected by information search and continuous sample
from the open access newspapers and magazines issued in the US and Great Britain (The Daily Mail, The
Financial Times, The Guardian, The Times, The Wall Street Journal, The Washington Post and others).
Conclusion. This research argues that polarisation is being demonstrated in the media discourse on
the war in Ukraine in 2022. The taxonomy of the identified discursive strategies of polarization deployed
in the media political discourse includes labelling, evidentiality, number game, hyperbolism, victimization,
personalization and analogy, that can either be used singly or intervened. The discursive strategy of
evidentiality is applied to authorities, officials, witnesses that are accepted as trustworthy sources of data;
the number game strategy combined with victimization are verbalized by metaphoric simile, metonymy,
enumerating and magnifying the numbers with the modifying adverbs; the strategy of hyperbole conveys
the positive impression of the in-group and negative acts magnification of the out-group verbalized by
metaphor, metonymy, metaphtonymy; the personalization strategy is deployed with the purpose of
foregrounding the positive actions of the in-group that implies negative out-group actions; the strategy
of analogy is applied in the comparison of the war in Ukraine and the struggle of the Ukrainians for their
independence with other historical events. Linguistic means used to realize the discursive strategies of
polarization include the conceptual metaphor, metonymy, simile, idioms, metaphtonymy, intertextual
allusion and personification.
Un grupo de profesores latinoamericanos de variadas disciplinas es convocado para escribir en torno al lenguaje que nos define como seres sociales. Académicos de México, Cuba y Colombia reúnen sus trabajos en temas tan diversos como la migración, las fake news, los cómics o el cine en este tan especial 2020.
In this article, we show that voluntarily inserting devices inside the body is contested and seek to understand why. This article discusses insertables as a source of contestation. To describe and understand the social acceptability, reactions toward, and rhetoric surrounding insertable devices, we examine (i) the technical capabilities of insertable devices (the technical context), (ii) human reactions toward insertables (the social context), and (iii) the regulatory environment. The paper offers explanations to the misperceptions about insertables.
This paper examines the representation of refugees in a non-governmental organisation’s media discourse. This study draws on Critical Discourse Analysis and more specifically Van Dijk’s sociocognitive approach and Conceptual Blending Theory (Fauconnier & Turner 2002) through the focus on the two notions of representation and conceptual blends. The corpus analysed is made up of 331 press releases about the Syrian refugees posted between 2011 and 2021 on the UN High Commissioner for Refugees’ home website. The metaphor identification procedure and a reading of the concordances relating to the Syrian refugees led to the identification of the conceptual blends. Analysis of the conceptual blending networks relating to the Syrian refugees unveils how they are represented in the press releases over a decade. Analysis also reveals the UNHCR’s conceptualisations of ‘the crisis’, the refugees, and other parties. The study also shows that the management of ‘the burden’ reveals the kind of representations backgrounded due to fostering a categorisation of Us and Them instead of Us vs. Them.
A 17 de Julho de 1996 é instituída em Lisboa a Comunidade de Países de Língua Portuguesa. Durante todo o mês de Julho a imprensa de referência portuguesa agenda e tematiza o Acontecimento. Estudar e analisar estes fenómenos de Agenda e Tematização no jornalismo português é objectivo deste artigo tendo em especial atenção o viés interpretativo concedido pelo Jornal, jornalistas e opinadores. Neste sentido, procede-se à identificação dos temas e sub-temas mais tratados, dos protagonistas mais visados e das descrições feitas dos seus respectivos países. A argumentação e a retórica utilizada também são alvo de observação na medida em que se pretende conferir recorrências ou actualizações de uma possível matriz do discurso colonial português. Especial atenção é concedida às matérias “Media, Indústria Cultural, Indústria de Conteúdos, Rádio e Televisão” tratadas com bastante insistência em todos os jornais e sempre fazendo referências à parceria com o Brasil. Para analisar e mapear o percurso desta Agenda e Tematização do mês de Julho, sobre a Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa, faz-se o levantamento das posteriores referências ao longo de cerca de um ano (fim do mês de Maio) e dos temas e sub-temas mais constantes. A atenção recairá, de novo, sobre a matéria “Media...” e sobre o campo simbólico interpretativo.
The background of this research seen from the mass media, especially television, has become a necessity in addressing the perspectives that occur in society. Television can determine the ideology, interests and points of view to influence others. This study aims to describe Najwa Shihab's partisanship, social cognition, and context in the Mata Najwa event at Trans7 regarding the Omnibus Law: Job Creation in Trans7 Model Teun A. Van Dijk. This type of research is qualitative with a Critical Discourse Analysis (AWK) system approach. The data is in the form of speeches from the presenters in the Mata Najwa program with the concept of taking part in the host, whether to the "Pro Team" (to the government), whether to the "contra team" (to non-government) or not taking sides with both (idependent). Results Based on research and discussion, the number of sentences found in the interactive dialogue “kubu” Pro is 35 sentences. Next, the counter “stronghold” reveals 41 sentences. Based on this research, it is clear that in the program hosted by Najwa Shibab, the sentence structure used has an ideology and characteristics that are impartial, independent, and open. This means that based on the sentence issued by the speaker (the presenter) it is below 50%. This means that the media does not take sides with the government, the counter team, or others. This event purely displays polemics and events that occur in society. Meanwhile, the context of the birth of this event cannot be separated from the polemic of the Job Creation Law which has attracted public attention.
Myth as a complex conceptual matrix is proved to be not a relic of the past but a viable tool for cognising the world, organising knowledge, and mediating it. Myth has always played a vital role in forming national identities; some authors even claimed that contemporary politics “goes on at a mythic level” (Singer 2014: i). However, the possible limits of myth transformation and the typical transformations have not been addressed from the cognitive linguistic perspective.This chapter addresses the historical practices the myth got exploited in different periods of crisis and shifts providing examples from British and American history. The myth about King Arthur is shown to be easily filled with new relevant content to be used as a political tool. The chapter further analyses how the Arthurian myth got actualised in contemporary media discourse. British press devoted to a political crisis in the UK (Brexit) in 2016–2020 is scrutinised through the cognitive-linguistic methodology. We single out four stages the myth got reactualized in. For each stage, we define the cognitive mechanisms of representing various characters and artefacts of the famous myth as well as the linguistic tools making the models suggested by a myth more vivid. We have chosen the following newspapers: “The Guardian”, “The Times”, “Independent”, “BBC”, “Telegraph” as major sources, yet other sources we resort to as well when necessary.We traced how the Holy Grail metaphor first appeared as a description of some critical cornerstone idea before the referendum and how the positive background of the idiom was changed to a negative one. Next, references to the famous film “Monty Python and the Holy grail” were found to be used in Brexit discourse, and, finally, the myth of King Arthur became actualised. The conceptual possibility for a new leader of the country to be searched for was created. The peak was reached when the British nation reacted to another film based on Arthurian motives—“The kid who would be king” (2019), where the old myth was successfully transferred to a contemporary reality and old concepts mediated through modern realia. Advertised as a film for children, it introduced an ironic interpretation of the most important mythological elements (such as the appearance of Excalibur’s sword in the bathroom or the use of a Google Translate for the Latin language). It had an undoubting educational potential (to be a good friend, not offend the weak). Yet, it was clearly understood as a message against Brexit by the adult audience.Linguistic and conceptual analysis reveals how the myth is gradually updated, manipulated, and actualised to interpret, augment, and potentially even transform reality. The myth about King Arthur is quickly filled with novel, relevant content and still determines the Anglo-Saxon identity and the formation of a national ideology. In this case, the myth about King Arthur serves as a marker of crisis and could model potential ways out of it.KeywordsKnowledgeDiscourseMythBrexitKing ArthurConceptualizationCognitive mechanismKnowledge mediationCognitive mechanismsConceptual matrix
El propósito de este trabajo es analizar las estrategias lingüísticas presentes en la comunicación empresarial de carácter público a través de dos corpus de textos emitidos por dos empresas españolas de gran relevancia internacional y accesibles a través de su web o de otros medios digitales, combinado las perspectivas computacional y psicolingüística. En cuanto a la primera, hemos sometido estos textos a tratamiento automatizado para obtener datos de frecuencia absoluta y relativa, con el objetivo de delimitar los mecanismos de selección y combinación léxicas dominantes. Respecto a la segunda, nos detendremos en la correlación de los datos obtenidos con los procesos neurocognitivos implicados en la producción lingüística, y atendiendo a su productividad en la comunicación pública.
Artykuł przedstawia możliwości analizy dyskursu w oparciu o socjologiczną teorię Pierre’a Bourdieu. Zestawiając tę perspektywę z innymi ujęciami, które zbiorczo określa się mianem krytycznej analizy dyskursu (KAD), wyodrębniono wątki, które mogą znaleźć szczególne zastosowanie przy badaniu różnego rodzaju tekstów zarówno pisanych, jak i mówionych. Dotyczy to w równej mierze procesów produkcji, jak i recepcji poszczególnych dyskursów. Kluczowym kierunkiem dociekań w tym względzie powinno być poszukiwanie znaturalizowanych kategorii organizujących ramy dyskursów i kształtujących subiektywne schematy ich percepcji. Równie ważne jest zlokalizowanie i zrekonstruowanie pól społecznych, gdyż pozostają one fundamentalnymi przestrzeniami produkcji symbolicznej. Analiza pól oraz relacji między nimi pozwala ponadto na zupełnie nowe podejście do centralnego tematu KAD-u, jakim jest analiza intertekstualna.
This study aims to describe the position of Najwa Shihab at the Mata Najwa event on Trans7. This qualitative research uses the descriptive method. The results showed the forms of pronouns for the contra and pro camps. This finding explains in detail and in total the ideology, position, and characteristics of the Mata Najwa event on Trans7. Najwa is neutral and has no political interests.Penelitian bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan posisi Najwa Shihab pada acara Mata Najwa di Trans7. Penelitian kualitatif ini menggunakan metode deskriptif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa bentuk kata ganti kubu kontra dan kubu pro. Temuan ini menjelaskan secara rinci dan utuh terkait: ideologi, posisi, dan karakteristik acara Mata Najwa di Trans7. Najwa bersifat netral dan tidak memiliki kepentingan politik.
Un grupo de profesores latinoamericanos de variadas disciplinas es convocado para escribir en torno al lenguaje que nos define como seres sociales. Académicos de México, Cuba y Colombia reúnen sus trabajos en temas tan diversos como la migración, las fake news, los cómics o el cine en este tan especial 2020.
La recopilación se hace en un momento en el que experimentamos la separación física provocada por la necesidad del confinamiento de una pandemia sin vacuna, pero que la vivimos más conectados que nunca. Antes que nos pidieran quedarnos en nuestras casas los habitantes de esta región nos habíamos apropiado del nuevo espacio resultante de la existencia de un espacio consolidado en torno a las redes sociales y los dispositivos móviles. Dos tecnologías que, al combinarse, habían iniciado un cambio equivalente al que la humanidad vivió en su momento con el surgimiento de la escritura, primero, y de la imprenta, después.
Cuando la gente enciende las pantallas de sus teléfonos se comunican personas. Muchos rechazan los dispositivos y hablan de adicción a los mismos, olvidando que para nosotros estas máquinas son cada vez más transparentes y lo que tenemos delante es la imagen de personas compartiendo ese momento significativo con los suyos. Tras los violentos estallidos que se dieron en cada rincón del mundo durante
2019, incluyendo ciudades de nuestro continente, se dejó de seguir cuestionando la centralidad de las comunicaciones. La revista New Yorker en el último número de dicho año describió las explosiones sociales como “un pronunciado cambio en el panorama global de la disidencia. La gente en más países está usando el poder popular
más que en ningún otro momento de la historia. Los movimientos sin armas son el principal desafío que enfrentan los gobiernos hoy en día”. Ese artículo confirma la centralidad de la tecnología como aceleración de la organización y eficiencia de las protestas del 2019.
En los años sesenta se protestaba coordinados por teléfono y panfletos, en 2011 aparecieron los móviles tradicionales y las redes sociales, en especial Twitter y Facebook, pero fue recién el año pasado cuando aplicaciones encriptadas como Telegram permitieron espacios seguros y un grado tal de anonimato que incluso dejó de ser necesaria la convocatoria del líder que moviliza. En el cercano 2011, caracterizado por otra ola de protestas internacionales, el fenómeno de las redes no alcanzaba en nuestros países siquiera a 30% de la población. En el caso chileno ya en 2017 el acceso a la Internet superó 90%, no obstante que la penetración de computadores no había cambiado prácticamente nada en esta década. Mientras en Chile en 2014 existían menos de 50 mil dispositivos móviles inteligentes, actualmente casi todos sus habitantes están confinados con dispositivos 4G de última generación.
Manuel Castells, en noviembre pasado, en plena explosión social de Santiago, aseguró que ahora toda la política habita en las comunicaciones, fue fácil adelantar que lo mismo ocurriría pronto con todos los otros grandes temas: emprendimiento, sanidad, seguridad, entre otros. Los que no lo entendieron entonces luego con la universalización de la pandemia no tuvieron más remedio que asumir que el éxito de las políticas para enfrentarla estaba completamente condicionado con la capacidad de comunicación de los gobiernos y sus gobernados. La conclusión de Castells sobre las explosiones sociales había sido que aunque el disparador variaba de país en
país, la demanda siempre fue la misma: la dignidad. “Los ciudadanos ya no tienen confianza en sus parlamentarios ni en sus gobiernos, tampoco en sus presidentes. Hay un rechazo unánime de todos los partidos, no son considerados legítimos ni viables... la gente no puede más y explota. Y explota en algunos lugares con violencia limitada, en otros, con violencia más extrema”.
Yubal Hoha Harari nos recuerda por otro lado que la claridad se ha convertido en la mayor fuente de poder y expresarse con claridad será cada vez más determinante. Los débiles que hasta ahora han sido explotados, hoy deben evitar convertirse en sujetos irrelevantes a los que ni se revisen sus currículums en la búsqueda de empleo ni se consideren sus puntos de vista para la toma de decisiones políticas.
En este contexto se revaloriza la apuesta de este libro en torno al lenguaje. El actual ceo del New York Times, Mark Thompson, dice que “cuando las palabras se corrompen, la comunidad se desintegra”, aludiendo a una frase de Confucio que confirma que las palabras importan mucho más en este contexto. Hoy más que nunca los profesionales universitarios que trabajamos en torno al lenguaje debemos asegurarnos de que todos los graduados aprendan a escribir y analizar las diferentes formas de comunicación: lo que este libro busca garantizar.
Fuentes de información:
Castells, Manuel (2019). La crisis de la democracia liberal en el mundo. 30 de junio de 2020, Centro de Estudios Públicos (cep). Recuperado de: https://www.cepchile.cl/cep/noticias/notas-de-prensa/la-crisis-de-la-democracia-liberal-enel-mundo
Thompson, Mark (2016). Enough said: what’s gone wrong with the language of politics? EUA: St. Martin’s Press.
Wright, Robin (2019). The story of 2019: protests in every corner of the globe. 17 de junio de 2020, en The New Yorker. Recuperado de: https://www.newyorker.com/news/our-columnists/the-story-of-2019-protests-in-every-corner-of-the-globe
Eduardo Arriagada Cardini
Facultad de Comunicaciones
Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any references for this publication.