Article

Marriage and Divorces Impact on Wealth

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Abstract

What impact do marriage and divorce have on wealth? US data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY79), which tracks individuals in their 20s, 30s and early 40s, show that over time single respondents slowly increase their net worth. Married respondents experience per person net worth increases of 77 percent over single respondents. Additionally, their wealth increases on average 16 percent for each year of marriage. Divorced respondents’ wealth starts falling four years before divorce and they experience an average wealth drop of 77 percent. While in percentage terms divorce hurts women more than men, the absolute difference is relatively small in the US.

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... This paper examines the association between marital dissolution and wealth, and adds to the existing literature in two ways. First, previous wealth-related divorce research has commonly conceptualized marital dissolution as a single point-in-time event by focusing solely on divorce (i.e., the legal dissolution of a marriage) (e.g., Zagorsky, 2005). This may be oversimplistic as a large number of European countries including Germany-the study's country context-commonly only permit legal divorce after a substantial separation period (i.e., division of the couple household into two separate households). ...
... Second, due to a lack of comprehensive personal-level wealth data, previous research examined the association between marital dissolution and household-level wealth measures. For comparability reasons, household wealth was commonly divided in two for married couples (i.e., per capita wealth) and compared to single-headed households' wealth levels after divorce (e.g., Zagorsky, 2005). Such an approach seemed valid for previous studies that commonly focused on the United States, where marital property regimes favor an equal division of all resources (Voena, 2015). ...
... Thus increased income may partially or fully be used to cover these costs, which dampens wealth accumulation. Previous research focused solely on unpartnered divorcees and found no substantial effect for time since divorce on per capita net worth (Zagorsky, 2005). As the likelihood to remarry is the highest within the first 5 years after separation, and 50% of divorcees are remarried after 6 years (Jaschinski, 2011), these results may have neglected a large proportion of remarried divorcees. ...
Article
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Objective This study examined potentially gendered net worth changes over the marital dissolution process, starting up to 3 years prior to separation and continuing up to 15 years postdivorce. Background Incipient literature showed steep wealth declines for men and women associated with divorce, treating marital dissolution as a single point‐in‐time event. These findings may be limiting as legal regulations and divorce‐stress‐adjustment research conceptualize marital dissolution as a process that lasts several years. Method Using fixed effects regression models, we analyzed changes in personal net worth as well as changes in personal net housing worth and financial net worth of individuals whose marriages dissolved between 2002 and 2017. Analyses used comprehensive wealth data from the German Socio‐Economic Panel study. Results Although wealth declines commenced prior to separation, separation was the most critical point with 82% and 76% reductions in personal wealth of men and women, respectively. Divorce did not pose additional wealth penalties, but wealth was also not recovered in years after divorce. The lasting separation penalty was mainly driven by declines in housing wealth and a lack of financial wealth recovery. Overall, both men and women experienced dramatic relative wealth declines with negligible gender differences. Predicted wealth levels, however, indicated that men may be in a financially better position compared to women due to higher preseparation wealth levels. Conclusion Results illustrated important variations in personal wealth measures over the marital dissolution process, which may drive lasting wealth inequalities, particularly with regard to housing wealth for both men and women.
... This paper examines the association between marital dissolution and wealth, and adds to the existing literature in two ways. First, previous wealth-related divorce research has commonly conceptualized marital dissolution as a single point-in-time event by focusing solely on divorce (i.e., the legal dissolution of a marriage) (e.g., Zagorsky, 2005). This may be oversimplistic as a large number of European countries including Germany-the study's country context-commonly only permit legal divorce after a substantial separation period (i.e., division of the couple household into two separate households). ...
... Second, due to a lack of comprehensive personal-level wealth data, previous research examined the association between marital dissolution and household-level wealth measures. For comparability reasons, household wealth was commonly divided in two for married couples (i.e., per capita wealth) and compared to single-headed households' wealth levels after divorce (e.g., Zagorsky, 2005). Such an approach seemed valid for previous studies that commonly focused on the United States, where marital property regimes favor an equal division of all resources (Voena, 2015). ...
... Thus increased income may partially or fully be used to cover these costs, which dampens wealth accumulation. Previous research focused solely on unpartnered divorcees and found no substantial effect for time since divorce on per capita net worth (Zagorsky, 2005). As the likelihood to remarry is the highest within the first 5 years after separation, and 50% of divorcees are remarried after 6 years (Jaschinski, 2011), these results may have neglected a large proportion of remarried divorcees. ...
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Objective This study examined potentially gendered net worth changes over the marital dissolution process, starting up to 3 years prior to separation and continuing up to 15 years postdivorce. Background Incipient literature showed steep wealth declines for men and women associated with divorce, treating marital dissolution as a single point-in-time event. These findings may be limiting as legal regulations and divorce-stress-adjustment research conceptualize marital dissolution as a process that lasts several years. Method Using fixed effects regression models, we analyzed changes in personal net worth as well as changes in personal net housing worth and financial net worth of individuals whose marriages dissolved between 2002 and 2017. Analyses used comprehensive wealth data from the German Socio-Economic Panel study. Results Although wealth declines commenced prior to separation, separation was the most critical point with 82% and 76% reductions in personal wealth of men and women, respectively. Divorce did not pose additional wealth penalties, but wealth was also not recovered in years after divorce. The lasting separation penalty was mainly driven by declines in housing wealth and a lack of financial wealth recovery. Overall, both men and women experienced dramatic relative wealth declines with negligible gender differences. Predicted wealth levels, however, indicated that men may be in a financially better position compared to women due to higher preseparation wealth levels. Conclusion Results illustrated important variations in personal wealth measures over the marital dissolution process, which may drive lasting wealth inequalities, particularly with regard to housing wealth for both men and women.
... First, previous research often conceptualizes marriage as a life-course transition with instantaneous and uniform consequences over time. Studies either implicitly assume that marriage has an immediate and time-constant effect on wealth (e.g., Addo and Lichter, 2013;Lersch, 2017)-which Cheng (2016) calls the static approach-or studies assume that wealth grows linearly with time in marriage (e.g., Zagorsky, 2005;Grabka, Marcus and Sierminska, 2015;Frech, Painter and Vespa, 2017). We argue that previous literature does not sufficiently consider the dynamic nature of marriage as a 'long-term life course experience' (Cheng, 2016: p. 30) because the transition into marriage only marks the beginning of a process which continues to shape both spouses' life courses in multiple and potentially non-linear ways. 1 Thus, considering how marriage unfolds as a process over the life course allows a more thorough understanding of how marriage may affect the accumulation of personal wealth. ...
... Previous research shows that never-married (single and cohabiting) individuals have less household wealth than the married. The dissolution of marriage either due to the death of a partner or through separation and divorce is found to be negatively associated with household wealth (e.g., Zick and Holden, 2000;Wilmoth and Koso, 2002;Zagorsky, 2005). This marriage wealth premium varies between wealth components with a larger premium for housing assets than for non-housing assets (Addo and Lichter, 2013). ...
... A study by Schmidt and Sevak (2006) suggests that the marriage wealth premium may only emerge at a later stage of the marriage, but this finding may be driven by cohort differences. Several other studies find a positive association between household wealth and time spent married suggesting that the marriage wealth premium may increase over time (Zagorsky, 2005;Frech et al., 2017). However, these studies mostly assume a linear growth of household wealth over the course of the marriage. ...
Article
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This study examines the accumulation of personal wealth of husbands and wives and investigates the development of within-couple wealth inequalities over time in marriage. Going beyond previous research that mostly studied the marriage wealth premium using household-level wealth data and that conceptualized marriage as an instantaneous transition with uniform consequences over time, we argue that entry into marriage is a gendered life-course event that dynamically shapes husbands' and wives' wealth accumulation. Using high-quality data from the German SocioEconomic Panel Study (2002, 2007, 2012, and 2017), we apply fixed-effects regression models to describe wealth accumulation within marriage. We find evidence that wealth premiums are lower during early years of marriage , but increase steadily thereafter. The premium is mostly concentrated in housing wealth. Results from supplementary analyses with limited data, however, suggest that the premium may not be causal for men. Regarding within-couple wealth inequalities, we find a pronounced within-couple wealth gap prior to marriage during premarital cohabitation. This gap remains stable over time in marriage. In contrast to findings regarding income, our study indicates that the institution of marriage may not amplify within-couple wealth inequalities further.
... I thereby expand on an incipient body of US research that found that marital dissolution is associated with substantially lower household or percapita wealth (e.g. Zagorsky, 2005;Zissimopoulos, Karney, & Rauer, 2015). These studies, however, almost exclusively used cross-sectional data and static theories, although the processes linking marital dissolution and wealth are likely dynamic, with important wealth-related processes taking place before and after marital separation and divorce. ...
... To the best of my knowledge, only two studies have been published to date that use longitudinal data to examine the association between marital dissolution and household-level wealth. Based on annual wealth data from the US National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY79) and time series regressions, Zagorsky (2005) found that divorce from the first marriage is associated with a 77 percentage point decline in log-transformed per capita wealth 7 compared to years when respondents were single and never married. In comparison, entering the first marriage is associated with a 93 percentage point increase in per capita wealth. ...
... In comparison, entering the first marriage is associated with a 93 percentage point increase in per capita wealth. Upon further analysis, Zagorsky (2005) did not find substantial gender differences in the relative wealth declines associated with divorce based on gender interactions, although his descriptive results indicated slightly larger absolute median wealth declines for divorced women than divorced men. ...
Thesis
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Amid a rising importance of private wealth and historically high divorce rates, this thesis investigates the association between marital dissolution and personal wealth of men and women in Germany. To address shortcomings in previous research, I build on the life course framework and apply state-of-the-art statistical methods using longitudinal personal-level wealth data from the German Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP). Results highlight substantial immediate dissolution-related wealth penalties for men but particularly women with lasting economic repercussions for the majority of divorcees. This can have flow-on effects on divorcees’ and, by implication, their children’s social participation, welfare reliance, or social network.
... Although people often have good reasons for divorcing, the disadvantages are well documented (Amato, 2000). They include financial hardship, decreased standard of living, less wealth (Zagorsky, 2005), health problems (Joung et al., 1997), and mental health issues (Öngider, 2011). These negative consequences might be even more pertinent to the situation of migrants. ...
... This transition might extrapolate to remarriage as well, resulting in a low prevalence of second marriages, as we already observe amongst native Belgians (Corijn, 2012;Corijn & Van Peer, 2013). However, an important distinct element in the dynamics of partner choice in remarriage is that a new partner might protect, conscious or not, against the negative repercussions accompanying divorce such as financial hardship, decreased standard of living, less wealth (Ross, 1995;Zagorsky, 2005), health problems (Joung et al., 1997), and mental health issues (Öngider, 2011;Ghaffarzadeh & Nazari, 2012). Although the negative consequences are applicable to any divorcing person, they might be even more pertinent to the situations of people of migrant background, given their generally more strained socio-economic positions relative to non-migrants (Corluy & Verbist, 2010). ...
... for remedying some of the negative consequences of divorce. For example, after divorce, people often experience mental health problems (Öngider, 2011;Ghaffarzadeh & Nazari, 2012), have more physical health problems (Joung et al., 1997), experience greater social isolation (Peters & Liefbroer, 1997), have a lower standard of living, and are less wealthy (Ross, 1995;Zagorsky, 2005). ...
... Because these economic losses are greater for women (Andreß et al., 2006;DiPrete & McManus, 2000;Van Damme et al., 2008), union dissolution is a factor that contributes to gender inequality in household income. What is missing from this relatively large body of literature Journal of Marriage and Family (2020) on the economic consequences of union dissolution is what happens with men's and women's household wealth after separation or divorce (exceptions are Addo & Lichter, 2013;Painter, Frech, & Williams, 2015;Wilmoth & Koso, 2002;Zagorsky, 2005). ...
... It is important to include wealth in the study of the economic consequences of union dissolution for several reasons. First, union dissolution is a potential driver behind wealth inequality between individuals (Zagorsky, 2005). Second, accumulated wealth can be employed to cushion the impact of separation on a person's standard of living (Killewald, Pfeffer, & Schachner, 2017). ...
... A handful of studies has documented how wealth relates to separation or divorce from marriage in the United States, without paying much attention to gender differences (Addo & Lichter, 2013;Halpern-Manners, Warren, Raymo, & Nicholson, 2015;Painter et al., 2015;Wilmoth & Koso, 2002;Zagorsky, 2005). These studies have generally examined levels of household wealth depending on individuals' partnership trajectories experienced in the past (with the exception of the analysis of changes over time performed by Zagorsky, 2005). ...
Article
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Objective To document how changes in household wealth following the dissolution of marriage and cohabitation differ by gender in Germany. Background Marital property regimes usually prescribe that both partners receive a share of the couple's wealth following a divorce. The dissolution of cohabiting unions is not governed by marital property regimes in most countries, including Germany. Because men, on average, legally own a larger share of couple wealth than women, gender differences in household wealth might be more pronounced following the dissolution of cohabitation as compared to marriage. Method The analysis consists of individual fixed effects regression models using longitudinal data from the German socio‐economic panel (N = 18,131 individuals) for the years 2002 to 2017. Results The dissolution of marriage is negatively related to the accumulation of wealth over time and effect sizes are similar for men and women. The dissolution of cohabiting unions is related to losses in wealth for women but not for men. Models accounting for various postdissolution factors suggest that an unequal division of household wealth produces these gender differences after the dissolution of cohabitation. Conclusion Whereas the dissolution of marriage lowers household wealth for men and women alike, there are gender differences in how the dissolution of cohabiting unions affects the accumulation of wealth. Union dissolution therefore has the potential to contribute to gender inequality in household wealth.
... Research has commonly focused on income measures such as family size-adjusted disposable household income (e.g., Bayaz-Ozturk, Burkhauser, Couch, & Hauser, 2018). The consequences of marital dissolution for wealth levels have attracted less attention, although an incipient literature highlights potentially steep wealth declines after marital dissolution (e.g., Zagorsky, 2005;Zissimopoulos, Karney, & Rauer, 2015). ...
... In the current paper we further scrutinize the association between marital dissolution and wealth and add to the incipient wealth literature in two ways. First, previous divorce research has commonly conceptualized marital dissolution as a single point in time event and has therefore either focused on separation (i.e., division of the couple household into two separate households) or divorce (i.e., legal dissolution of a marriage) or simply combined the two events into a single measure (e.g., Zagorsky, 2005). This may be over-simplistic as a large number of European and Northern American countries (e.g. ...
... For comparability reasons, household wealth was commonly divided by two for married couples (i.e., per capita wealth) and compared to single-headed households' wealth levels after divorce (e.g., Zagorsky, 2005). Furthermore, studies commonly investigated the US context, wheredepending on the statemarital property regimes favor an equal division of all resources (Voena, 2015). ...
Preprint
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Objective: This study examined men’s and women’s personal wealth changes over the marital dissolution process starting up to three years prior to separation and continuing up to 15 years post divorce. Background: Incipient literature showed steep wealth declines for men and women associated with marital dissolution, but most research treated marital dissolution as a single point-in-time event. This may be limiting as legal regulations and divorce-stress-adjustment research conceptualize marital dissolution as a process that potentially lasts several years. Method: Using fixed-effects regression models, we analyzed personal net wealth changes as well as changes in personal housing wealth and financial wealth of individuals whose marriages dissolved between 2002 and 2017. Analyses used comprehensive wealth data from the German Socio‐Economic Panel study. Results: With 85 and 78 percent reductions in personal wealth of men and women, respectively, separation was the most critical point for wealth depletion, whereas the divorce proceeding did not pose additional wealth penalties. This separation penalty was mainly driven by declines in housing wealth whereas marginal, but lasting, financial wealth losses were found prior to actual separation. Wealth levels did not improve in the years after divorce for either men or women. Overall, gender differences in relative wealth changes over the entire dissolution process were negligible. Conclusion: Results illustrate important variations in personal wealth measures over the marital dissolution process leading to potentially lasting economic disadvantages. Relative personal wealth declines were thereby damaging for both men and women, although men held more absolute wealth than women.
... Initial level effect: Immediate wealth level disruptions associated with divorce Marital dissolution is likely associated with distinct, immediate changes in wealth levels due to increased financial demand and a range of wealth-relevant burdens (Kapelle & Baxter, 2021;Zagorsky, 2005). First, direct expenses of the divorce proceedings relate to administrative divorce costs (i.e., court fees and solicitor fees) which commonly increase with the complexity of the divorce case and value in dispute. ...
... Although divorcing spouses likely receive financial support from their parents, if parents are financially capable to help (Leopold & Schneider, 2011), inter vivos transfers in combination with divorcing individuals' personal incomes are unlikely to fully compensate all divorce-related costs and prevent wealth declines. Indeed, previous research showed that marital dissolution is associated with a relatively abrupt and substantial decline in wealth levels compared to predivorce levels and that those declines are predominantly a result of declines in housing wealth (Kapelle & Baxter, 2021;Zagorsky, 2005). As continuously married individuals do not experience similar financial burdens, I expect that divorcees hold substantially less personal wealth in the year of divorce compared to otherwise similar, continuously married individuals (Initial level hypothesis). ...
... First, empirical support for the idea of a growing wealth divide between divorcees and the married was provided by Zagorsky (2005), who found that unpartnered divorcees had lower yearly saving rates compared to continuously married respondents-14% and 16%, respectively. However, considering only unmarried divorcees' wealth accumulation rates, his study relied on a selective sample of divorcees and neglected potential advantages associated with remarriage. ...
Article
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Objective: To explore disparities in wealth trajectories between divorcees and continuously married individuals including moderation effects of remarriage and gender. Background: Amid concerns of long-term economic consequences of divorce, research illustrated that ever-divorced individuals hold less wealth than the married preretirement. However, it remains unclear whether this is a direct result of immediate, lasting divorce-related wealth penalties or whether divorce also leads to long-term wealth accumulation disparities. Method: Using personal-level, longitudinal wealth data from the Socio-Economic Panel Study, I applied propensity score and exact matching with random-effects growth models to compare wealth trajectories of divorcees and the married. The matching allowed (1) married controls to be assigned a theoretical divorce date for ease of comparability to the treatment group (i.e., divorcees) and (2) the account of a wide range of baseline differences. Results: Wealth differences between ever-divorce and continuously married individuals stem from lasting disadvantage-particularly for housing wealth-generated immediately around divorce rather than a scarring of divorcees' wealth accumulation. Remarriage but particularly gender is relevant moderators. Whereas remarriage moderates net wealth trajectories through housing wealth, gender moderates trajectories through financial wealth. Conclusion: Divorce importantly contributes to wealth stratification. Mitigation of divorce-related wealth penalties for both men and women needs to focus on immediate, but lasting costs of divorce particularly regarding homeownership.
... In order to understand the mechanisms underlying wealth differences, one therefore has to consider processes up to advanced adulthood. In the subsequent sections we discuss three main channels that reflect the different ways through which individuals have been shown to accumulate wealth in previous research (Semyonov and Lewin-Epstein, 2013;Vespa & Painter, 2011, Zagorsky, 2005: 1) human capital formation and labour income 2) own family behaviour as adults, and 3) intergenerational transfers. ...
... Childhood family structure trajectories can therefore affect wealth through its effect on individuals' own relationship stability. The break-up of a marriage can affect wealth through direct divorce costs, loss of access to a partner's wealth, and an elimination of scale advantages associated with living in a couple (McManus & DiPrete, 2001, Zagorsky, 2005. ...
... Just as own family dynamics, parental family dynamics affect the wealth of parents, possibly reducing the total amount of wealth available to be transferred to offspring. Parental separation and divorce can have direct effects on parents' stock of wealth (Avellar & Smock, 2005;Zagorsky, 2005). ...
Article
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Objective: The aim of this article is to document how childhood family structure is related to the accumulation of wealth. Background: Childhood family structure is a commonly studied determinant of child and adult outcomes, but little is known about its effects on wealth accumulation. Wealth is affected by a wide variety of factors, including human capital formation, family dynamics, and intergenerational transfers. Studying wealth therewith sheds light on how childhood family structure relates to the accumulation of advantages across life. Method: Data from the 1979 National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (N = 7,066) are employed to document wealth differences at ages 47 to 55. Growth curve models are estimated to understand at what ages these differences emerge. Results: A median wealth penalty of at least $61,600 at ages 47 to 55 is observed for individuals who did not live continuously with both parents from birth to age 18, depending on the alternative childhood family trajectory considered. A subsequent mediation analysis of the “wealth penalty” related to the permanent departure of a parent from the household during childhood points at human capital formation and own family dynamics as the primary channels through which wealth differences are produced; intergenerational transfers matter rather less. Conclusion: Childhood family structure has moderate effects on multiple different life domains that accrue during the life course and collectively add up to a more considerable penalty in wealth.
... Divorce is a common cause of large losses in economic resources due to, e.g., splitting assets, losing spousal earnings, purchasing new housing, moving costs, and legal expenses (Smock 1993, Zagorsky 2005, McLanahan and Percheski 2008, Addo and Lichter 2013, and the economic fallout from divorce may result in chronic strains that ultimately reduce longevity (Amato 2010). A few notable studies build on this idea and provide empirical evidence that economic resources play a significant role in the relationships between marriage, marital disruptions, and mortality risk. ...
... Fourth, people who divorce are significantly more likely to enter indebtedness and declare bankruptcy than their married counterparts (Zagorsky 2005). The ability to acquire some amount of debt can be a sign of financial privilege, especially in early adulthood, but high indebtedness in middle adulthood is an indicator of serious financial problems. ...
Article
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Objective This study identifies which midlife economic resources reduce the association between divorce and mortality risk among older Black and White women. Background Despite evidence that divorce increases mortality risk due to economic losses, research has not established which among several common economic resources related to divorce are most important for older women's survival. There is also relatively little research on why marital inequalities in mortality are smaller among older Black women. Drawing from diverse areas of scholarship, we hypothesize that group differences in multiple economic resources explain this finding. Method Fractional logistic regression and Gompertz proportional hazards models were estimated with data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Mature Women (N = 4,668; nlsinfo.org) to examine the associations between divorce, economic resources, and mortality among older Black and White women (born 1923–1937). Results Divorced White women had significantly less housing and financial wealth than their continuously married counterparts, and both Black and White divorcées had less vehicle wealth and higher probabilities of indebtedness. With respect to survival, net worth and housing wealth accounted for the largest reductions in marital and racial differences in survival. Conclusion Findings suggest that wealth—home wealth in particular—is key to understanding the greater longevity of married White women compared to Black women and divorced White women. Interventions aimed at reducing health disparities must first address the social practices creating economic inequalities.
... Wealth also tends to vary with gender, household structure, and family responsibilities (Maroto 2019;Maroto and Aylsworth 2017;Zagorsky 2005). Women generally accumulate fewer assets than men (Chang 2010;Schmidt and Sevak 2006;Warren et al. 2001), but gender wealth differences are often more difficult to measure due to the ways in which gender is tied to household structure (Maroto and Aylsworth 2017;Yamokoski and Keister 2006). ...
... Two adult households tend to have the greatest wealth (Lupton and Smith 2003;Ozawa and Lee 2006), whereas single persons are more likely to have a savings deficit (Liu, Ostrovsky, and Zhou 2013). This is due in part to the wealth premiums associated with marriage (Zagorsky 2005) and the higher likelihood of wealthier individuals marrying (Schneider 2011; Vespa and Painter 2011). Finally, the presence of extended family in the household is often associated with lower wealth levels (Maroto and Aylsworth 2017). ...
Article
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Although ample research shows that people with disabilities face significant labor market barriers, questions remain about whether and how disadvantages in employment and earnings contribute to economic insecurity. We use 1999 to 2012 Canadian Survey of Financial Security data to study disparities in nonhousing assets, which include household savings, stocks, and pensions, across households with and without disabilities. We find that households where the respondent or their spouse reported a disability held 25 percent less in nonhousing assets after accounting for key employment, education, and demographic factors. Demonstrating the more complicated relationship between disability, employment, and assets, these direct effects were further strengthened by disability's indirect effects on assets through its relationship with employment income.
... Sharma found that both older men and women lost money following a divorce; the average loss was between $369,000 and $376,000. Interestingly, the difference between men's and women's loss was not statistically significant, unlike other studies of couples at younger ages (e.g., Zagorsky 2005). ...
... Individuals with a strong relationship are more likely to invest in it (Becker 1981) -including by investing in their joint financial futures. Studies have shown that couples spend down wealth or hold less of it as they approach divorce relative to couples who are stable (Finke and Pierce 2006;Zagorsky 2005). Consequently, a relatively untapped area of research is to make great use of causal and longitudinal data to detangle issues of causal direction in the association between financial issues and relationship quality. ...
Article
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I reviewed the 36 marriage and cohabitation studies from the Journal of Family and Economic Issues articles published between 2010–2019. Nearly all of the studies used quantitative methods, and two-thirds of them used publicly available nationally-representative data. The studies fell into roughly five, unevenly sized groups: family structure, relationship quality, division of labor/employment, money management, and an “other” category. Suggestions for future research include applying some of the important questions within the articles to underrepresented groups, further examining the process of how finances and relationship quality interrelate and doing more applied and translational research.
... It is now well established that marriage is an important determinant of wealth: Continuously married men and women are wealthier than never-married people or those with a disrupted marital life (Wilmoth & Koso, 2002;Zagorsky, 2005;Bonnet et al., 2022;Nutz, 2022). In terms of marital and inheritance regimes, the legal frameworks of marriage shape within-household wealth distribution and gendered patterns of wealth ownership (Deere & Doss, 2006). ...
... This study contributes to the literature by highlighting the relevance of matrimonial property and legal status in shaping economic inequality between and within households. Previous literature has established that marriage is associated with greater wealth than singlehood (see for instance Zagorsky, 2005) and with greater wealth accumulation over time (Kapelle & Lersch, 2020). Cross-country comparisons show that a separate property regime is associated with a larger gender wealth gap within the household when compared with a community property regime (Deere & Doss, 2006). ...
Article
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This paper examines wealth accumulation among couple-headed households and investigates changes in within-household inequality over time and across couple statuses. Going beyond previous research that mostly studies wealth accumulation within marriages by comparing married with unmarried individuals, we consider the legal statuses of couples (cohabitation, civil union, and marriage) and property regimes (community and separate property). We apply multivariate regression analysis to high-quality longitudinal data from the French wealth survey (2015–2018) and find no differences in net worth accumulation between couples’ legal statuses when property regimes are not accounted for. However, couples with a separate property regime accumulate more wealth than couples with a community property regime, and married couples with a separate property regime drive this association. Our results show that the gender wealth gap is larger for couples with a separate property regime, but it is partially compensated by accumulated wealth. Our results highlight the importance of legal statuses and property regimes in explaining the dynamics of between- and within-household inequality in France, specifically within a context of increasingly diversified marital trajectories.
... Wealth also tends to vary with gender, household structure, and family responsibilities (Maroto 2019;Maroto and Aylsworth 2017;Zagorsky 2005). Women generally accumulate fewer assets than men (Chang 2010;Schmidt and Sevak 2006;Warren et al. 2001), but gender wealth differences are often more difficult to measure due to the ways in which gender is tied to household structure (Maroto and Aylsworth 2017;Yamokoski and Keister 2006). ...
... Two adult households tend to have the greatest wealth (Lupton and Smith 2003;Ozawa and Lee 2006), whereas single persons are more likely to have a savings deficit (Liu, Ostrovsky, and Zhou 2013). This is due in part to the wealth premiums associated with marriage (Zagorsky 2005) and the higher likelihood of wealthier individuals marrying (Schneider 2011; Vespa and Painter 2011). Finally, the presence of extended family in the household is often associated with lower wealth levels (Maroto and Aylsworth 2017). ...
Article
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Although ample research shows that people with disabilities face significant labor market barriers, questions remain about whether and how disadvantages in employment and earnings contribute to economic insecurity. We use 1999 to 2012 Canadian Survey of Financial Security data to study disparities in nonhousing assets, which include household savings, stocks, and pensions, across households with and without disabilities. We find that households where the respondent or their spouse reported a disability held 25 percent less in nonhousing assets after accounting for key employment, education, and demographic factors. Demonstrating the more complicated relationship between disability, employment, and assets, these direct effects were further strengthened by disability's indirect effects on assets through its relationship with employment income. © 2020 Canadian Sociological Association/La Société canadienne de sociologie.
... Empirical studies support the idea that happier couples will be more likely to financially invest in their relationship (or that unhappy couples begin to divest from their marriage). One study suggested that couples begin to spend down wealth a few years before a divorce (Zagorsky 2005), while another found that couples nearing divorce held less wealth than stable couples unless the spouses had the same income (Finke and Pierce 2006). This behavior is understandable if spouses anticipate the divorce and feel that they will not be able to fully enjoy their assets in the event of a divorce settlement. ...
... First, the finding that men with higher satisfaction increased their financial management behaviors supports Becker's (1981) theory that those who are in a satisfying marriage are more willing to invest in their marriage those who are in a less satisfying marriage. This finding supports previous findings that suggested that couples headed toward divorce would start divesting their assets (Finke and Pierce 2006;Zagorsky 2005). The finding from this study, however, has an opposite sign. ...
Article
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We investigated the association between sound financial management behaviors and marital quality, particularly the direction of the association and a potential mediator. To do this, we used three waves of longitudinal dyadic data that spanned three years from 279 married couples living in a large northwestern city and a longitudinal path analysis that incorporated the Actor-Partner Interdependence Model (Kenny et al. Dyadic data analysis. Guilford, New York City, 2006). Marital satisfaction at T1 was positively associated with sound financial management behavior for husbands; we only found actor effects, though. Wives’ T2 reports of sound financial management behavior were directly and negatively associated with their own reports of marital conflict at T3. Husbands’ T2 reports of sound financial management behavior was negatively associated with T3 economic pressure, which was positively associated with marital conflict. The indirect association was not statistically significant, however.
... Previous research demonstrates that household structure is related to net worth where two-adult households tend to hold more wealth than others (Lersch 2017;Lupton and Smith 2003;Ozawa and Lee 2006;Zagorsky 2005) and extended household arrangements, most of which contain adult children who receive some support from their parents (Choi 2003;Smits et al. 2010), are often associated with wealth declines (Maroto and Aylsworth 2017). Fewer studies, however, have specifically addressed how continuing parental support for children through an elongated transition into adulthood influences household assets and debt. ...
... To address how wealth varies according to life-cycle models (Lafrance and La Rochelle-Côté 2012;Keister and Moller 2000), models controlled for the respondent's age, along with a quadratic age-squared term to account for non-linearity in this relationship. They also included factors related to marital status and family size, which have been shown to influence wealth (Grinstein-Weiss et al. 2008;Lupton and Smith 2003;Zagorsky 2005), as well as coresidence (Swartz 2009). The first of these measures was household size or the number of people in the family household, which also accounted for the presence of other extended relatives. ...
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This paper examines the relationship between coresidence with adult children, wealth, and economic security using data from the 1999–2012 Canadian Survey of Financial Security (SFS). The results, obtained via propensity score matching and linear regression, show that coresidence with and parental support for adult children is negatively associated with non-home assets and positively associated with debt levels among Canadian households. Further analyses suggest that these relationships stem from differences in financial assets, retirement savings, student loan debt, and credit card balances. By linking theories of economic insecurity, social capital, and life course studies, this study demonstrates how changing trajectories among young adults and financial hardship can influence broader household resources and stability.
... Although in many cases people have good reasons for divorcing, the disadvantages are well documented (Amato 2000). They include financial hardship, decreased standard of living, less wealth (Zagorsky 2005), health problems (Joung et al. 1997) and mental health issues (Öngider 2011). These negative consequences might be even more pertinent to the situation of migrants. ...
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This paper focuses on divorce amongst Turkish and Moroccan Belgians, with a specific focus on the effect of partner-choice patterns. Divorce patterns of marriages established between 01 January 2001 and either 31 December 2003 (descriptive part), or 31 December 2005 (event-history analyses) are analysed and compared to marriages established between 01 January 1988 and 31 December 1990. We distinguish three marriage types: transnational marriages (i.e. marrying a partner from Morocco or Turkey), local intra-ethnic marriages (marrying another Moroccan of Turkish Belgian) and mixed marriages (i.e. marrying someone with a Belgian or other Western–European citizenship). To research divorce rates, we analysed population data from the Belgian national register, using piecewise constant log-rate event-history analyses with effect coding on all marriages taking place between 01 January 2001 and 31 December 2005 (N Turkish = 9631, N Moroccan = 17,786). First, the results reveal that in the past 15 years, divorce rates have doubled within Turkish and Moroccan migrant groups. Second, divorce rates are much higher amongst the Moroccan group. Third, there are clear differences between marriage types. Local intra-ethnic marriages have the lowest divorce levels, mixed marriages the highest, and transnational marriages take up a middle position.
... Divorcing and separating couples lose economies of scale (Nelson 1988), the increased production resulting from specialization (Becker 1973), and the consumption of household public goods (Weiss 1997); the same is true, to varying degrees, for cohabitors and couples whose union was not coresidential. Unsurprisingly, per person net wealth has been lower for divorced, separated, cohabitating, never married, or widowed individuals relative to the married (Wilmoth and Koso 2002;Zagorsky 2005). ...
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Evidence suggests that fathers have stronger ties to sons than daughters, which may result in differential investments in their children. This paper investigated whether girls’ gender restricts their access to fathers’ contributions if they do not live together. The data used were the 1994–2008 March/April Match Current Population Survey Child Support Supplements, a large, nationally representative sample which identifies child support eligible mothers of all marital statuses and collects information on nonresident fathers’ financial and social investments in their children. Results for court-mediated outcomes such as the existence and amounts of child support orders showed that courts do not allocate child support differentially by child gender. Small but suggestive effects of child gender were found on fathers’ post-dissolution investments, but these effects disadvantaged boys rather than girls.
... In many cases, remarriage can be a strategy (whether conscious or unconscious) for remedying some of the negative consequences of divorce. For example, after divorce, people often experience mental health problems (Öngider 2011;Ghaffarzadeh and Nazari 2012), have more physical health problems (Joung et al. 1997), experience greater social isolation (Peters and Liefbroer 1997), have a lower standard of living and are less wealthy (Ross 1995;Zagorsky 2005). Some of these negative consequences could be alleviated by protective factors, including individual and structural resources, as well as finding a new partner (Amato 2000;Wang and Amato 2000). ...
Article
This paper provides insight into remarriages amongst Turkish and Moroccan Belgians. Although the issue of remarriage is of particular relevance, given the rising divorce rates that have been observed amongst these groups in recent decades, it remains largely understudied. We examine remarriage rates and patterns of partner choice in second marriages, taking into account partner-choice patterns in first marriages. We analysed data from the Belgian national register, using piecewise constant log-rate event-history analyses with effect coding on all first marriages that ended in divorce between 1 January 2001 and 1 January 2009. In the second phase of the analysis, which focuses on partner choice in the second marriage, we selected only those respondents who had remarried. Our results indicate that the recent transition in marital behaviour (e.g. lower levels of transnational marriage and higher levels of mixed marriages) has not (yet) been replicated in second marriages. Transnational remarriage is by far the most preferred partner choice, especially amongst former marriage migrants. Especially for them, the access to the local marriage market seems to be restricted, steering them towards the transnational marriage market.
... Out of all the sociodemographic variables analyzed, only marital status was significantly associated with FIS, with significantly more unmarried women experiencing FIS than married women. Several other studies have indicated a lower prevalence of FIS in those who are married [16,44] with possible reasons being that marriage may enhance family income and wealth and provide social support and other noneconomic resources [45][46][47], thus making married women more food secure. In other studies, however, this relation was not observed [41,48]. ...
Article
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We examined the association between food insecurity (FIS) and micronutrient status among Ghanaian women planning to become pregnant. A cross-sectional analysis was completed of 95 women aged 18–35 years, living in the Upper Manya Krobo District in the Eastern Region of Ghana. Questionnaires were administered to collect sociodemographic and food security data; weight and height were measured. Blood was drawn from an antecubital vein; one drop was used to assess hemoglobin via Hemocue. Zinc and copper were analyzed using flame atomic spectrophotometry while iron biomarkers, retinol and 25-hydroxyvitamin D were analyzed using ELISA, ultra-performance liquid chromatography and liquid chromatography-tandem mass spectrometry, respectively. Logistic regression models were used to determine the relationship between food insecurity (FIS) and micronutrient deficiencies. FIS was reported among 23% of the households, while micronutrient deficiencies ranged from 7–28% irrespective of FIS status. Retinol concentrations were negatively associated with FIS (p = 0.043) after controlling for covariates, although levels were within the normal range in both groups. No statistically significant associations between FIS and micronutrient deficiencies were found. Among those with FIS, 59% were deficient in at least one nutrient with 18% deficient in two nutrients. Unmarried women were at higher risk of FIS (p = 0.017) than married women. FIS was associated with retinol concentrations but not other micronutrient biomarkers in Ghanaian women expecting to become pregnant in the next 6 months.
... Parental and extended-family wealth are also associated with homeownership (Charles and Hurst 2002;Hall and Crowder 2011;Spilerman and Wolff 2012), and homeownership is in turn associated with greater subsequent wealth (Killewald and Bryan 2016). Since low-income couples cite a lack of financial resources as one reason to delay marriage (Edin and Kefalas 2005;Smock, Manning, and Porter 2005), parental wealth, including assistance with wedding costs, may speed transitions to marriage; marriage is associated with faster subsequent wealth growth (Zagorsky 2005). Finally, entry into self-employment is facilitated by parents' wealth (Dunn and Holtz-Eakin 2000); self-employment is in turn associated with greater net worth (Altonji and Doraszelski 2005;Menchik and Jianakoplos 1997). ...
Article
Inequality in family wealth is high, yet we know little about how much and how wealth inequality is maintained across generations. We argue that a long-term perspective reflective of wealth's cumulative nature is crucial to understand the extent and channels of wealth reproduction across generations. Using data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics that span nearly half a century, we show that a one-decile increase in parents' wealth position is associated with an increase of about four percentiles in their offspring's wealth position in adulthood. We show that grandparental wealth is a unique predictor of grandchildren's wealth, above and beyond the role of parental wealth, suggesting that a focus on only parent-child dyads understates the importance of family wealth lineages. Second, considering five channels of wealth transmission-gifts and bequests, education, marriage, homeownership, and business ownership-we find that most of the advantages arising from family wealth begin much earlier in the life course than the common focus on bequests implies, even when we consider the wealth of grandparents. We also document the stark disadvantage of African American households in terms of not only their wealth attainment but also their intergenerational wealth mobility compared to whites. © The Author(s) 2018. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. All rights reserved.
... Many studies show that there is a marital wealth premium, i.e. single-headed households accumulate less wealth than married households (Schmidt and Sevak, 2006;Ruel and Hauser, 2013;Lersch, 2017). There also exists a marital disruption penalty to wealth accumulation, especially for women (Weitzman, 1985;Peterson, 1996;Zagorsky, 2005;Addo and Lichter, 2013). ...
Article
This article describes how legal professionals and families contribute to the widening, legitimation and concealment of the gender wealth gap. It is based on ethnographic observation, study of legal files and statistical data on gender wealth inequality in France. Despite formally equal law, family wealth arrangements in moments of estate planning and marital breakdown tend to reproduce gender inequality. The main legal professionals involved are lawyers and notaries. In their interactions with family members, they carry out reversed accounting, a logic of practice in which the result comes first and computation comes after. As families and legal professionals strive to preserve real estate and businesses, or to minimize taxes, they produce inventories, estimations and distributions of assets which disadvantage women, even though shares appear to be formally equal. Female legal professionals, as well as female clients, may endorse this concern, and thus, also unwittingly contribute to the gender wealth gap.
... This needs to be verified by further research across different cultural domains. Future research could also explore the potential influence of disruptive and life changing events such as divorce on SBPO, since past research has shown that divorce results in declining income, reduced access to credit and increased default on debt repayments (Zagorsky, 2005;Lyons and Fisher, 2006). ...
Article
Adverse economic conditions often result in bill payment default by consumers and compromised accounts receivable for service providers. Default is especially problematic in developing countries where the average consumer has less spending power. Yet, international service brands know very little about the debt attitudes of developing country consumers. Using Maslow's hierarchy of needs framework, this paper examines whether consumers adopt a hedonic or a utilitarian approach to bill prioritisation activity. Knowing the relative importance of one's service better equips the service provider to develop compelling communications to support or to enhance consumers' perceptions if need be. The study also introduces service bill payment orientation (SBPO) which measures how consumers view bill payments in general, thereby contributing to the newly emerging literature on the debt attitudes of developing country consumers. The findings of the study point to a utilitarian bill payment approach and suggest that SBPO may be more a consequence of national culture than of demographic differences between consumers.
... The existing literature guides us that men tend to be more inclined in taking FR decisions than women (e.g., Bajtelsmit et al., 1999;Halek and Eisenhauer, 2001;Ardehali et al., 2005;Nairn, 2005;Yao and Hanna, 2005;Grable and Roszkowski, 2007;Ganegoda and Evans, 2014). Also, previous articles have concluded that men are more specifically to invest in risky financial assets when controlling for other indicators than women (e.g., Yuh and DeVaney, 1996;Embry and Fox, 1997;Sunden and Surrett, 1998;Zagorsky, 2005). Gilliam et al. (2010) derived that gender differences in RT are consistent across generations while keeping all other household characteristics the same. ...
Article
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The purpose of this empirical study was to investigate whether financial risk-tolerance differs among business graduates in Pakistan based on their demographic factors (i.e., gender, age, education, experience, income, saving, location, and occupation). This study has tested the financial risk-tolerance scale developed by Grable and Lytton (1999) to empirically measure the different dimensions of financial risk. The study employed a quantitative approach to a multinomial logistic regression model and an online questionnaire tool for the primary data collection. The well-designed questionnaires were distributed among business graduates through online media. The empirical findings of the study depicted a significant positive effect from all the demographics against financial risk-tolerance. Specifically, the results showed that male business graduates having more income and savings, those with more education qualifications and also older graduates are positively related to financial risk-tolerance. However, the relationship between financial risk-tolerance and experience level of individuals was found negative and insignificant, and the same result between the two variables can be confirmed by the findings of the correlation analysis. Furthermore, the parametric study showed that geographical differences exist among business graduates in terms of financial risk-tolerance attitudes.
... This needs to be verified by further research across different cultural domains. Future research could also explore the potential influence of disruptive and life changing events such as divorce on SBPO, since past research has shown that divorce results in declining income, reduced access to credit and increased default on debt repayments (Zagorsky, 2005;Lyons and Fisher, 2006). ...
... While marriage is mostly associated with joint wealth, previous studies show that during cohabitation, many partners retain individually held wealth (Joseph & Rowlingson, 2012). After experiencing separation following a first cohabitation or divorce, partners are more likely to opt for an unequal distribution of assets in their higher-order unions, especially if they have children from previous unions (Joseph & Rowlingson, 2012;Zagorsky, 2005). ...
Article
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The assumption that economic resources are equally shared within households has been found to be untenable for income but is still often upheld for wealth. In this introduction to the special issue “Wealth in Couples”, we argue that within-household inequality in wealth is a pertinent and under-researched area that is ripe for development. To this end, we outline the relevance of wealth for demographic research, making the distinction between individual and household wealth. Drawing on a life-course perspective, we discuss individual wealth accumulation within couples and its links to family-demographic processes, the institutional context, and norms on pooling and sharing. We conclude with a brief summary of the main findings from the special issue and highlight implications for demographic research and for future research in this field.
... Bu gibi otomatik olarak kullanılan zihinsel kısa yollardan dolayı boşanmayla birlikte uzun vadede ortaya çıkan sonuçları insanların her zaman hesaba katmayabileceğini gösteren bir hayli bilimsel bulgu mevcuttur. Bununla beraber, boşanma kararının sonuçları büyük olduğu için üzerinde uzun süre düşünülerek beynin daha çok bilişsel kapasite gerektiren mekanizmalarıyla alınması da ihtimal dâhilindedir (Kahneman, 2011) Araştırmalar boşanan kişilerin, özellikle kadınların, boşanmanın ardından ekonomik zorluklar yaşadığını (Finnie, 1993;Poortman, 2000;Uunk, 2004;Zagorsky, 2005) ruh sağlıklarının bozulduğunu (Wade & Pevalin, 2004) örneğin depresyona düşme ihtimallerinin daha yüksek olduğunu (Kalmijn & Monden, 2006) kendilerine güven ve kendi değerleri ile ilgili inançlarında düşüşler olduğunu (Symoens ve ark., 2014), sosyal çevreden izole olduklarını (Kalmijn & Uunk, 2007;Kalmijn & van Groenou, 2005) fiziksel sağlıklarının da daha kötü olduğunu (Hughes & Waite, 2009;Zhang & Hayward, 2006) göstermektedir. Bu bulgular boşanmış kişilerin ekonomik, psikolojik ve sosyal açıdan yıpranabileceğini göstermektedir. ...
... Meanwhile, those who get divorced or widowed may decrease their volunteering (Nesbit, 2012) due to adjusting to change accordingly, compared to others who stayed the same in terms of marital status. Becoming divorced or widowed could have various negative influences on one's life: changes in financial security (Kim & Jang, 2019;Zagorsky, 2005), a decrease in physical and mental health (Bolano & Arpino, 2020;Liu & Umberson, 2008), and diminished social integration (Kim & Jang, 2019). ...
Article
This study tests how changes in social background (homeownership status and employment status) and changes in household structure (marital status, number of children, and volunteering behaviors of other household members) influence an individual’s volunteering decision. We use a complex dataset from the US Current Population Survey Volunteer Supplements from 2002 to 2015. We captured the short-term “shock” effect of the changes in life circumstances on the changes in volunteering status; different factors influence start and stop in volunteerism in different ways. A person is more likely to start volunteering when the person became unemployed, when other household members increased their volunteering time, or got married, within a one-year period. Meanwhile, a person who experiences changes in employment, homeownership, or marital status, or has an increase in the number of children is more likely to stop volunteering. Based on the findings, we provide recommendations for those who are interested in volunteer management strategies.
... Marriage is a central social institution of societies (Edlund et al., 2013), and it offers numerous benefits like happiness, fertility and controlling crime rate (Zagorsky, 2005;Zhang et al., 2018;Su et al., 2020). The trade-off between the cost and benefits of marriage may have changed by the ML population perception about the institution of marriage. ...
Article
Full-text available
The study investigates the causal link between the Millennials (ML) Population (18-37 year age) and the Marriage Rate (MR) (married population/total population) for the countries of France, Germany, Italy, Netherlands, Spain, and the United Kingdom (UK) by using the bootstrap causality test. The findings suggest that ML population has a significant negative impact on MR in Italy and the Netherlands, while MR has a significant negative impact on ML population in Spain. Besides, the System Generalized Method of Moment Regression (SGMM) is conducted to release the effects of the Divorce Rate (DR), Education Attainment (EA), Globalization (GB), Social Protection (SP), Secularization (SEC), House Prices (HP), Financial Crisis (FC), and Working Population of women (WP) variables on MR and ML population. Likewise, the outcomes display that these are the leading factors of explaining ML population. Our results support the two-period model of Peters (1986), which states that MR is the combination of the economic, social, and religious elements and has important policy implications.
... Similarly, 66.3 percent were married in rural Oyo state, compared to 70.0 percent in the urban area.Marriage plays an important role in food and nutrition security. Thus, being married, enhances family income and wealth (Zagorsky, 2005), which will have a positive effect on food intake, thereby promoting food and nutrition security. ...
Article
Full-text available
The study assessed changes in food prices, food security and nutritional status of households in rural and urban communities in Southwest Nigeria. Data for this study were obtained through the aid of a structured questionnaire. A multistage sampling procedure was employed to select 320 households from Ogun and Oyo States of Southwest Nigeria. Data were analysed using descriptive and inferential statistics. Results revealed that Ogun State had a mean age of 45.6 while Oyo State had a mean age of 43.5. Cassava flour (60.9%) and yam tuber (59.9%) witnessed the highest price percentage increase in RA and UA of Ogun State. In Oyo State, yam tuber witnessed the highest price percentage increase in both RA (41.3%) and UA (66.4%) of Oyo State. Furthermore, results revealed that 22.5% were food secure in RA of Ogun State, while only 15% were food secure in RA of Oyo State. On the other hand, 76.3% were food secure in UA of Ogun State compared to 71.3% in UA of Oyo State. Anthropometric result revealed that 82.6% of the respondents in the RAs of Ogun State had normal weight compared to 79.3% in the RA of Oyo State; as well as 96.1% and 93.1% in UA of Ogun and Oyo States respectively. In conclusion, variation exists in the percentage of households affected by increase in the prices of food items between rural and urban communities and across Oyo and Ogun States. More households are food secure in the urban with higher normal weight compared to rural communities. In order to improve food security and nutritional status in UAs and RAs, food distribution channel should be well integrated to reduce food prices.
... Iz demografske perspektive jedan od važnijih efekata jeste onaj koji nastaje u sferi bračnog ponašanja, odnosno posledice koje obrazovno-polna neravnoteža ostavlja na nivo nupcijaliteta i strukturu bračnih zajednica (Milić, Berković i Petrović 1981). S druge strane, na društvenom planu brak predstavlja najvažniji mehanizam za reprodukciju postojećih struktura i za produbljivanje socijalnih razlika između domaćinstava (Bobić 2017;Kalmijn 1994;Zagorsky 2005;Blossfeld 2009;Schwartz 2013;Henz i Mills 2017). ...
Article
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This paper examines marital market preferences and opportunities, given the gender asymmetry of education and the limited supply of equally educated partners (especially in the higher education segment), and explores selection patterns resulting from new composite changes for at-risk populations entering into a marriage. Specifically, we are researching mixed marriages by education and changes in the patterns of that selection in the former Yugoslav republics. The assessment of the impact of changes in educational characteristics by gender on patterns of marital pairing and the reduction of the level of educational hypergamy was performed by analysing the movement of F-index and H-index values from 1970 to 2020 and their correlation coefficient. The results showed that educational hypergamy is declining in all countries and that the decline in hypergamy is positively associated with the predominance of women among highly educated individuals.
... Recent demographic trends and the call for research in the 1980s generated a vast amount of literature concentrated on the socio-demographic, health-related and economic consequences of divorce at older ages. Divorce has been generally associated with poorer health in later life (Grundy & Tomassini, 2010;Tosi & Van den Broek, 2020) and wealth reduction, especially for women (Uhlenberg et al., 1990;Zagorsky, 2005). There is strong evidence in the United States, United Kingdom, Netherlands and Norway that family disruptions over the life course (particularly divorce) have deleterious consequences for support at older ages (Daatland, 2007;Kalmijn, 2007;Tomassini et al., 2007). ...
Preprint
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So-called 'grey divorces'-i.e. voluntary union dissolutions after age 50-have received growing attention in the press as well as non-academic discourse. Nonetheless, while there is a vast amount of research on the socio-demographic, health-related and economic consequences of divorce at older ages, few studies have analysed the trends and correlates of grey divorces. Moreover, these studies are largely limited to the United States. This paper aims to fill this gap using data from six waves of the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE). We document the antecedents of divorce in later life across Europe, shedding light on a rare but demographically and sociologically interesting phenomenon. Our results show that the determinants of grey divorce largely do not differ from the classical antecedents of divorce early in life. However, we also detected and discuss a few determinants specific to grey divorces, such as the presence of children and grandchildren.
... We selected this cohort because it is the first cohort of women who came of age with the opportunity to independently access credit. Although our analysis only captures cross-sectional data from the 2004 and 2016 observation periods, the sample was restricted to only single men and women across all observation years-2004, 2006, 2008, 2010, 2012, 2014, and 2016-as marital formation and dissolution is a key driver of wealth shocks (Zagorsky, 2005). Single status was operationalized as not being in a couple household across any of the waves. ...
... Marriage is a central social institution of societies (Edlund et al., 2013), and it offers numerous benefits like happiness, fertility and controlling crime rate (Zagorsky, 2005;Zhang et al., 2018;Su et al., 2020). The trade-off between the cost and benefits of marriage may have changed by the ML population perception about the institution of marriage. ...
Article
The study investigates the causal link between the Millennials (ML) Population (18-37 year age) and the Marriage Rate (MR) (married population/total population) for the countries of France, Germany, Italy, Netherlands, Spain, and the United Kingdom (UK) by using the bootstrap causality test. The findings suggest that ML population has a significant negative impact on MR in Italy and the Netherlands, while MR has a significant negative impact on ML population in Spain. Besides, the System Generalized Method of Moment Regression (SGMM) is conducted to release the effects of the Divorce Rate (DR), Education Attainment (EA), Globalization (GB), Social Protection (SP), Secularization (SEC), House Prices (HP), Financial Crisis (FC), and Working Population of women (WP) variables on MR and ML population. Likewise, the outcomes display that these are the leading factors of explaining ML population. Our results support the two-period model of Peters (1986), which states that MR is the combination of the economic, social, and religious elements and has important policy implications.
... First empirical support for the idea of a growing wealth divide between divorcees and the married was provided by Zagorsky (2005), who found that un-partnered divorcees had lower yearly saving rates compared to continuously married respondents -14 and 16 percent, respectively. However, considering only un-partnered divorcees' wealth accumulation rates, his study relied on a selective sample of divorcees and neglected potential advantages associated with remarriage. ...
Preprint
Full-text available
Why time cannot heal all wounds: Personal wealth trajectories of divorced and married men and women Nicole Kapelle 1134 2021 SOEPpapers on Multidisciplinary Panel Data Research at DIW Berlin This series presents research findings based either directly on data from the German SocioEconomic Panel (SOEP) or using SOEP data as part of an internationally comparable data set (e.g. CNEF, ECHP, LIS, LWS, CHER/PACO). SOEP is a truly multidisciplinary household panel study covering a wide range of social and behavioral sciences: economics, sociology, psychology, survey methodology, econometrics and applied statistics, educational science, political science, public health, behavioral genetics, demography, geography, and sport science. The decision to publish a submission in SOEPpapers is made by a board of editors chosen by the DIW Berlin to represent the wide range of disciplines covered by SOEP. There is no external referee process and papers are either accepted or rejected without revision. Papers appear in this series as works in progress and may also appear elsewhere. They often represent preliminary studies and are circulated to encourage discussion. Citation of such a paper should account for its provisional character. A revised version may be requested from the author directly. Any opinions expressed in this series are those of the author(s) and not those of DIW Berlin. Research disseminated by DIW Berlin may include views on public policy issues, but the institute itself takes no institutional policy positions. Why time cannot heal all wounds: Personal wealth trajectories of divorced and married men and women Nicole Kapelle a,b nicole.kapelle@sociology.ox.ac.uk Acknowledgement: I thank the participants of the "Social Policy and Inequality" writing workshop at the WZB Berlin Social Science Center and researchers of the research group "Sociology of Social Policy" at Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin for their comments and suggestions on earlier versions. The manuscript additionally benefited from discussions with participants of the ECSR Networking Workshop "Understanding gender in wealth inequality" and the 18th meeting of the European Network for the Sociological and Demographic Study of Divorce.
... By investigating one such process, this article identifies a further mechanism of inequality. Prior research underscores the relevance of family structure for wealth holdings (Hao, 1996), with marriage as wealth-enhancing relative to other family forms (Hao, 1996;Hirschl et al., 2003;Zagorsky, 2005). Our findings describe how family structure also matters for the legal process through which intergenerational transfers occur. ...
Article
Full-text available
Social classifications are increasingly interrelated, far‐reaching, and consequential for socioeconomic outcomes. We use the concept of marginalized legal categories to describe how the law disadvantages individuals or groups by transforming inherently ordered social classifications into consequential legal categories, employing intestacy laws as an illustration. Using the Survey of Consumer Finances, we find that more than 21% of American families have forms that are marginalized by intestacy classifications, and that such forms are more common among individuals of color and those with less wealth. Yet, many individuals with these family structures hold assets and lack access to intestacy‐avoidance mechanisms, giving consequence to the application of these laws. We conclude by discussing implications of legal classification for inequality.
... The introverts were only slightly less positive than extroverts when with others, and were much less positive when they were alone. Although the extroverts spent more time with people overall, the introverts still derived much of their positive moods from being with others(Diener & Biswas-Diener, 2011).In addition to the emotional and psychological benefits of relationships as indicated above, positive relationships impact other critical aspects of our existence, such as physical health(Lyubomirsky, 2007;Murthy, 2020), strong communities (de Botton, 2012Murthy, 2020;Putnam, 2000), and economic prosperity(Vespa & Painter, 2011;Zagorsky, 2005).Relationships and social capital. For example, Zhang, Anderson, & Zhan (2011) have studied social capital, which can be thought of as the value and importance of positive relationships within groups (bonding social capital) and between groups (bridging social capital). ...
Article
Happiness has been the Holy Grail sought by most of humanity for millennia. What it is and how to find it has been discussed and debated since the earliest records of humankind, and has been the object of countless studies by scholars the world over, including those in the field of positive psychology. Several empirically-based theories of happiness and well-being have emerged, and there is much commonality between them. It is proposed here that religion and spirituality are primary sources of happiness and well-being, and that there is much overlap between these sources and the research and practices emerging within the field of positive psychology. One religion in particular, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church), shows many broad intersections with positive psychology research and the interventions which contribute to well-being. Examining these intersections may deepen the appreciation LDS adherents feel toward their membership and more fully inform their level of participation. In addition, there are many interventions found within positive psychology which, if learned and applied, may increase the happiness and well-being of members of the LDS Church, and the public at large.
... given that the income differential between married and unmarried generally grows over time (Zagorsky 2005). These additional resources may permit persistently married individuals to obtain goods and services that promote financial stability, self-fulfillment, and, ultimately, longterm mental wellbeing (Lupton 2003 Secondary analyses found suggestive evidence of effect heterogeneity. ...
Thesis
A large body of research has documented a link between social ties and mental well-being. Indeed, hundreds of studies have shown that individuals with robust ties to their family, friends, and communities live longer, happier, and healthier lives compared to individuals without these same relationships. Despite emerging as one of the most robust associations in the literature, existing research has yet to adequately grapple with issues related to effect heterogeneity, mechanisms, and temporality, thereby limiting our understanding of the full impact of social ties. The overarching goal of this dissertation was to begin addressing these knowledge gaps, utilizing three prominent sociological theories as case studies. In the first empirical chapter, I used data from The National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (Add Health) to test the social contagion hypothesis, which posits that social phenomena including affective states can spread among people in close contact. Results from school and grade fixed effects models found compelling support for the hypothesis, as classmates’ depressive symptoms were positively correlated with respondents’ depressive symptoms a year later. This association was especially pronounced for low-SES and Black students and was driven, in part, by the lower level of social support students perceived they had from classmates with depressive symptoms. The second empirical chapter also used the Add Health to reassess the reactivity hypothesis, which suggests that girls may be more vulnerable to the adverse effects of interpersonal stress, contributing to gender differences in depressive symptoms. First-difference models found qualified support for this theory: while the association between peer and school-based interpersonal stress and depressive symptoms did not differ by gender, familial interpersonal stress was more strongly related with depressive symptoms for girls. These results suggest that girls may be more sensitive to the influence of social ties, though this tendency may be domain specific rather than universal, as is often implied by the reactivity hypothesis. In the third empirical chapter, I used data from the 1979 cohort of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth to examine whether the impact of marriage on mental well-being becomes stronger over time, as implied by life course theory. Results from marginal structural models showed that increased exposure to marriage during early adulthood was positively associated with mental well-being later in life. These results highlight the need to further consider the length of time social relationships are maintained to more fully understand their impact on health.
... Using well-established predictors of wealth loss in late middle age, such as unemployment, 90 marital disruption, 91 and health conditions, 92 we fit several logistic regression models to determine the likelihood of a negative wealth shock at different percentages of negative wealth shock. Because negative wealth shock was defined using change in net worth between two consecutive waves, we constructed independent variables to model whether loss of income, new unemployment, change in marital status, and new health conditions predicted negative wealth shock. ...
Thesis
There is robust empirical evidence for a link between lower economic status and adverse health outcomes, but little is known about whether a sudden, unplanned loss of assets – a negative wealth shock – has long-term health consequences. Previous research has shown associations between negative wealth shocks and short-term health declines, primarily from losses of housing and investment wealth, with macroeconomic recession presumed to have triggered these shocks. Even during better economic times, however, negative wealth shocks arise frequently from more individualized circumstances, such as high medical expenses, but causal mechanisms linking subsequent health outcomes to these endogenous shocks can be difficult to establish due to the potential for reverse causality and residual confounding. Using data from the Health and Retirement Study, a nationally representative study of US adults aged 50 and older, this dissertation examined markers of short-term changes in stress and health care consumption after negative wealth shock in late middle age, a time of particular vulnerability. Then, differences by whether an individual experienced negative wealth shock in late middle age were assessed for three long-term aging-related trajectories – cognitive decline, physical function limitation accumulation, and all-cause mortality. Design and analytic methods addressed bidirectional and time-dependent causation in the relationship between negative wealth shock and health outcomes. Over 15 percent of late middle-aged adults with existing assets experienced negative wealth shock. The main findings indicated that experiencing a negative wealth shock during late middle age was associated with a higher risk of elevated depressive symptoms, a marker of increased stress, as well as long-term risk of mortality and cognitive decline. However, there was no significant association between negative wealth shock and risk of cost-related medication non-adherence – a marker of reduced health-related consumption, nor accelerated physical function limitation accumulation. With a substantial proportion of the late middle-aged population experiencing negative wealth shock, targeted interventions to prevent of the occurrence of these shocks and the health consequences thereafter may have a large impact on the health of older Americans.
Article
Importance: The association between wealth and mortality is likely to be nonlinear and may result from selection and reverse causality. Objective: To compare the magnitude of mortality disparities by wealth relative to other measures of socioeconomic status (SES). Design, setting, and participants: This population-based cohort study began in 1995 to 1996, with approximately 18 years of mortality follow-up. These analyses were completed in November 2021. Data were derived from a population-based sample that targeted noninstitutionalized, English-speaking adults aged 25 to 74 years in the contiguous US. The response rate for the telephone interview ranged from 60% (twin subsample) to 70% (main sample). A self-administered questionnaire was completed by 89% of those interviewed by telephone. Exposures: Net assets of the respondent and spouse or partner in 1995 to 1996. Main outcomes and measures: All-cause mortality. Results: Among 6320 respondents (mean [SD] age at baseline, 46.9 [12.9] years; 3318 women [52.5%]), 1000 (15.8%) died by May 31, 2013. Adjusted for age, sex, and race, the mortality disparity by wealth was larger than the disparities by education, occupation, income, or childhood SES, especially at the oldest ages. After age 65 years, the hazard ratio [HR] was 2.69 (95% CI, 2.00-3.62) for those with no assets relative to those with at least $300 000 of wealth (in 1995 dollars), which translated into a 31 percentage point differential in estimated probability of surviving from age 65 years to 85 years (40% vs 71%). Additional wealth greater than $500 000 was not associated with lower mortality. In fully adjusted models, there was still a sizeable wealth disparity in mortality after age 65 years (HR, 1.89; 95% CI, 1.33-2.67). After adjustment for confounders, the estimated probability of surviving from age 65 to 85 years was 19 percentage points higher for persons with at least $300 000 in wealth (70%) than for those with no assets (51%), but there was a much larger 37 percentage point differential between never smokers (70%) and current smokers (33%). Conclusions and relevance: In this cohort study, the fully adjusted disparity in mortality associated with wealth beyond age 65 years remained sizeable but was much smaller than the smoking differential.
Article
Using microdata from the Japanese Panel Survey of Consumers, this article examines the relationship between marriage and wealth among women. By exploiting unique data on personal wealth, it also assesses whether the wealth effect of marriage differs depending on whether wealth is measured as household or personal wealth, an issue that very few studies have examined. When wealth is measured as equivalized household net worth, on the assumption that married couples share household resources equally, marriage is found to contribute to women's wealth holdings but only to their nonfinancial net worth; however, the results show signs that marriage also contributes to women's total net worth as marriage durations increase. By contrast, when wealth is measured as personal net worth based on the actual ownership of assets, marriage is found to be negatively and significantly associated with women's wealth holdings. These findings underscore the fact that Japanese women are potentially in a financially vulnerable position even after marriage, which is at least partly driven by married women's career disruptions arising from their family responsibilities.
Article
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Divorce is one of the most stressful life events a person can face and it often has adverse consequences. Social work services are of critical importance in enhancing the wellbeing of divorced persons and improving their relationships with their significant others. A qualitative research study was conducted to develop an in-depth understanding of the nature of social work services to divorced persons and the divorced persons' suggestions regarding social work services. This paper reports the findings, conclusions and recommendations based on interviews conducted with divorced South African men and women from different ethnic groups with the purpose of enhancing the wellbeing of divorced persons through social work services.
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We examine the effect of economic, family, and metropolitan area characteristics on Mexican Americans’ wealth outcomes. We use data from the Mexican American Study Project, a data set that allows us to examine longitudinal and intergenerational change. We find that Mexican Americans have one main source of wealth – home equity. Moreover, length of marriage among parent respondents was key for their wealth accumulation, while education and income were important for wealth accumulation among their adult children. Additionally, we find that parents’ wealth has a limited impact on their children’s wealth. Our results suggest that Mexican Americans’ wealth outcomes are mainly attributed to their own economic efforts, rather than the resources passed down from their parents. We argue that Mexican Americans’ modest financial resources and limited intergenerational support stymies their wealth progress. These findings substantiate the challenges of building wealth from a low starting point in socioeconomic resources and structurally-disadvantaged labour market position. Since parental wealth can lift a family beyond its own achievements, Mexican Americans may not be able to achieve financial security in the same manner as do whites. These findings have important implications for the financial conditions of Mexican immigrants and their descendants.
Article
Objective: This study examines how overwork and traditional household specialization—defined as households with one dedicated female homemaker and one dedicated male breadwinner—are associated with wealth across socioeconomic strata. Background: Although overwork and household specialization are clearly associated with income, less is known about how these behaviors affect household wealth. Household wealth is only moderately correlated with household income and is influenced by many factors that do not affect income, suggesting that overwork and specialization have different associations with wealth than with income. Moreover, because wealth is so unevenly distributed, overwork and specialization likely have different associations with wealth across socioeconomic strata. Method: With data from the Survey of Consumer Finances, a nationally representative survey of households that includes an oversample of high‐wealth households, the authors estimate unconditional quantile regression models to investigate how overwork and household specialization are associated with household wealth across socioeconomic strata and over time. Results: Overwork has the greatest absolute benefits at the top of the wealth distribution but the greatest relative benefits in lower portions of the wealth distribution. Specialization yields distinct advantages for high‐wealth households that have grown over time, whereas specialization comes with trade‐offs for low‐wealth households that outweigh its benefits. Conclusion: The financial trade‐offs associated with overwork and specialization vary considerably across the wealth distribution. Contrary to findings in income‐based research, overwork premiums appear most crucial to the financial well‐being of underprivileged households, whereas specialization premiums are evident only for the economic elite.
Conference Paper
Background Lower rates of mortality and morbidity from cardiovascular disease (CVD) have been found for married, relative to single, divorced and widowed persons. Relatively little work has investigated the association between marital history and CVD, and this is the first study to do so in British samples. Methods Data came from the National Survey for health and development (NSHD) at 60-64 years (N=2259) and 43 years (N=3239), and National Child Development Survey (NCDS) at 44-45 years (N=9080), of age. To assess the effect of a previous marital loss on current CVD risk, regressions were employed to compare remarried persons with their counterparts in a first marriage on CVD prevalence, systolic blood pressure (SBP mmHg), diastolic blood pressure (DBP mmHg), body mass index (BMI kg/m2) and waist circumference (cm). CVD prevalence and scores on risk factors for CVD for continually married persons was also compared with single, widowed and divorced persons. Confounding from SEP and behavioural problems pre-adulthood were explored. Random coefficient models were employed to assess whether differences in SBP, DBP and BMI between continually married and divorced persons change with divorce duration. Results CVD prevalence at 60-64 years was higher for widowed women. Divorced status was associated with lower blood pressure, among women of the NSHD, and SBP at 43 years was higher for single men of this cohort. BMI for members of the NSHD at 43 years and members of the NCDS who were previously married, was relatively lower than that of their continually married counterparts. Relative differences in BMI between married and divorced persons converge with divorce duration. Discussion CVD prevalence at 60-64 years was higher for widowed women but not men, compared with their continually married counterparts. Differences in BMI and systolic blood pressure by marital status appear to vary by, gender, cohort and divorce duration.
Article
This article outlines a new approach to premarital intervention—the Attachment-Differentiation Premarital Model (ADPM). The ADPM was developed by drawing on existing research, clinical experience, and theoretically grounded in Bowen family systems and attachment theory. It contains seven sequential phases, each viewed as a prerequisite to the prior stage: Assessment, Empathy-Building, Communication/Conflict Management, Marital Beliefs & Values, Marital Topics, Relationship Maintenance, and Charting the Course. These phases are outlined in detail, with vignettes and special treatment considerations. Although the ADPM has a prescribed treatment plan, it is respectful of between-couple differences and thus adaptable to meet unique client/facilitator needs. Further, all ADPM materials are open access, making this model a highly accessible, practical, and theoretically-grounded option for all clinicians and facilitators.
Article
Starting from the postulate that formation of heterosexual unions is necessarily affected by a numerical imbalance between the sexes in the marriage market, this paper uses data from a survey conducted in 2014–2015 in three rural counties of Shaanxi, China, to analyse the mechanisms to cope with this rather particular socio-demographic situation and with the poverty that is endemic in the survey area, in order to achieve marriage by any means. This empirical study based on individual quantitative data analyses the consequences of the male marriage-squeeze from the point of view of married men. The difficulty of getting married is identified and taken into account to analyse three specific adaptation mechanisms: demographic adaptations, changes in social norms regarding mate selection criteria, and economic adaptations. Findings demonstrate that marriage timing and age gap between spouses are levers that enable men to enlarge their pool of potential mates. But monetization of marriage is one of the most immediate consequences of the competition between the men seeking to marry. In sum, the men who reported difficulties getting married did so later than the other men, have greater age-gap with their spouse, and are in a disadvantaged position when negotiating the terms of their marriage. We conclude that the male marriage-squeeze has to be understood not only in relation to how marriage is constructed as a family and social institution, but also as a catalyst for other inequalities, especially in terms of social and economic capital.
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Full-text available
There is a lacuna in the body of knowledge, from social work specifically, on the topic of men and divorce. This prompted the researchers to embark on a qualitative research journey with the aim of exploring men's experiences of divorce, the challenges they faced and their coping strategies, and to gather suggestions for social work support. This paper reports the findings and conclusions based on the interviews conducted with 12 divorced men. In addition, recommendations are put forward.
Article
Full-text available
The long-term effects of parental divorce on individual's mental health after the transition to adulthood are examined using data from a British birth cohort that has been followed from birth to age 33. Growth-curve models and fixed-effects models are estimated. The results suggest that part of the negative effect of parental divorce on adults is a result of factors that were present before the parents' marriages dissolved. The results also suggest, however, a negative effect of divorce and its aftermath on adult mental health. Moreover, a parental divorce during childhood or adolescence continues to have a negative effect when a person is in his or her twenties and early thirties.
Article
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This paper draws on new data on intergenerational transfers of time and money that were collected in the Panel Study of Income Dynamics. We use these data to examine the effects of divorce on these transfers. We find that the timing of divorce is critical. Fathers and mothers involved in late divorces have similar levels of transfers with their adult children, while divorce during a child's childhood years increases transfers with mothers and sharply lowers them with fathers. Somewhat surprisingly, we find no evidence that divorced fathers who paid child support are more likely to be involved in intergenerational transfers than those who did not pay child support.
Article
Full-text available
When politicians point to the high social costs and taxpayer burden imposed by disintegrating `family values they overlook the fact that individuals do not simply make the decisions that lead to unwed parenthood marriage or divorce on the basis of what is good for society. They weigh the costs and benefits of each of these choices to themselves--and sometimes their children. But how much do individuals know about these costs and benefits? I think that we as demographers have something to contribute here. As individual researchers we investigate the relationship between marriage and longevity wealth earnings or childrens achievements but we rarely try to pull all this evidence together. I would like to argue that we have an opportunity and an obligation to do that and to tell people what their decisions about marriage and family potentially mean for them as individuals. That is my objective here. (EXCERPT)
Article
Full-text available
I use the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series to assess the potential effects of local labor-market conditions on long-term trends and race differences in marital instability. The rise of female labor-force participation and the increase in nonfarm employment are closely associated with the growth of divorce and separation. Moreover, higher female labor-force participation among black women and lower economic opportunities for black men may account for race differences in marital instability before 1940, and for most of such differences in subsequent years. However, unmeasured intervening cultural factors are probably responsible for at least part of these effects.
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This working paper presents evidence on changes in income distribution and poverty in thirteen OECD countries over the two decades up to the first half of the 1990s. While country experience has been variable, income and poverty rose in most countries. Both earnings and capital and self employment incomes contributed to these developments, partly offset by an increase in the importance of (progressive) taxes and transfers in total income. Increases in the share of no-worker households appears to have contributed to widening income distribution. Transfers appear to be relatively evenly spread across income groups in a number of countries, reflecting the weight of age-related transfers. An analysis of average incomes and poverty by household type, suggests that the retirement-age population has tended to do better, while younger households and households with children have become less well off and poverty has tended to shift from the old to the young. This mainly reflects ... Ce document de travail présente pour treize pays de l’OCDE les changements dans la distribution des revenus et le niveau de pauvreté au cours des deux décennies précédant le milieu des années 1990s. L’expérience des pays diffère, les revenus et la pauvreté se sont accrus dans la plupart des pays. Les gains salariaux et les revenus du capital et des emplois non salariés ont tous deux contribué à cette évolution, en partie compensée par un accroissement de la part des impôts (progressifs) et des transferts dans le revenu total. L’augmentation de la proportion de ménages sans emploi semble avoir contribué à l’élargissement de la distribution des revenus. Dans un certain nombre de pays, l’allocation des transferts qui apparaît également distribuée entre les différent groupes de revenus, reflète le poids de transfert liés à l’âge. Par ailleurs, l’analyse des revenus relatifs et de la pauvreté par type de ménage suggère que la situation de la population à l’âge de la retraite tend à ...
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Full-text available
Using data from the Federal Reserve Board's two most recent Surveys of Consumer Finances, this article provides a detailed picture of changes in the financial condition of U.S. families between 1995 and 1998. The financial situation of families changed notably in the three-year period. While income continued a moderate upward trend, net worth grew strongly, and the increase in net worth was broadly shared by different demographic groups. A booming stock market accounts for a substantial part of the rise in net worth, but the data also suggest that improvements in financial circumstances extended to many families that did not own stocks. The indebtedness of families grew, but less rapidly than their assets. Nonetheless, compared with 1995, debt repayments in 1998 accounted for a larger share of the income of the typical family with debt, and the proportion of debtors who were late with their payments by sixty days or more in the year preceding the survey was also higher.
Article
A meta-analysis was conducted of studies dealing with the long-term consequences of parental divorce for adult well-being. Effect sizes were calculated for 15 outcome variables across 37 studies involving over 81,000 individuals. Mean effect sizes were significant and negative for all outcomes; this indicated that adults who experienced parental divorce exhibited lower levels of well-being than did adults whose parents were continuously married. The strongest estimated effects occurred in the areas of one-parent family status, psychological adjustment, behavior/conduct, and educational attainment. Effect sizes were significantly stronger in clinical studies than in studies based on community samples. In addition, effects sizes tended to be stronger for whites than for blacks, stronger in earlier studies than in more recent studies, and stronger in studies that did not use statistical controls than in studies that did.
Article
The literature on the effect of divorce on suicide has neglected the issue of whether or not the strength of the association would change over time. The present study addresses this question from the standpoint of two opposed explanations: status integration theory and the Durkheimian perspective. The former would predict a decline in the effect of divorce on suicide, given that status configurations based on divorce have become statistically more frequent. The latter would predict no change or an increase in suicide. The analysis uses micro- or individual-level data that were only recently made available. The results provide some support for both perspectives. The gap between the suicide rates of the divorced and married has narrowed as divorce has become more common. The gap is, however, still substantial, given the high egoism/anomie of the divorced. Finally, in an analysis of all four marital statuses, status integration theory was not supported.
Article
Over the last 20 years, researchers have focused considerable attention on the economic consequences of divorce. One book, Weitzman's The Divorce Revolution (1985), reports a 73 percent decline in women's standard of living after divorce and a 42 percent increase in men's standard of living. These percentages, based on data from a 1977-1978 Los Angeles sample, are substantially larger than those from other studies. I replicate The Divorce Revolution's analysis and demonstrate that the estimates reported in the book are inaccurate. This reanalysis, which uses the same sample and measures of economic well-being as The Divorce Revolution, produces estimates of a 27 percent decline in women's standard of living and a 10 percent increase in men's standard of living after divorce. I discuss the implications of these results for debates about divorce law reform.
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Nontraditional living arrangements and the employment of women, including mothers of young children, continued to increase in developed nations.
Article
This paper proposes an extension of generalized linear models to the analysis of longitudinal data. We introduce a class of estimating equations that give consistent estimates of the regression parameters and of their variance under mild assumptions about the time dependence. The estimating equations are derived without specifying the joint distribution of a subject's observations yet they reduce to the score equations for niultivariate Gaussian outcomes. Asymptotic theory is presented for the general class of estimators. Specific cases in which we assume independence, m-dependence and exchangeable correlation structures from each subject are discussed. Efficiency of the pioposecl estimators in two simple situations is considered. The approach is closely related to quasi-likelihood.
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This report presents poverty data from the 2000, 2001, and 2002 Current Population Survey Annual Demographic Supplements, which provide information for caledar years 1999, 2000, and 2001. The poverty rate changed from 11.3 percent in 2000 to 11.7 percent in 2001. People below the poverty thresholds numbered 31.6 million in 2000 and 32.9 million in 2001. At 16.3 percent, the poverty rate for children remained higher than that of other age groups. It did not change during 2000-01. For people age 18-64 years, the poverty rate rose from 9.6 percent to 10.1 percent between 2000-01. There were 6.4 million poor families in 2000 and 6.8 million in 2001. For non-Hispanic whites, the poverty rate and the number who were poor rose between 2000 and 2001. Poverty rates for blacks, Hispanics, and Asians and Pacific Islanders did not change between 2000-01. The poverty rate in the south increased from 12.8 to 13.5 percent between 2000-01. The poverty rate for people living in the suburbs rose from 2.8 percent in 2000 to 8.2 percent in 2001. How poverty was measured affected the perception of who was poor. Four of six experimental poverty measures showed an increase in the poverty rate from 2000-01. Two appendices present time series poverty estimates by selected characteristics, 1959 to 2001 and sample expansion and introduction of Census 2000-based population controls. (Contains 8 tables and 8 figures.) (SM)
Article
Data from the 1992 Health and Retirement Survey are used to specify ordinary least squares (OLS) regression models predicting wealth. Separate models are estimated for men and women. The results indicate that individuals who are not continuously married have significantly lower wealth than those who remain married throughout the life course. Remarriage offsets the negative effect of a marital dissolution. There are significant gender differences in these effects. The results demonstrate that accounting for the sequence of marital events provides a detailed picture of the life paths that lead to wealth heterogeneity among the older population.
Article
We use longitudinal data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics to assess the economic consequences of divorce and separation for the women and men involved. In contrast to previous studies focusing exclusively on those who remain unmarried, our approach integrates the probability of remarriage into the analysis and produces a much less dramatic picture of change in economic status than analyses not incorporating remarriage. However, we also find evidence of selection bias in the subgroup of women who remarry, suggesting that currently unmarried women might not improve their economic status through remarriage as much as women who have remarried.
Article
This study investigated the joint effects of spouses' socioeconomic positions on the risk of divorce in Finland. For couples in which both partners were at the lowest educational level, the risk of divorce was lower than could be expected on the basis of the previously documented overall inverse association between each spouse's education and the risk of divorce. Women who were employed or were homemakers, and who had employed husbands, had comparatively stable marriages; couples in which the husband, the wife, or both partners were unemployed had an elevated risk of divorce. A husband's high income decreased the risk of divorce, and a wife's high income increased the risk at all levels of the other spouse's income, but especially when the wife's income exceeded the husband's.
Article
Estimates using survey data are determined by two factors: the data collected and the survey weights. This paper discusses the design and calculation of a set of consistent weights for the Surveys of Consumer Finances. Taking both these weights and the multiply imputed survey data, the authors look at estimates of changes in the distribution of wealth over the first half of the 1990s. Copyright 1999 by The International Association for Research in Income and Wealth.
Article
Researchers know relatively little about the beginnings of wealth accumulation. This paper analyzes the wealth of young baby boomers, individuals born from 1957 to 1964, using a previously ignored wealth data set, the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979 (NLSY79). First, a detailed data quality evaluation is performed. Findings suggest that not cleaning NLSY79 wealth data causes nonsensical results, but there are no other serious problems. Analyzing the cleaned wealth data quantifies many stylized facts. For example, the typical baby boomer's wealth holdings increase by more than S2,000 a year. Married females hold more wealth than either married or unmarried males. Finally, while young boomers start with a majority of their wealth in illiquid holdings such as automobiles and possessions, they rapidly shift their wealth holdings into homes as they grow older. Copyright 1999 by The International Association for Research in Income and Wealth.
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Duration Dependence in Personal Bankruptcy
  • Jonathan Fisher
Fisher, Jonathan (2002) Duration Dependence in Personal Bankruptcy (Working Paper No. 359). Washington, DC: US Bureau of Labor Statistics, Office of Prices and Living Conditions.
Marriage, Assets and Savings Marriage and the Economy: Theory and Evidence from Advanced Industrial Societies
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Number, Timing and Duration of Marriages and Divorces: 1996 (Current Population Reports, Series P70-80)
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  • Jason Fields
Kreider, Rose and Jason Fields (2002) Number, Timing and Duration of Marriages and Divorces: 1996 (Current Population Reports, Series P70-80). Washington, DC: US Bureau of the Census.
Checking, Editing and Imputation of Wealth Data of the Netherlands Socio-Economic Panel for the Period '87-'89
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Marital Disruption and Precautionary Savings
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His research focuses on understanding personal wealth issues. In addition to his research he currently teaches MBAs and undergraduates in Boston University's School of Management. Address: 921 Chatham Lane
Jay Zagorsky has been one of the National Longitudinal Survey's Research Scientist at Ohio State University since 1995. His research focuses on understanding personal wealth issues. In addition to his research he currently teaches MBAs and undergraduates in Boston University's School of Management. Address: 921 Chatham Lane, Suite 100, Columbus, OH, 43221-2418, USA. [email: Zagorsky.1@osu.edu]