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The Middle East and the Theory of Conflict
... De acuerdo con Cécile Mouly (2022), Johan Galtung (1971), inspirado en los postulados de la tríada acuñada por la Academia Internacional de la Paz -establecimiento de la paz, mantenimiento de la paz y construcción de paz-, formuló el concepto de construcción de paz, comprendido como un proceso para alcanzar no sólo la paz negativa o la superación de la guerra, sino la paz positiva (Jaime, Gómez y Jaramillo, 2020), entendida como algo más allá de la ausencia de guerra. Con esta aparece la propuesta multidimensional de violencia directa, estructural y cultural, y en contraste las dimensiones de la paz positiva -paz directa, estructural y cultural-. ...
Este artículo hace una revisión integrativa que analiza la producción científica sobre la construcción de paz territorial en Colombia. Mediante los descriptores «construcción de paz» y «paz territorial» se accedió a las bases de datos Dialnet y Ebsco y se seleccionaron 84 textos publicados entre 2015 y 2021. Las tendencias conceptuales sobre la paz territorial se sintetizaron en tres premisas: i) para comprender la paz territorial prevalecen las perspectivas teóricas, liberal y crítica, aunque en Colombia toma fuerza la perspectiva decolonial; ii) conceptualizar la paz territorial implica entender las prácticas y discursos que actores institucionales y de base comunitaria despliegan en la cotidianidad a favor de su construcción; y iii) la paz territorial es una expresión compuesta que requiere comprender las nociones de paz y territorio. La paz también es un proceso político y dinámico que se articula a planes de vida digna, busca que los territorios recuperen las funciones colectivas perdidas a causa de la guerra, para lo cual resulta oportuno la intersección y movilización por parte de las comunidades de su imaginación moral y geográfica.
... Desde la perspectiva de la teoría del conflicto se entiende que el peso principal para la resolución del problema recae sobre los actores directos (Galtung, 1971: 200, nota 1); si bien algunos autores proponen la participación de una tercera parte neutral que puede servir para la mediación o negociación, que sería el papel de las Naciones Unidas o EEUU, por ejemplo. Desde la perspectiva de la violencia escolar, los roles sí se definen con más precisión, y se mencionan dos tipos de implicados, los agresores y las víctimas en relación asimétrica y de desequilibrio, quienes ejecutan los actos agresivos y quienes desgraciadamente los padecen. ...
La situación de Oriente Próximo entre Israel y Palestina es denominada generalmente como el “conflicto israelí-palestino”, perspectiva que se ha desarrollado al aplicar la teoría general del conflicto a la relación entre Israel y sus vecinos árabes, especialmente
los palestinos. Desde esta perspectiva adoptada en los años 70 desde el marco de las investigaciones por la paz, se ha desarrollado una intervención basada en la “resolución de conflictos”, es decir, definiendo unos actores y buscando una solución integral denominada “proceso de paz”.
Nos preguntamos si las consecuencias de todas estas negociaciones tienen que ver con el marco de estudio donde estas soluciones se han generado. Desde la psicología, especialmente clínica y educativa, la veracidad de un buen análisis es crucial para el diseño de intervenciones exitosas. Nos planteamos si el marco de la teoría del conflicto es el más adecuado para describir las relaciones entre Israel y Palestina, o por el contrario disponemos en el ámbito de la psicología de otros modelos que puedan orientar mejor a hacer otro análisis y consecuentemente proponer otras intervenciones.
... The principles of conflict resolution have spread into a wide range of other disciplines, such as personnel management. Galtung (1971) identified three key stages of conflict resolution: (1) peace keeping (the dissociate approach) by which the two sides to the conflict withdraw from the arena; (2) peace building (the associative approach) where symbiosis is developed; and (3) peace making (conflict resolution). The tools for maintaining each stage have to be economic and social incentives, and some viable threats should the agreement reached in Stage I will be violated (Figure 2.1). ...
Este livro é um registro dos estudos que perpassam o Grupo de Pesquisa “Cultura de Paz, Direitos Humanos e Sustentabilidade” da Universidade Estadual de Ponta Grossa, Paraná. O grupo foi formado no início de 2018, reunindo profissionais de diversas áreas dispostos a ampliar as reflexões específicas de seus campos de intervenção e alongar as discussões sobre estes. No final deste mesmo ano publicamos o primeiro livro, disponibilizando a produção inicial do coletivo.
It is my contention that the concepts which hide behind the terms constituting the title of this essay, have many traits in common and to a large extent deal with the same problem.
This, however, is not sufficiently admitted. Further theoretical and philosophical clarification is overdue.
In the first place the theorist in each field finds it difficult to confess to what extent the prevailing terminology is misleading; the more so because in spite of defective terminology he is—in a general way—in agreement with his fellow-specialists as to the object of their study.
In the second place the theorist in each field, finding it hard enough to follow the torrent of literature in his chosen specialty, tends to neglect developments in fields which however closely interrelated are considered to be distinct.
the word ‘conflict’ is usually used with reference to countries where there is politically motivated violence, internally or internationally, and where several parties (e.g. states, communities, political parties or groups) are involved in acting out their disagreement using violence.
The transgenders, known as Hijra’s (Eunuchs), in India have been one of the marginalised sections of society and have remained outside the dominant discourse of marginality. The problem becomes more compounded if they are involved in sex work. The present paper focuses on the violence faced by the Hijra community involved in sex work, with a case study from Hyderabad and Secunderabad. Hijra’s are physiological males who have feminine gender identity, adopt feminine gender roles and wear women’s clothing and, a large number of them are into sex work. Historically, sex workers have been portrayed variously as purveyors of disease, social evils and public nuisance. Traditionally, sex work is seen as a female occupation and majority of the academic studies and policy reports focus on girls and women in the sex industry, particularly on street-based sex workers which emphasises a specific range of issues and problems. However, this does not include the men and the transgender group who sell sex and constitute a large section of the sex industry. The present paper analyses the lives of fifty Hijra’s involved in sex work and looks at the physical, emotional and psychological violence faced by them in the day-to-day life. The focus of this paper is to summarise the various issues faced by Hijra’s by using the social exclusion framework, and highlight the relation between this exclusion and vulnerability. We conclude by showing how the Hijra identity is rooted in a multiplicity of social differences; that their sexual identities are fluid, shifting and multivalent; and that lived experiences and narratives of the Hijra’s of Hyderabad show that just being a eunuch is enough for the kind of violence that they face in their day-to-day lives.
When Leonard Nelson referred to ‘Friedfertigkeit’, in or about 1917,1 the word was not new. We find it, for example, in Muret-Sanders ‘Smaller’ edition for home and school of the encyclopaedic German-English dictionary of 1902.2 The translation is given there as ‘peaceableness’,3 just as in Norbert Guterman’s translation of Nelson’s System of Ethics.4 Quite apart from the question whether the German ‘friedfertig’ has not connotations which are different from the English ‘peaceable’, to which I will refer a little later, it should be noted that Nelson was not satisfied with simply using the term ‘friedfertig’, but found it necessary to qualify the word. In the first place Nelson drew attention to the fact that the duty to be ‘friedfertig’ means deference to the justified (I repeat and underline: justified) interests of others.5 This conspicuous reference to the duty of deference to ‘justified interests’ alluded to philosophical aspects of peace research neglected by the bulk of recent peace research, especially by trends which are led astray into the labyrinth of quasi-structural analysis, not probing beyond the superficial demonstration of so-called ‘structural violence’ (see under III hereafter). Moreover, Nelson has drawn a sharp distinction between ‘Friedfertigkeit’, an ideal worth striving for — at least if defined as Nelson has done — and ‘tolerance’, seen by Nelson — or at least circumscribed by him — in the sense of indiscriminate toleration of existing conditions by people who have lost ethical fighting spirit and personal involvement. Tolerance thus defined is almost equated with indifference.
When Julius Stone published his monumental Legal Controls of International Conflict just over a quarter of a century ago, the dangerous and by now thoroughly abused expression ‘peace research’ was practically unknown. Indeed, only the same year, 1954, the Institute for Social Research, Oslo, published three essays, and a review of the contributions to its cautiously worded contest for papers on ‘the relevance of research to the problems of peace’, under the perhaps less cautiously worded title Research for Peace.1 That Institute — not to be confused with the International Peace Research Institute which Johan Galtung was later to establish in the same city, even though the latter Institute first took shape under the ‘institutional umbrella’ of the former2 — is certainly not to be blamed for the subsequent frightening vogue which led to the birth of a numerous tribe of ‘peace researchers’, peace research institutes or foundations and publications.
War demands that scholars and policymakers use victory in precise and coherent terms to communicate what the state seeks to achieve in war. The historic failure to define victory in consistent terms has contributed to confused debates when societies consider whether to wage war. This volume explores the development of a theoretical narrative or language of victory to help scholars and policymakers define carefully and precisely what they mean and to thereby achieve a deeper understanding of victory as the foundation of strategy in the modern world.
En este artículo se analiza el caso de los moriscos en España y el caso de los palestinos en Israel desde la perspectiva de las “prácticas sociales genocidas”, que nos ofrece un marco de análisis habitualmente utilizado en el estudio del holocausto. La importancia de este análisis se centra en el proceso, que transcurre por unas fases que le dan una planificación, sistematización e intencionalidad, que se suponen terminan con éxito la tarea: la exterminación de una parte importante de la población.
There is extensive literature on the causes of war and conditions for peace, but as yet no agreement on why countries go to war, why internal violence occurs and how internal and external conflicts might be interconnected or give rise to common dynamics or dilemmas. The present study intends to investigate the variables affecting the probability of domestic and international conflict and the interactions between them using a system dynamic model. It proposes extensions to an existing conflict model in the literature along several dimensions, e.g., impacts of regime type, income distribution, assertiveness of the military and dyadic interaction between countries. Conducting simulation experiments with this model lets the analysts explore the dynamic behavior and scenarios that result from any change in any of the factors. The model may serve as a useful learning tool for decision-makers, e.g., governments in assessing defense and foreign policies, and company executives in foreign direct investment decisions in different regions of the world. The simulation is run between Turkey and Greece, since Turkey and Greece are the center of attention within the context of the EU enlargement process. One of the simulation results indicate that an international military conflict between Turkey and Greece is highly unlikely in the future, unless both countries increase their military budgets much above the levels in 2000.
The intractable Middle East conflict is examined from the prism of `ethnic' conflict resolution. The resolution of conflicts between states and ethnonationalist movements (placed under fourteen different headings) is distinguished into `denial' solutions and `acceptance' solutions - policies that accept the other side as a people apart and as an interlocuteur valable. Denial policies are by definition non-negotiable. They need to be enforced. As a result, they are unlikely to resolve conflicts that are basically ethnic, such as the one of the Middle East, particularly under present circumstances of world-wide ethnic assertiveness. Only acceptance solutions may lead to a process of conflict resolution through negotiations between the two main parties concerned, in this case the State of Israel and the PLO. To the extent that states and ethnonationalist movements are implacably irredentist, they cannot present the other side to a conflict with other than non-negotiable denial policies. Ten problems are identified as instrumental for the Middle East impasse and suggestions are made as to how they can be settled. They are the objective (zero-sum) conflict of interest, conflict attitudes, the domestic factor, the positive functions of the conflict, ethnonationalism, the asymmetry between state and revolutionary movement, the role of the superpowers, the religious-cultural dimension, regional expansionism and the regional arms race.
An interpretation is made of Akamatsu Kaname's theory of the flying geese pattern of development, launched in Japan during the 1930s. This theory explains how an undeveloped country can become developed relatively quickly. The undeveloped country adopts suitable labour-intensive industries from more developed countries. It produces first for the home market, but starts to export as soon as the industries have grown strong enough. Initially, products are simple, crude and cheap, but gradually the level of quality is elevated. The procedure is repeated over and over again, leading to a rapid process of national economic development. In Japanese postwar industrial policy, certain industries were designated as `sunrise' industries: these were imported from more advanced countries, and received state support. Older industries which were losing their comparative advantage were designated as `sunset' industries; state support was withdrawn, and they moved to less developed Asian countries. During the 1950s and 1960s there emerged the idea that Japan should use the phenomenon to support the other Asian countries in their development. In 1965 came the proposal for a Pacific Free Trade Area (PAFTA), as a nucleus for enhancing Asian Pacific trade, development, and economic integration. PAFTA never materialized, but various discussion fora, such as the Pacific Economic Cooperation Conferences (PECC) and the Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) conferences, were later formed on the basis of the proposal.
The article is an attempt to evaluate structurally different types of solution proposals to the Palestine conflict. These types are named 'Greater Israel', 'canton state', 'separate states' and 'Palestine'. The basic question concerns which of them is most likely to promote a durable settlement. Four hypotheses based on conflict research are applied as a gauge in the solution assessment. The hypotheses assume that a durable solution is more likely if (1) the parties' subjective conflict definitions are employed in a proposal, (2) if a proposal regulates basic and/or indivisible values, (3) if a proposal is realized at a low military level and (4) if a proposal promotes the realization of Human Rights. Of the solution proposals, the 'Separate states' proposal is most often in accordance with the assumptions of conditions for a durable settlement, and is thus the most promising proposal for a durable solution. 'Greater Israel', which is similar to the official Israeli interpretation of the Camp David Agreement, seems to have the lowest probability as a durable solution in comparison to the three others.
In the decade since the Six-Day War of June 1967, a multitude of peace plans and procedural formulas for the resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict have been advanced by governments, international organizations, private groups, and individuals. No other international dispute has inspired so many and variegated suggestions on how to proceed toward its settlement. Particularly prolific in ideas have been private sources, which, unlike national governments and their officials, are not fettered by the requirements of diplomatic bargaining or the burdens of political responsibility. The apparent intractability of the complex of problems and issues that have come to be collectively known as The Middle East Conflict, while generally acknowledged, has not dampened the ardor of would be peace-makers. To the contrary, academics and retired diplomats, journalists and jurists, think tanks and study groups have found it a spur to their imagination and a challenge to their ingenuity. The result has been an outpour of literally hundreds of proposals in varying degrees of comprehensiveness and originality, scattered over the pages of books, scholarly journals, popular magazines and the daily press of the Middle East, Europe and North America.
Having quantitatively grown so fast, peace research urgently needs to clarify its research object and to dissociate itself from other approaches. A discussion of theory is not luxury. The international system, with its threat of total or partial destruction which provides the general framework of peace research, must be recognized as a phenomenon of recent history. It is the pro duct of the Industrial Revolution and the capitalist mode of production. Retracing this system to its historic genesis enables us to expose the roots from which the decisive conflict potential of modern times - the modern state, the arms race, the discrepancy between rich and poor countries, non-capitalist countries as components of the capitalist world system - have developed. Unless we reduce historically conflicts of the moment to their recent contemporary structure rooted in the capitalist revolution, peace research will only be able to cure symptoms. Today we are historically still in the epoch of the capitalist revolution of the (European) 17th and 18th centuries. It must be transcended, overcome, if we are to create conditions for the possibilities of circumstances in which conflicts are no longer warlike, i.e. mediated by states but rather articula ted and carried out as social conflicts by the agents directly concerned.
Peer Reviewed http://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/66817/2/10.1177_002200277201600211.pdf
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