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Long-Term Memory Of Extreme Events: From Autobiography To History
Abstract
The article analyses narratives of massacres by German troops in two villages in Tuscany during the Second World War. It explores the mechanisms of construction of group memory, considering the recollections from the perspective of both their social patterning and their emotional quality. Working from Bloch's assertion that there is no difference between the representations of autobiographical memory and those of historical accounts, I argue that visual imagery associated with past traumatic experience is a fundamental part of oral narratives, and facilitates the passage from personal to public memories. Treating the memory as a form of intersubjective knowledge endowed with symbolic content, rather than as a unanimous, collective endeavour, I argue for an approach that integrates different disciplinary theories.
... Often, these ties are imperceptible to the naked eye. Sometimes, perceptions or understandings of the self/terrain dynamics and the world one makes therein are intimate, sacred and not to be shared with strangers ( Cappelletto, 2003 ). This diversity is what, to my mind, makes qualitative research such a precious, intriguing process even when the imaginary edge of some of the tales and interpretations held by our co-researchers veers towards the stuff of legend (see Henare et al., 2007;Black, 2003). ...
... Tall tales, gossip, exaggerations, reimaginings -they all matter, they are all usable data in our work (see Black, 2003;Andrews et al., 2006 ). Alternative imaginings enrich and complicate the picture ( Cole, 2015 ;Cappelletto, 2003 ). Objects not only remind us of past practices and situations when connected to memories or associations; objects then act as 'portable places', transporting the self back to distant places and times (Bell, 1997: 821). ...
... It is a diffi cult translation process, and one we all experience in our work. Those of us working with the depth and breadth of memory may often encounter diffi culties in establishing an extent of 'historical truth' of 'fact' at the delicate intersection between private, mnemonic processes and collective memories of events ( Cappelletto, 2003 ;De Nardi, 2015 ;McAtackney, 2016 ). In the ever more urgent need to decolonise knowledge of the past and representations of past events (Lucero, 2008), however, we have a responsibility and duty of care towards those whose voices have been silenced and whose epistemologies have been negated. ...
... Thelen 1990;Reddy 2001;Woolf 2005;Rosenwein 2006, but see Riley and Harvey 2005). Other ethnographies of war (Cappelletto 2003; van Boeschoten 2005;Focardi 2013) exclude entirely the materiality of the everyday and the material catalysts of memory from their accounts. ...
... As is the case in Civitella's memories and mourning community, violence is not recognised as a 'domestic element, embedded in the local relations. Locally the source of violence is conceived as something external, different from "the ingroup", and membership in the mnemonic community is characterised by the status of victim of violence, not of perpetrator of violence' (Cappelletto 2003). Violence was an expression of the noxious otherness of foreign types. ...
... Elsewhere, Cappelletto (2003) has expertly reconstructed a narrative around a village tale of sorrow and loss following a Nazi massacre in Italy. The memories of the event, still jealously guarded, had become a myth through an almost ritual performance in which everyone played a part. ...
Seventy years after the end of the Second World War we still do not fully appreciate the intensity of the lived experience of people and communities involved in resistance movements and subjected to German occupation. Yet the enduring conjunction between individuals, things and place cannot be understated: from plaques on the wall to the beloved yellowing relics of private museums, materiality is paramount to any understanding of conflict experience and its poetics. This book reasserts the role of the senses, the imagination and emotion in the Italian war experience and its remembrance practices by tracing a cultural geography of the everyday material worlds of the conflict, and by digging deep into the multifaceted interweaving of place, person and conflict dynamics. Loneliness, displacement and paranoia were all emotional states shared by resistance activists and their civilian supporters. But what about the Fascists? And the Germans? In a civil war and occupation where shifting allegiances and betrayal were frequent, traditional binary codes of friend-foe cannot exist uncritically. This book incorporates these different actors’ perceptions, their competing and discordant materialities, and their shared-yet different-sense of loss and placelessness through witness accounts, storytelling and memoirs.
... La autora Francesca Cappelletto (2003) analiza las relaciones entre los recuerdos autobiográficos y la historia colectiva a partir de los relatos de las masacres realizadas por las tropas alemanas en dos pueblos de La Toscana durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial. En estos relatos la autora ve cómo los recuerdos recibidos de otros son re-representados, imaginados y recontados como si hubiesen sido presenciados personalmente. ...
... tiene para verbalizar estos recuerdos: «La fuerza del acontecimiento produce un colapso de la comprensión, la instalación de un vacío o un agujero en la capacidad de explicar lo ocurrido» (Sánchez, 2017). También los profesores tienen varias reservas para hablar del tema: Los 2017, p. 29) Las memorias que si llegan a relatarse son una forma de conocimiento intersubjetivo dotado de un contenido simbólico y emocional (Cappelletto, 2003). En las memorias de la juventud existen múltiples alusiones al miedo, la crueldad, al sufrimiento, al dolor y al terror. ...
Este artículo integra y yuxtapone las reflexiones del maestro Edilberto Jiménez sobre los procesos creativos e históricos que enmarcaron dos de sus retablos. La primera parte del ensayo demuestra que, en «Mi Ande y su amor profundo» (1987) y «Lucía» (1988), la belleza y el erotismo del cuerpo femenino —también la ironía—, funcionan como estrategias para resistir y responder a la violencia del conflicto armado interno. Utilizo una herramienta conceptual a la que llamo desfamiliarización para releer ambos retablos, así como para subrayar, en la segunda parte, la posible continuidad de la ironía como herramienta de crítica social en la actividad «Un retablo para el LUM». Sostengo que estos retablos trascienden su valor etnográfico, y demuestran estrategias de subversión de alto valor intelectual y político.
Palabras clave: desfamiliarización / Edilberto Jiménez / violencia política / memoria / retablos.
... Histórias são fiéis ao fluxo de experiência e as histórias afetam a direção desse fluxo. (Frank, 1995, p. 22, tradução livre) Uma "virada narrativa" acontece na psicologia por volta da década de 80 41 , quando os psicólogos começam a se interessar não tanto em como as pessoas representam suas realidades no que narram, mas em como elas constroem suas memórias nas realidades narradas (Bruner, 1991 (Bosi, 2003;Cappelletto, 2003). ...
... A descrição dos momentos em que obtiveram o diagnóstico são vividamente narrados com bastante detalhe e emoção, no trabalho de memória (Bosi, 2003) que parece fazer presente naquele momento as imagens, as palavras, os sons, a incredulidade e, principalmente, as sensações vividas, em um processo de memórias de flashes (Cappelletto, 2003). Em suas narrativas, esse momento é descrito com mais detalhes e sofrimento do que o da morte, quando já aconteceram, o que parece indicar que a experiência traumática de perda e algum tipo de luto antecipado começa a ser vivido naquele momento (Cox, 1999 Os experimentos realizados nesses laboratórios morais comportam grandes gestos, como a mudança de país para o acesso a melhores cuidados de saúde públicos; a briga judicial para a obtenção de um medicamento de alto custo; permissãoou nãopara uma nova intervenção médica que poderá aumentar a sobrevida da criança às custas de seu sofrimento; ...
In this study, I research the production of motherhood meanings and self-interpretation from matrifocal narratives of women with children with Tay-Sachs, a rare neurodegenerative disease that causes death in early childhood, with no known cure. Narratives were elaborated from life stories interviews with seven women with children with Tay-Sachs, which were transcribed, transcreated and went through a dialogical narrative analysis to notice its ruptures, ambivalences, transitions and meaning-making. The results indicate the following recurring themes: paths to motherhood; diagnostic odyssey; care practices and life and death experiments; motherhood transitions; death and grief; support networks and relationships. I discuss these themes in the light of matricentric feminism, that recognizes the centrality of motherhood to the lives of women who, by choice or not, are mothers; of the moral laboratories, a metaphorical space for experimentation in which life possibilities are tested; and of subjunctive mode of narratives in which several interpretive possibilities coexist in a border space between what “is”, what “should be” and what “could have been”, producing an “as if, what if”. Through reflective actions, this space was created through daily care and in the cultivation of a kind of hope related to a narrative reenvisioning. The shared illness experience was lived with moral dilemmas that required the expansion of life possibilities with the craft of hope through care practices of meticulous observation and performance to make new meanings from the present with the illness. This sharing enabled transitions to motherhoods towards death and the response to an ethical call to live the best possible life for them and their children, as if life was the horizon. In so doing, they forged a continuity of themselves, reinventing their relationship with the known, with time and with the everyday life, creating new ways of being in the world as women and mothers, from and for care: care for themselves and their children.
... In the context of violence committed by German troops in Tuscany, Italy, during the Second World War, Francesca Cappelletto (2003) analyses the formation of group memory as a process of intersubjective storytelling after 'extreme events'. She claims that a mnemonic community is formed through a process of repetitive, interactive storytelling in narrative sessions. ...
... During such a process individual and group memories get intertwined, or in other words autobiographical memory and historical memory are merged, so that detailed events witnessed and then told by individuals become a shared memory. According to her, visualized images serve a special function in the formation of such a shared historical memory: images are 'emotions in visual form' (Cappelletto 2003: 251), and as such they function as bridges between the individual experience and the historical representation (Cappelletto 2003). ...
... Questa pertanto in quanto tale è, così, esclusivamente politica. In questo nostro articolo, anche grazie ad un'esperienza di terreno pluriennale, metteremo brevemente in tensione gli elementi della "memoria viva" e quella della "memoria a lungo termine di eventi estremi" [Cappelletto 2003] e quelli della "memoria monumentalizzata" nella problematica contemporaneità del post genocidio rwandese [Fusaschi 2015]. In particolare il primo tema verrà riletto grazie ai dilemmi della «memoria inebetita e preposizionata» proposta dallo storico José Kagabo [2014]. ...
Based on ethnographic research in post-genocide Rwanda, this article analyzes two different approaches to the Politics of Memory in Rwanda: the “living memory” in the José Kagabo’s experience and the “duty of memory “ in the official memorializations. The institutionalization of the rwandan memorial sites provides a narrative of the massacres through the places, showing limits and contradictions about of a new national story telling .
... Halbwachs characterises memory as a filter that tends to preserve only those images that support the group or individual's present sense of identity. 56 Moreover, oral history can both destabilise and affirm a personal narrative. 57 The stereotypical surgical identity is constructed from a group of traits that are traditionally considered masculine, such as 'boldness of action' and a 'take-charge machismo'. ...
Surgeon Henry Marsh begins his autobiography, Do No Harm , with a quotation from the French practitioner René Leriche, “Every surgeon carries within himself a small cemetery, where from time to time he goes to pray—a place of bitterness and regret, where he must look for an explanation for his failures”. This article uses memoirs and oral history interviews to enter the operating theatre and consider the contemporary history of surgeons’ embodied experiences of patient death. It will argue that these experiences take an under-appreciated emotional toll on surgeons, but also that they are deployed as a narrative device through which surgeons construct their professional identity. Crucially, however, there is as much forgetting as remembering in their accounts, and the ‘labour’ of death has been increasingly shifted out of the operating theatre, off the surgeons’ hands and into the laps of others. The emotional costs of surgical care remain understudied. Indeed, while many researchers agree that undergoing surgery can be a troubling emotional experience for the patient, less scholarly attention has been paid to the emotional demands performing surgery makes on surgical practitioners. Is detachment the modus operandi of the modern surgeon and if so, is it tenable in moments of emotional intensity—like patient death?
... Family can be an important avenue for socializing individuals into mnemonic communities (Cappelletto, 2003); family history and memories connect individuals to the past and cement family ties (Booth, 2008;Rosenzweig & Thelen, 1998). Some beliefs are sustained for generations within families even when they are not part of the dominant culture's collective memory (Epstein, 2009;Schuman & Corning, 2011). ...
This article explores the belief that African Americans fought for the Confederacy as well as the Union during the U.S. Civil War. Collective memory among university students is examined for evidence of the belief, and the narrative elements included are analyzed. Data come from a survey sample of undergraduate and graduate students (N=1,305) at a large public university in a former Confederate state. The survey included an open-ended question asking respondents to describe African American participation in the Civil War. Although the belief has little basis in historical fact, 16% of respondents volunteered the belief that African Americans fought for the Confederacy in the Civil War, and an additional 4% made a similar but more qualified statement. The distribution of responses was analyzed in terms of respondents’ social background characteristics, showing that having an ancestor who fought in the Civil War (for either side) was associated with the belief that African Americans fought for the Confederacy. Qualitative analysis explored narrative strategies employed by respondents, including efforts to explain (or explain away) the contradiction of believing that African Americans fought to preserve the system that enslaved them.
... Autoethnography uses personal experiences to purposefully reflect on the self within a sociocultural context (Coffey 1999) and is therefore an effective approach for gaining a deep insight into sociocultural phenomena through reflection and analysis of one's personal experiences of those phenomena (Reed-Danahay 1997). 19 In reflecting on past experiences, it is important not to equate memory with history and fact (Cappelletto 2003;Kirmayer 1996). Autoethnography seeks to 'extract meaning from experience rather than to depict experience exactly as it was lived' (Bochner 2000: 270). ...
Much research on the Troubles has relied on traditional methods, and there is value to adopting a wider range of conceptual perspectives, research methods and methods of data analyses (Muldoon 2004). In this chapter, I present my autoethnographic account of growing up during the Troubles. Autoethnography uses personal experiences to purposefully reflect on the self within a sociocultural context (Coffey 1999) and is therefore an effective approach for gaining a deep insight into sociocultural phenomena through reflection and analysis of one’s personal experiences of those phenomena (Reed-Danahay 1997).19 In reflecting on past experiences, it is important not to equate memory with history and fact (Cappelletto 2003; Kirmayer 1996). Autoethnography seeks to ‘extract meaning from experience rather than to depict experience exactly as it was lived’ (Bochner 2000: 270). In painting a picture of one’s life, there is no one true picture but rather multiple images and traces of events (Denzin 2014). This chapter is not an event history of the Troubles. I make no claim that what I present is a historically accurate recall of events; but neither is this an act of fiction embellished with fictional characters and dramatized emotions. None of the details have been purposely changed for dramatic effect. However, they are presented from my perspective and I acknowledge that my recall may be hazy and also contested.20 Simply, these are my memories of selected events,21 as I remember them.
... The involvement of emotions in the process of sharing narratives about the past helps to establish long-term memory about events in which the 'person who remembers' did not take part in. The experience of exposure to a witness statement means that an element from the past is included in the individual memory (see Cappelletto 2003). An experience from the past through communication with others is not only about contact with the narrative layer of the message but also with its emotional meaning. ...
In this chapter, Ursa explores multiple forms of displacement in Herta Müller’s prose. Identified as crucial ways of remediating the author’s autobiography and postmemory, linguistic estrangement, autobiographical mediation, and non-human displacement are central to the analysis. Based on two best-known novels by Müller, The Land of Green Plums and The Hunger Angel, the chapter shows how meaning is transferred throughout the narrative between speech, material objects, humanness, and animality. Focusing on the individual-collective interplay and on the human–non-human ambivalence, and dwelling on theoretical input from memory and postmemory studies, Ursa contends that the writer uses identity displacement to mediate and remediate different places of memory, where the non-human takes part in being human.
... Dodatkową siłą, która powoduje zaangażowanie osób niebędących świadkami danych wydarzeń, jest przekaz emocjonalny. Jak wskazuje Francesca Cappelletto (2003), odczuwanie emocji związanych z danymi wydarzeniami z przeszłości niekoniecznie oznacza pamiętanie o nich. Czynnikiem łączącym świadków wydarzeń oraz inne osoby jest emocjonalne znaczenie wydarzenia, niekoniecznie jego przeżycie (s. ...
... Acts of memory take a narrative form in order to sustain the personal and collective identity, and the memories that are transposed at the nar- rative level are "affectively colored, surrounded by an emotional aura" 19 . Imagining what others have felt and how they survived, we appeal to the affective resemblance, as we put ourselves in others' places using our imagination and based on emotional memory 20 . Empathy involves imaginary experience of another person's emotions when facing a specific event and, in this way, making the decision to understand the other person's perspective. ...
This paper focuses on the connection between life writing and postmemory. The case of Anița Nandriș-Cudla's life writing is presented based on its unique status: women's testimonies are rare in Romanian memory discourse, and when present, they are limited to known intellectual figures. Moreover, the displacement narratives occupy a small place in Ro-mania's post-1989 collective memory discourse and, as survivors of deportation inexorably pass away, life writing becomes increasingly important in the transmission of memory. This paper argues that increasing attention to the narratives of the past traumas can develop the intergenerational transmission of memory and knowledge. The process of coming to terms with the past must offer space to alternative memories and narratives with which, the research shows, second or third generations can relate, based on similarities and resemblance, and in this way develop an empathic understanding of current events.
... Family can be an important avenue for socializing individuals into mnemonic communities (Cappelletto, 2003); family history and memories connect individuals to the past and cement family ties (Booth, 2008;Rosenzweig & Thelen, 1998). Some beliefs are sustained for generations within families even when they are not part of the dominant culture's collective memory (Epstein, 2009;Schuman & Corning, 2011). ...
This article explores the belief that African Americans fought for the Confederacy as well as the Union during the U.S. Civil War. Collective memory among university students is examined for evidence of the belief, and the narrative elements included are analyzed. Data come from a survey sample of undergraduate and graduate students (N=1,305) at a large public university in a former Confederate state. The survey included an open-ended question asking respondents to describe African American participation in the Civil War. Although the belief has little basis in historical fact, 16% of respondents volunteered the belief that African Americans fought for the Confederacy in the Civil War, and an additional 4% made a similar but more qualified statement. The distribution of responses was analyzed in terms of respondents' social background characteristics, showing that having an ancestor who fought in the Civil War (for either side) was associated with the belief that African Americans fought for the Confederacy. Qualitative analysis explored narrative strategies employed by respondents, including efforts to explain (or explain away) the contradiction of believing that African Americans fought to preserve the system that enslaved them.
... It suggests that investigating an impact of rules of social influence may be a valuable direction and that this direction may deliver a number of interesting observations on the government's remembrance policy or its effectiveness. We believe that further studies will also answer how these rules can be used in strategies of remembrance storytelling, especially in terms of the modal instrument of remembrance policy -the use of different narrators that present same plot, which we call the polyphony of narratives (Cappalletto 2003;du Pisani 2007;Jõesalu 2010;Webber & Mullen 2011). ...
Remembrance is a powerful instrument of social mobilisation, identity construction and political competition. Its impact on individual and shared beliefs or attitudes makes it an object of government’s interest, because remembrance can be used to legitimise ideologies or policies. Theoretical considerations of a government’s role as a narrator lead us to the general definition of the government’s remembrance policy, which we understand as a complex of narratives and interpretations presented to influence citizens’ attitudes, behaviours, beliefs and identities. The paper develops the definition with five theoretical hypotheses on the effectiveness of remembrance narratives. It argues that the government’s remembrance policy is myth-motoric, non-scientific, emotional, based on commitment and that it is a type of social influence. The study is an initial verification of theoretical approach, and I believe that my arguments will motivate other researchers to investigate different aspects of a government’s desire to narrate past events.
... c of Yugoslavia, founded in 1992, consisted only of Serbia and Montenegro, republics which did not choose to leave the joint Yugoslav state (unlike Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia). In that period, its government was strongly associ- ated with Milošević's regime, who himself acted as the federation's president from 1997-2000. In 2003 position on Kosovo and concede to the possibility of holding an independence referendum in the region in the foreseeable future. By that point the possibility of bombing by NATO had been in the offing for more than six months and the NATO powers themselves were already outspokenly determined to take that step to try to force Milošević's ...
This article analyses how NATO’s bombing of Serbia has been officially commemorated in that country. Initially, it provides an overview of the commemorations performed between 2000 and 2013, covering both the commemorative practices and policies of leading Serbian politicians and alternative voices. The focus then turns to the fifteenth anniversary of the bombing in 2014. Just as in previous commemorations, there was no central ceremony, but, rather, a series of commemorative events held all over the country. The controversies that these aroused are then discussed, in particular those surrounding the commemoration of Radio Television Serbia’s employees and the spontaneous commemorative acts that took place in Serbian schools.
... The same is true for those to whom these memories are passed on. In contrast to Cappelletto (2003) who suggests there is no difference between autobiographical memory and historical accounts of WWII massacres in the Tuscan village she studied, Sorabji highlights differences she encountered among accounts of WWII massacres in a BiH village. Sorabji tells of a father who had lost his entire family in a massacre committed by Chetniks and who, more than 60 years later, still mistrusts all Serbs. ...
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This book provides a profound insight into post-war Mostar, and the memories of three generations of this Bosnian-Herzegovinian city. Drawing on several years of ethnographic fieldwork, it offers a vivid account of how personal and collective memories are utterly intertwined, and how memories across the generations are reimagined and ‘rewritten’ following great socio-political change. Focusing on both Bosniak-dominated East Mostar and Croat-dominated West Mostar, it demonstrates that, even in this ethno-nationally divided city with its two divergent national historiographies, generation-specific experiences are crucial in how people ascribe meaning to past events. It argues that the dramatic and often brutal transformations that Bosnia and Herzegovina has witnessed have led to alterations in memory politics, not to mention disparities in the life situations faced by the different generations in present-day post-war Mostar. This in turn has created variations in memories along generational lines, which affect how individuals narrate and position themselves in relation to the country's history. This detailed and engaging work will appeal to students and scholars of anthropology, sociology, political science, history and oral history, particularly those with an interest in memory, post-socialist Europe and conflict studies.
... The same is true for those to whom these memories are passed on. In contrast to Cappelletto (2003) who suggests there is no difference between autobiographical memory and historical accounts of WWII massacres in the Tuscan village she studied, Sorabji highlights differences she encountered among accounts of WWII massacres in a BiH village. Sorabji tells of a father who had lost his entire family in a massacre committed by Chetniks and who, more than 60 years later, still mistrusts all Serbs. ...
This chapter analyses the Post-Yugoslavs generation, who experienced the 1992–1995 war in Mostar, Bosnia and Herzegovina, as children. Due to their young age during the war, the Post-Yugoslavs perceive themselves as less affected by it than the older generations do. This chapter shows how their discursive tactics are characterised by dissociating their lives from wider societal (national) experiences. Although the Post-Yugoslavs do not engage fully in the dominant public discourses when it comes to their lives, they have to a large degree accepted Mostar’s division along ethno-national lines as primordial, as is presently promoted within the school curriculum. A vital discussion in this chapter centres on the counterpart of remembering, silencing, and on the transmission of (collective) memory.
... Similarly, Young and Light's (2016) investigations of the deeply fractured memories of the Romanian 1989 'revolution' explore the legacies of politics and society, as ref lected in the vernacular. Indeed, as other authors have noted (Cappelletto 2003;Mistzal 2003;Cole 2015), the link between people and places is a fundamental factor in local, national, and global debates around the memory of war. Not only do places come across as 'co-protagonists' of much conf lict in the retelling of that history, but often it was a person's or groups' provenance from elsewhere that dictated how the enemy was constructed and engaged with. ...
The terms memory, place and identity exemplify the core concerns of geographical inquiry – focusing on linkages between people, place, and culture. In this review, we hone in on the intersections between these three terms in the context of the remembrance of war and conflict. We seek to highlight how memory informs the construction and maintenance of identities (personal, national, and supranational) post-conflict and post-war, and how these identities are drawn upon and articulated through place. In doing so, we also explore how investigations of and in memory benefit from methodologies that engage with more-than-human and more-than-representational approaches. We take this stance because memory is a powerful force invoking experience, emotion, and an awakening of the senses. Its affective capacity moves beyond stoic representations of memory in stone and marble, for example; it can be smelt, touched, felt, imagined, tasted, and heard. Any one of these sensations has the agency to transport us not only to different times but to different places. With this in mind, we use this review to investigate how memory (re)produces and maintains the identity of places, communities, and nations. Understanding the links between memory, identity, and place also leads to a concomitant process of comprehending the influence of a politics of memory in the (re)production of both places and identities. © 2016 The Author(s) Geography Compass
... For the importance of the imagery for the process of passing from the autobiographical to collective memory, see Cappelletto (2003). 33. ...
The objective of this paper is to document the ongoing shift from communicative to cultural memory of war and post-war events in the Czech Republic by using an example of a local struggle about a memorial for German inhabitants of a Czech town killed in June 1945. Thanks to an anthropological and social geographical approach based on interviews, family memory research, observations, and analysis of archive materials, it is possible to reconstruct the local and international sources of the post-1989 collective memory of the German past in Central Europe. This memory is still in constant conflict with the pre-1989 version of Czech national history which had contemptuously marginalized its German component. The communicative memory of the German past has entered the public space and tries to become a permanent part of the Czech cultural memory, but it is not a straightforward process, mainly due to the continuously strengthening nationalistic framing of memory within Central Europe.
... In our opinion, one of the markers of ethnic identity among Ts'alk'a Greeks is the so-called mnemonic unity. The Italian anthropologist CAPPELLETTO introduced this term to denote a community that is united by the memory of a traumatic event; it may or may not have any other unifying structures beyond the shared memory (CAPPELLETTO 2003). In the case of Ts'alk'a Greeks, we can assume that the persecution trauma is their unifying memory. ...
After the fall of the Soviet Union, the issue of ethnic identity has gained in importance among Georgia’s multiethnic communities. Groups of different ethnic and cultural backgrounds faced the challenge of choosing a common language of communication, and they must address issues related to their ethno-cultural preferences. Using the example of Ts’alk’a Greeks – the largest Greek community in Georgia – this article discusses aspects of maintaining an ethnic identity in a multiethnic environment, and identifies visible trends of cross-cultural orientation. How do Greeks manage to preserve their ethnic identity, and what is their strategy based on? What determines the orientation of Greeks towards the different groups? The present study argues that culture (i. e. language, religion, traditions, customs, etc.) is crucial in this regard.
... Certain circumstances activate affect-a taste of a sweet (Alexandrakis, this issue), the appearance of visitors (Bryant, this issue), or dust storms on a balmy day (Pipyrou, this issue)-triggering the communication of silenced events. In some instances, personal accounts of disturbing events are transmitted on a communal level, with emphasis on a collective "mental presence of the past" (Cappelletto 2003;Bloch 1998, 60). ...
This article focuses on how the economic crisis in Southern Europe has stimulated temporal
thought (temporality), whether tilted in the direction of historicizing, presentifying, or
futural thought, provoking people to rethink their relationship to time. The argument is
developed with particular reference to the ethnographies of living with austerity inside
the eurozone contained in this special issue. The studies identify the ways the past may
be activated, lived, embodied, and re-fashioned under contracting economic horizons.
We argue for the empirical study of crisis that captures the decisions or non-decisions
that people make, and the actual temporal processes by which they judge responses. We conclude
that modern linear historicism is often overridden in such moments by other historicities,
showing that in crises, not only time, but history itself as an organizing structure and
set of expectations, is up for grabs.
Stuart Hall, in his 1983 lectures states, “people have to have a language to speak about where they are and what other possible futures are available to them….These futures may not be real; if you try to concretize them immediately, you may find there is nothing there. But what is there, what is real, is the possibility of being someone else, of being in some other social space from the one in which you have already been placed.” (Hall, 2016, p.205) The literature from Northeast India puts forward the issue of systematic erasure and structural exclusion [institutionalized through legal mechanisms like the Armed Forces Special Powers Act.] from the mainstream national imagination and literary space. Easterine Kire’s primary agenda is to revitalize cultural practices that have been facing “historical elision.” (Sarkar, 1997, p.359) This elision threatens the poly-ethnic, culturally vibrant, and tribal cultures by constructing and presenting the northeastern region of India as a conflict-ridden space. Situated within this ontology of existence, reality, and becoming, Easterine Kire’s Don’t Run, My Love (2017) and Sky is My Father: A Naga Village Remembered (2018) revive and revitalize the folktales and cultural practices to assert the cultural economy of the Naga tribes. Her writings represent a politically conscious positionality of the characters, context, and the plot to assert the culturally constituted identity through the revival of vibrant cultural practices and tribal epistemologies.
Researchers increasingly embrace co-production as fundamental to knowledge-building about local history(ies) and heritage(s); community insights must be encompassed in professional reports, interpretation and, ideally, publication. This chapter reports on fieldwork and related story-mapping I undertook with members of a community in the northeast of England—the Sunderland suburb of Ryhope, once a colliery (coal mine) settlement in its own right. When a local museum decided to relocate an iconic cinema/bingo hall to a recreated 1950s setting, the museum and residents expressed an interest in celebrating local stories and memories of Ryhope that went beyond the materiality of the building itself. The underlying aim was to reanimate the rich vernacular and creative spirit of the Northeast, beyond the deindustrialized ‘ex-coal mining’ canon by which the area is mainly known.
The concept historical culture generally refers to people's relationships with the past. It encompasses the various ways in which people and larger communities perceive and perform the past, involving both academic and popular culture, material and immaterial articulations. While there are differences in interpretation and appraisal - both theoretical and empirical - the concept broadly aims to understand the dynamic interaction between human agency, traditions, institutions, performances of memory and other historical representations, conceptions of history, and the circulation of knowledge (Füssmann, Grütter & Rüsen, 1994; Schönemann, 2000; Ribbens, 2002, 2007; Woolf, 2003; Demantowsky, 2005; Grever, 2009; Grever & Adriaansen, 2017).
This issue of the Journal of Biourbanism is devoted to the relevance of rural otherness for establishing a lifeworld design.
This article examines how the remembrance of two ‘lost territories’ created by a post-war border change and forced resettlements, Kresy (a former Polish territory) and Karelia (a former Finnish territory), are framed within the contexts of nostalgia and banal nationalism, and based on post-memories. We examine the similarities between data from two countries and two separate research projects to show that certain nationalist narratives surrounding ‘lost’ or ‘amputated’ territories, which are considered unique to a given country, are in fact present in different parts of Europe.
Our aim is to push forward and expand understandings of history and memory in border areas by comparing two geographically separate ‘lost’ borderland territories, which nevertheless, as we argue, have striking similarities in the way they are remembered in the nation states which ceded them to the Soviet Union (USSR) after World War Two (WWII). Employing a comparative perspective offers valuable new insights into the transnational phenomenon of the lost and longed-for place and adds to understandings of national identity, territorial belonging, and how societies remember. We trace common perspectives and mechanisms of remembering territories which were annexed by the USSR after WWII, including the issues of forced border change and forced migrations and resettlements.
This contribution draws on ethnography conducted in Istanbul to analyse the Museum of Shame, an amateur exhibition dedicated to the memory of leftist militants who were victims of state violence following the 1980–1983 military coup in Turkey. This museification is the work of a group of ex-revolutionaries and can be considered a cultural practice that challenges statist historiography and creates a mnemonic community. By exhibiting the possessions of murdered militants, it inscribes their personal experiences into collective frames and fosters intergenerational transmission. Its temporality reflects the ethos of the revolutionary fighter, turning mourning into a political statement. However, though this museum practice allows the community to become an agent of history, it is unable to encompass the varying experiences of ex-militants. Its aestheticization of violence and its moral injunctions limit the extent of social solidarity and advance essentialisms that contribute to the construction of marginality from the inside.
This article analyses the social construction of moral outrage, interpreting it as both an extemporaneous feeling and an enduring process, objectified in narratives and rituals and permeating public spaces as well as the intimate sphere of social actors’ lives. Based on ethnography carried out in Istanbul, this contribution focuses on the assassination of the Turkish Armenian journalist Hrant Dink in 2007. This provoked a moral shock and led to an annual commemoration in which thousands of people—distant in political, religious, ethnic positions—gather around a shared feeling of outrage. The article retraces the narratives of innocence and the moral frames that make Dink’s public figure different from other victims of state violence, thus enabling a moral and emotional identification of a large audience. Outrage over Dink’s murder has become a creative, mobilizing force that fosters new relationships between national history and subjectivity, and de-reifies essentialized social boundaries and identity claims.
This chapter develops around a community mapping methodology and its fieldwork. Community-centred visualisations, growing out of emplaced stories and affects, may be able to channel otherwise elusive imaginaries and the ephemeral mnemonic spaces encountered in fieldwork. For Ricoeur, telling stories can give shape to ephemeral, intangible elements of everyday life. What of the intangible elements of everyday life and storytelling that are remembered collectively and individually, but do not necessarily leave a physical trace? This chapter engages with one such visualisation, a memory-map of the village of Kibblesworth in northeast England, populated with the present and past imaginings of a community of people and of an open-air museum. The museum embodies the imagination of place and of local/non-local memory construction, as it prepares to ‘reassemble’ and exhibit a terrace of prefabricated concrete houses removed from Kibblesworth in the new 1950s town.
The chapter focuses on the memory of displacement from eastern Polish borderlands (called ‘Kresy’) which were not included in the Polish state after the World War II. Analysis is based on interviews conducted among members of Kresy-related organisations in contemporary Poland. Głowacka-Grajper shows that memory of lost lands and displacement is transmitted mainly within families and local non-governmental organisations and women became the main ‘memory makers’ in this sphere. Most interlocutors recall stories from their mothers and grandmothers as a way of establishing a link with the family’s past. The narratives often focus on the everyday aspects of family life culturally ascribed to women’s sphere, for example, various family stories, neighbour relations, the immediate surroundings and ordinary working days. The reasons for the domination of women’s narratives for the memory of displacement in contemporary Poland and its consequences are analysed in the chapter.
Intergenerational transmission of the memory of the Eastern Borderlands of Second Polish Republic
In the article the author analyzes the way of thinking of NGO’s representatives on transmission of the memory of the lost eastern borderlands of the Second Republic of Poland (called Kresy) in contemporary social and cultural conditions. Basing on interviews with acti vists from three different generations the author presents social division of mnemonic labor of Kresy – roles played by people from different generations, their motivations, emotional attitudes and their diagnosis of the process of memory transmission and its social and individual aspects.
This article is based on an anthropological study on memory carried out between 2002 and 2010 in Sant’Anna di Stazzema, a village located in the mountains of Tuscany, where the Nazis exterminated almost all of the civilian inhabitants on 12 August 1944. Nearly 400 people died, mainly women, children and the elderly. Despite what occurred, neither historical nor legal acknowledgements were forthcoming until as late as 2007.
Through the study of ethnographical documents, the author analyses the cultural value of memory of the massacre narrated by survivors and the relatives of victims from 1944 to the present day. To examine how this memory has been passed down through time both inside and outside the martyred village, the author reflects on the complex intertwining of the individual and collective remembrances during the long and drawn-out elaboration of the trauma.
The article contributes to the historiography of the Czechoslovak communist dictatorship. The Communist takeover and stabilization of the regime were connected with various kinds of oppression including political trials. The biggest political trial in that time was that with the female politician Milada Horáková and the twelve members of her resistance group. This trial was followed by dozens of smaller local trials around the country, accusing 627 people altogether. While the main trial was carried publicly and was used extensively in the state’s propaganda, the local trials remain almost forgotten and outside the interest of Czech public. This paper will focus on one of them and its impact on my narrator and his family.Antonín Městecký jr. was a child when his father Antonín Městecký was imprisoned for 11 years after a local show trial in the city of Hradec Králové in East Bohemia. The imprisonment of his father was his strongest childhood experience; when his father returned home, the son was already an adult and they both kept silent about the traumatic past. They never discussed what really happened in the time of the father’s imprisonment, creating a severe trauma for the son. How can the turning point in someone’s life be remembered if we have only limited information?Using the methods of oral history, this paper explores how Mr. Městecký tries to deal with this gap in his family’s history by extending his childhood memories with information told to him by members of his father’s resistance group or found in books and archives. In the methodology, I will also reflect on how sharing his story with me constituted bridging the gap. His narrative contains rich accounts of life and survival as well as interesting moments and silences, revealing the complexities of trauma narratives and their effect on the descendants of former political prisoners.
This article draws upon ethnographic research which was conducted among young Cossacks (members of officially registered and informal Cossack clubs) in southern Russia. It presents young people’s participation in the Cossack “nativism” as a physical and material mode of socialization into the mnemonic community. The research puts forward an argument that such corporal and sensorial experiences is effective in recruiting some young members to the Cossack movement. At the same time, the performative character of neo-Cossack identity destabilizes contemporary Cossacks’ claims of authenticity related to the status of the legitimate heirs of historical Cossackdom. At the more general level of discussion this paper juxtaposes bodily activities, social memory, and revivalist discourses.
In the last decade of the twentieth century the world has witnessed lethal conflict that resulted in genocidal behavior,1 most notably in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia. Military, social, and political scientists contend that the conditions that foster these behavioral phenomena will persist if not increase in the decades to come. With the intensity of lethal conflict come massacres of noncombatants, characteristics of behavior chronicled in history and visible in prehistoric contexts. Mass graves are often a result of contemporary massacres and known to be scattered throughout both the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda.
The Arab-Israel conflict has been the central focus of numerous scholarly studies. In the course of this conflict, Israeli Jews and Palestinians have each formed a collective memory that describes the development of the conflict. Among the many aspects of this, the narrative of the 1948 War events is the most significant. Each party has developed its unique and distinctive collective memory and has invested major efforts in maintaining it.
Palestinians who are Israeli citizens, whose nation is in an intractable conflict with the Jewish citizens of Israel, represent a national minority which is exposed to two contrasting and conflicting narratives of the past: the Israeli one and the Palestinian one. They encounter the hegemonic Zionist narrative through various formal state systems while their own narrative they acquire mainly in informal contexts.
Therefore, the main purpose of this chapter is to present the findings of research conducted among young Palestinians in Israel with regard to their collective memory narrative of the 1948 War events. The chapter will shed a light on the “mnemonic community” and “mnemonic arena” that preserved such a silenced collective memory. In addition, it will concentrate on the way young Palestinians explain what happened in 1948 War and how they perceive the influence that such events had on their current lives and values. This chapter seeks to contribute to an understanding of the significance of collective memory for societies involved in conflicts, since it is a determining factor in maintaining and feeding the conflict, often functioning as a potential obstacle to conflict resolution and peacemaking.
Around the globe, public controversies on collective memory and history canons are always a good indicator for problems and tensions within or between societies. Usually, the spokespersons of these debates criticize the supposed lack of historical consciousness, referring to the selection of topics in the school history curriculum and other historical representations (Granatstein, 1998; Macintyre & Clark, 2004; Grever & Stuurman, 2007). But sometimes they also challenge the premises of historical thought. In Canada, for example, some educators call for an incorporation of oral traditions and cyclical conceptions of time in the history curriculum, including claims for "indigenous epistemologies" as alternatives to modern historical consciousness (Seixas, 2012). Studying the social and cultural consequences of these debates and the last mentioned developments requires a framework of analysis which also involves conceptions of history, allowing us to better understand the dynamic interaction between human agency, tradition, performance of memory, and historical representations and their dissemination. The concept historical culture, broadly defined as "people’s relationships to the past", offers a good opportunity to construct such a framework.
In this chapter we start by outlining the rise of the concept of historical culture. Building on the impressive work of particularly German historians and philosophers, we will also critically assess the various changing meanings of the concept. Next, we will discuss historical culture as a concept of three mutually dependent and interactive levels of analysis: 1. historical narratives and performances of the past; 2. mnemonic infrastructures; 3. conceptions of history. We will conclude with some reflective remarks about our approach, especially in relation to history education practices.
RESUMO A constituição da identidade acontece na interação com o outro e nas atividades que são desenvolvidas em uma configuração estética de si. Neste artigo, apresentamos uma proposta teórica para o estudo sobre identidade docente a partir da descrição e da análise das dinâmicas narrativas de uma mestranda estagiária de docência do ensino superior. O foco do estudo proposto ampara-se na psicologia histórico-cultural e no dialogismo proposto por Bakhtin. Diante disso, as entrevistas foram realizadas com uma professora em uma universidade pública do Centro-Oeste. A partir das análises das narrativas, identificamos a construção da identidade da professora acontecendo na intersubjetividade com os alunos em um movimento complexo em que a constituição de si acontece como processo dialógico e estético.
This paper analyses the memories of Belgrade residents of the 1999 NATO bombing of Serbia (then part of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia). By focusing on the memories of this event, yet placing them in a broader context of the conflicts of the 1990s—the breakup of Yugoslavia and the post-Yugoslav wars—this essay explores what international intervention has meant to respondents in Belgrade by documenting memories of international intervention among older and younger generations, as well as among active members of antiwar NGOs in Serbia and citizens who were not engaged in activism during the 1990s. The paper aims to expand the scope of the discussions on dealing with the past and on transitional justice in the Western Balkans and to place them in the context of social memory studies and the study of post-conflict transformation processes. Furthermore, by presenting the case study of Serbia, this text contributes to the analysis of local mnemonic batt les as part of the creation of collective memories of the 1990s in post-Milošević Serbia, and it sheds light on the memories of the bombing as related to the war in Kosovo and the subsequent effects on shaping postwar Serbia–Kosovo relations.
The paper presents the results of an experimental study of Polish students’ attitudes towards their government’s remembrance policy (or, in other words, the intentional narration and interpretation of the past by the government). It includes four parts: a justification of why remembrance is a significant political asset in post-Communist Poland; a classification of remembrance policy instruments; a presentation of general results of the study; and a discussion of participants’ attitudes to particular policy instruments. In our assessment of the general results, we discuss three types of collected data: the results of the initial measurement of attitudes; the results of measurement after the manipulation of emotions (neutral vs. positive vs. negative) and commitment (no commitment vs. low commitment); and the results in terms of attitude change. In the section on attitudes to particular instruments, we compare participants’ support for different commemorative actions with their support for the governments’ dominant role in the popularising of remembrance narratives. The study’s results lead us to formulate three conclusions about the relationships between attitudes to the policy and Polish political culture.
Large numbers of young people have joined jihadists groups in the Syrian/Iraqi conflict. Why would these young people decide to become jihadist fighters? What are the representations of the West they hold and how do these representations shape their decision? Drawing on the psychotherapeutic work with Syrian and Iraqi asylum seekers, this paper seeks to explain the most intimate reasons of young Muslim would-be fighters to join the Islamic State militias.
‘Space’ has become a keyword in a variety of critical approaches to the study of culture, and the ‘spatial turn’ — the acknowledgment of the constitutive role of space in social relations — has proved to be a productive one in a range of disciplines across the humanities and social sciences (see e.g. Buck-Morss 1983; Innis 1951; Lefebvre 1991; Soja 1989; Thrift 2002). The identity of spaces is very much connected to the histories which are recounted about them, how those histories are narrated and which interpretation of history becomes dominant. Hundreds of diverse locations across today’s Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) are associated with the armed conflicts of the the 1990s — these are the spaces that witnessed rape, torture and massacres. Some of these were purpose-built, but many everyday ordinary places were also transformed. For example, schools, sports halls and hotels were reworked for ‘extraordinary’ purposes into spaces of crime.
Memories of violence that individuals and societies in Central and Eastern Europe experienced include displacement on a massive scale. As a result of World War II, millions of people were forced to leave their local homelands. Among them were also people from territories of the former Polish Eastern Borderlands (called Kresy),1 which after World War II became a part of the Lithuanian, Belorussian and Ukrainian Soviet Republics (Ciesielski, 2004; Piskorski, 2011). After World War II many Poles from those territories were resettled to the new Polish state; as of 2015, about 5 million of their descendants live in Poland. During the period of communism, ‘the memory of the Kresy’, as it is commonly called in the literature, was successfully pushed back into the margins of social life, but after democratic changes started being introduced in Poland we have been able to witness an ‘explosion’ of this memory of the Kresy (Kolbuszewski, 1996; Handke, 1997; Szaruga, 2001; Kasperski, 2007), as well as of other memories repressed in communist times. The present volume offers various approaches of this topic, for example Zessin-Jurek’s chapter dedicated to the Polish Siberian deportees. ‘The memory of the Kresy’ has manifested itself mainly in a large number of published memoirs, novels, documentaries, albums, and in the emergence of many organizations of persons who were displaced from the Kresy as well as of their descendants.
Read the chapters in this book and feel, carry, resist, fight the weight, the heavyyoke of tragedy. Mass violence has been part of the human experience for as long as recordedhistory and weighs us down to this day. In the American Civil War 750,000 soldiers on both sides lost their lives, and the subsequent decades were dominated by national preoccupation with suffering, loss, and grief (Faust, 2008). Colonialism introduced mass violence to all the continents, with slavery accounting for a huge toll of human misery and death. In the meatgrinder of trench warfare during World War I, millions of British, French, and German soldiers were killed and millions more wounded. The Battle of the Somme alone cost the British 450,000 casualties, 50,000 on the first day. That war ended with European societies expressing revulsion against all forms of mass violence, and yet just twenty years later a Second WorldWar killed more than 50 million men and women (most of whom were noncombatants) and displaced hundreds of million more. The war embedded the Holocaust, still the symbol of mass violence as an institutional product of evil. Historians claim that the former Soviet Union may have killed even more people than the Nazis. And this outline of mass violence is only a preliminary to the many and different more recent forms of mass killing described in the chapters that follow.Whatever the human cost of such immense and continuing destruction it must be staggering. China’s Great Leap Forward famine, which killed 30 million rural Chinese, was the unintended consequence of one of the most destructive social policies in human history, but no one knows its toll on families and networks in Chinese villages. The same can be said for the Cultural Revolution (Kleinman et al., 2011). And that is true of much of mass violence. We simply do not know what effect, especially over the long term, it has had on society, on interpersonal bonds, on local moral worlds, and on subjectivity.
What are the legacies of genocide and mass violence for individuals and the social worlds in which they live, and what are the local processes of recovery? Genocide and Mass Violence aims to examine, from a cross-cultural perspective, the effects of mass trauma on multiple levels of a group or society and the recovery processes and sources of resilience. How do particular individuals recall the trauma? How do ongoing reconciliation processes and collective representations of the trauma impact the group? How does the trauma persist in 'symptoms'? How are the effects of trauma transmitted across generations in memories, rituals, symptoms, and interpersonal processes? What are local healing resources that aid recovery? To address these issues, this book brings into conversation psychological and medical anthropologists, psychiatrists, psychologists and historians. The theoretical implications of the chapters are examined in detail using several analytic frameworks.
What are the legacies of genocide and mass violence for individuals and the social worlds in which they live, and what are the local processes of recovery? Genocide and Mass Violence aims to examine, from a cross-cultural perspective, the effects of mass trauma on multiple levels of a group or society and the recovery processes and sources of resilience. How do particular individuals recall the trauma? How do ongoing reconciliation processes and collective representations of the trauma impact the group? How does the trauma persist in 'symptoms'? How are the effects of trauma transmitted across generations in memories, rituals, symptoms, and interpersonal processes? What are local healing resources that aid recovery? To address these issues, this book brings into conversation psychological and medical anthropologists, psychiatrists, psychologists and historians. The theoretical implications of the chapters are examined in detail using several analytic frameworks.
The concept of social memory has generated a large literature, much of which focuses on the trauma of collective violence. Yet we need to know more about how narratives of violent and traumatic events influence social loyalties and how such narratives are managed or manipulated. Here we focus on the 1857 Mountain Meadows massacre, in which some 120 Arkansas emigrants were murdered in southwestern Utah. Our aim is not to establish "what really happened" at Mountain Meadows, but to examine the memory politics of the case-the many stories of the massacre, the ways they have been told, and their use as reference points in drawing or redrawing social boundaries. Our analysis highlights the activities of schoolteachers and other rural intellectuals in shaping the trauma process. This process, we argue, is based on an expanding sense of victimization as communicated in narratives of social violence and suffering.
Autobiographical memory and the historical memory of the more distant past. The article concerns the contrasting approaches to memory found in psychology and the social sciences. In particular it shows that the characteristics of autobiographical or episodic memory, its lack of explicitness, the fact that the remembered can be recalled in ever new ways, its emotional charge and its multiplicity of aspects can also apply to memories of a more distant past which individuals have not experienced directly. This is because evocations linked to places or objects transform narratives heard from others into personal experiences and because narratives are always fleshed out by those who hear them through various inferential processes, so that past events about which one has only heard about may gain the same vividness as memories of personal experiences. The argument is illustrated by a case from Madagascar.
Melanesian initiation cults frequently incorporate rites that instil a profound and lasting terror in the initiates. This article surveys several contemporary theories of these traumatic ordeals, and argues that these theories establish generalities only at the cost of adequate engagement with the cognitive and affective processes entailed in ritual performance. I propose a new approach, based on theories of flashbulb memory', which penetrates more deeply the religious experiences engendered in traumatic ritual, and also accounts for certain recurrent patterns of political association in initiation systems. 'Rites of terror' are here envisaged as part of a nexus of psychological and sociological processes, dubbed the 'imagistic mode of religiosity'.
This paper analyses accounts of Nazi massacres in two rural communities in central Italy, with the aim of examining what memory of the event has survived fifty years later. Interview data were collected in villages which had the same land-tenure system (Mezzadria) until the 1960s, but which were characterized by a different system of socio-economic stratification. The hypothesis developed here is that the patterning of memory has to be related to different social, occupational and residential identities of the groups concerned with the events. The narratives of survivors are compared in order to discern the different viewpoints which produced a veritable ‘divided’ memory of the massacre.
243 p. Le groupe et la société construisent la mémoire de l'individu. Les groupes se souviennent comme les individus. C'est la première sociologie de la mémoire que propose Halbwachs. Mais de 1925 à 1944, il accumule les livres et articles pour en proposer une seconde : il y a peut-être une infinité de mémoires qui durent en nous comme dans la société, qui se croisent par hasard dans notre tête ou dans un groupe. Deuxième approche géniale mais aussi crise et contradictions. Gérard Namer propose de laisser l'intuition de la mémoire aux psychologues et de partir de l'observable : la pratique sociale de la mémoire ; les moyens sociaux pour saisir la pratique individuelle sociale ou collective de la mémoire sont en même temps des moyens de la créer : les histoires de vie. la bibliothèque, la commémoration Il faut donc conclure que la construction sociale de la mémoire individuelle est différente de sa construction collective : une nouvelle sociologie de la mémoire est ainsi proposée.
Anthropologie de la mémoire
- J Candau
Candau, J. 1996. Anthropologie de la mémoire. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.
The book of memory: a study of memory in medieval culture The craft of thought: mediation, rhetoric, and the making of images
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Carruthers, M. 1990. The book of memory: a study of memory in medieval culture. Cambridge: University Press. ——— 1998. The craft of thought: mediation, rhetoric, and the making of images, 400-1200.
Caruth, C. 1995. Introduction. In Trauma: explorations in memory
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Memory in the real world
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Cohen, G. 1989. Memory in the real world. Hove: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
L'oubli de la cité: la mémoire collective à l'epreuve du lignage dans le Jérid tunisien. Paris: Éditions la Découverte
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Dakhlia, J. 1990. L'oubli de la cité: la mémoire collective à l'epreuve du lignage dans le Jérid tunisien. Paris: Éditions la Découverte. Durkheim, E. 1925. Sociologie et philosophie. Paris: Alcan.
Le stragi naziste: l'armadio della vergogna: impunità e rimozione dei crimini di guerra nazifascisti
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Franzinelli, M. 2002. Le stragi naziste: l'armadio della vergogna: impunità e rimozione dei crimini di guerra nazifascisti, 1943-2001. Milan: Mondadori.
Versilia: la strage degli innocenti. Seravezza: Ed. Versilia oggi
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the survivor's experience. In Mirrors of violence: communities, riots and survivors in South Asia
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Kanapathipillai, V. 1992. July 1983: the survivor's experience. In Mirrors of violence: communities, riots and survivors in South Asia (ed.) V. Das, 321-44. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
L'occupazione tedesca in Italia, 1943-1945
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Klinkhammer, L. 1993. L'occupazione tedesca in Italia, 1943-1945. Turin: Bollati-Boringhieri.
Emotion as memory: anatomical systems underlying indelible neural traces. In The handbook of emotion and memory: research and theory
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Storia e soggettività: le fonti orali, la memoria. Florence: La Nuova Italia. Pavone, C
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L'ordine è già stato eseguito
- A Portelli
Portelli, A. 1999. L'ordine è già stato eseguito: Roma, le Fosse Ardeatine, la memoria. Rome: Donzelli.
La vendetta tedesca, 1943-1945: le rappresaglie naziste in Italia
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Il senso della storia per Primo Levi
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Writing and rewriting the Holocaust: narrative and the consequences of interpretation
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