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L'Aveu et le pardon: Les Difficultes de la Confession XIIIe-XVIIIe Siecle
... 6 El objetivo era entonces resolver la tensión entre la universalidad de los imperativos divinos y la diversidad de las circunstancias 3 Ibídem, 157. 4 Ibídem, 97. Otras críticas sobre el tema resumidas por Sánchez: «no era conveniente se dixesse en público, ni se imprimiesse» ibídem, 94; «lo que se oponía diciendo; que esta noticia, y los avisos, que la dan, si se escribiera en latín, no tenía tanto inconveniente el que saliessen a luz, pero que en lengua vulgar, le tenían y muy grande» ibídem, 114. 5 Sobre el tema, véase : Delumeau 1990;Gay 2003;Quantin 2001. Para la Nueva España: Laske 2021. ...
Este artículo trata sobre el uso de la opinión pública por parte de algunos sectores eclesiales en la capital de la Nueva España. Pretende demostrar como actores eclesiásticos no dudaron en dirigirse directamente al espacio urbano para impulsar su programa de severidad religiosa con un discurso argumentativo, lo cual les llevó a infringir deliberadamente el principio de discreción de las polémicas teológicas. Se basa en gran parte en fuentes primarias poco estudiadas: los tratados de teología publicados en castellano.
... Many confessional texts were published in Europe in the 16 th , 17 th and 18 th centuries. Jean Delumeau explains that popularity with the obvious fact that in a Catholic country the issue of confession concerns all (Delumeau 1990). ...
Artykuł przedstawia kilka ciekawych wniosków dotyczących pogaństwa ludowego na podstawie porównania penitencjałów (libri poenitentiales) pochodzących z Półwyspu Iberyjskiego i Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej datowanych na XVI, XVII i XVIII wiek. Najważniejszym obiektem porównania są cztery penitencjały, które zawierają długie listy grzechów i odpowiadające im pokuty: XIII-wieczne dzieło łacińskie Summa de confessionis discretione autorstwa Brata Rudolfa, penitencjał z 1633 r. Instrución de confesores, como han de administrar el Sacramento de la Penitencia napisany przez hiszpańskiego jezuitę Antonio Fernandeza de Cordobę, El fuero de la conciencia napisany przez Valentína de la Madre de Dios z 1704 roku oraz polski penitencjał z 1753 r. zatytułowany Kolęda duchowna parafianom od pasterzów autorstwa Marcina Józefa Nowakowskiego. Z toku analizy wynika, że struktura i treść analizowanych tekstów są bardzo podobne i pozostały praktycznie niezmienione: pomimo upływu czasu nadal odgrywały taką samą rolę.
... The French historian Jean Delumeau and his British contemporary John Bossy were the first to revive the interest in penance and confession as historical topics of investigation (Delumeau, 1983;1990;Bossy, 1975). They did not challenge Weber directly, but their alternative theory of modernity examined the Catholic Reformation and its contribution to the formation of a new subjectivity. ...
Historians and sociologists have argued that the practices of confession played a major role in the transition to modern, introspective individuality. Until the 1970s, tough, the literature had dealt mostly with Protestantism and Protestant modes of confession, first and foremost the practice of writing spiritual diaries and then reading and rereading them. The article looks at Catholic confessional practices and how they, too, have shaped modern notion of subjecthood. Centering on Foucault’s contribution, the article argue that Catholic confession, just like its Protestant avatar, paved a route to modernity.
... This field of research was opened by Alberto Tenenti's studies, who was one of the first to accept the invitation devoted to historians in 1941 by one of the fathers of the Annales, Lucien Febvre, who urged to focus studies on the feelings and emotions associated with small and major life events, stressing that death could be an exemplary case study in this regard (Febvre, 1942). Tenenti, in particular, had the merit of shedding light on origins and specificity of the father-text of genre, the Ars Moriendi writ-11 See, in particular, the well-known trilogy on the topic of sin and fear by Jean Delumeau [Delumeau (1978); Delumeau (1983); Delumeau (1990)] and the masterful work of Lawrence Stone (Stone, 1979). 12 On this point, we only mention Curl's pioneering study: Curl (1972). ...
... De nombreux historiens, théologiens et sociologues se sont intéressés à la pratique et au développement de la confession et « autres formes institutionnalisées de l'aveu » (Hahn, 1986). Jean Delumeau (Delumeau, 1990) pour citer le mieux connu, a longuement travaillé sur la peur, la notion de péché puis la confession elle-même. En termes plus théologiques et académiques, le Groupe de la Bussière, groupe d'étude informel créé en 1958 par des historiens spécialisés en histoire religieuse, a consacré, sous l'influence grandissante de Michel de Certeau, Jésuite, théologien, historien fortement marqué par la psychanalyse, plusieurs années à l'étude des évolutions de la confession depuis les Pères du Désert 6. Dans une note de lecture de 1986, Jérôme Baschet (Baschet, 1985) rappelle l'histoire de la pénitence, la relie à la tradition monastique de l'aveu des péchés et explique fort bien que pendant la première moitié du moyen âge, à la suite des clercs carolingiens, on s'efforce de faire coïncider pénitence publique et faute publique d'une part, pénitence privée et faute privée d'autre part. ...
Ce chapitre met en parallèle la confession auriculaire au sein de l'Eglise d'un côté, et l'entretien individuel au sein de l'entreprise de l'autre. Ceci permet de saisir la force du colloque singulier pour imposer des valeurs qui servent l'efficacité de l'institution dans laquelle il est réalisé. Néanmoins, cela « fonctionne » dès lors que la confession comme l'entretien sont inéluctables car l'individu ne peut s'y soustraire au risque d'une désintégration sociale. D'autre part, la confession peut s'opérer car elle repose sur une croyance dans le sacrement de pénitence et son pouvoir quasi-magique, mais contribue également à renforcer cette croyance. L'entretien individuel, repose quant à lui sur l'idée que l'individu est porteur de compétences indépendamment du collectif dans lequel il exerce et de l'organisation dans laquelle il se trouve, et contribue également à véhiculer cette idée.
... For if I were of the Religion, I would attempt any sinfull course, as Theft or Piracie to releeve my wants in hope of Pardon, Penance or Purgatorie, (for no punishment should terrife me, let it bee whatsoever it could be even Purgatorie it selfe, so it might have end I would willingly endure it, if so be it might procure me pardon, and under that condition grant mee libertie to sinne). (E2rº) Obviously, Cartwright confuses Catholicism with some form of antinomianism, and he has never heard of the distinction drawn by the most exacting confessors between mere attrition and sincere contrition (Delumeau 1991). Fear generates the former, but only the latter can obtain for the penitent efficient absolution. ...
This text analyzes the narratives of resistance that solicited women developed before the inquisitorial tribunals of Hispanic America in response to the abuses of their confessors. Solicitation trials and causal relationships are addressed in the three inquisitorial tribunals in America (Mexico, Lima, and Cartagena de Indias) during the seventeenth century, after the reception of the Hispanic-American ecclesiastical authorities of Gregory XV's papal brief on Solicitation. Women's formal use of ecclesiastical justice demonstrates the improper and extra-sacramental usage of the confessional space in male seduction and violence strategies. This study argues that females based their actions on informal knowledge about what was acceptable in the context of confession and that their expressions and actions against the sexual demands of men of God can be interpreted as forms of everyday resistance, mostly unorganized.
In the first decades of the sixteenth century, humanists such as Erasmus and the Reformers such as Luther and Calvin subjected to a fierce critique the doctrine and practices of sacramental confession. The sacrament of penance and the hearing of confessions were scheduled for debate in each of the three periods of the council: during the first period in the context of the discussions on justiification and indulgences and in the draft canons on purgatory that were not promulgated; in the second period where the traditional teaching and related practices were affirmed in the doctrinal decree on the most holy sacraments of penance and extreme unction approved at that time; and in the third period where the rushed closure of the council prevented a deeper investigation, resting with a merely jurisdictional treatment of the topic.
The printed difusion of the conciliar decrees had a dogmatic character that assured the circulation of the teaching of the Roman Church, approved by the council and promulated by the pontiff, on the basis of which were updated the penitential summas and manuals of the confessors inherited and revised in the last centuries of the Middle Ages and now revised again.
In the pastoral practice after Trent, the effort to establish a control over the observance of the ecclesiastical precept of an annual confession with its registration in an appropriate book failed. Instead, a new ecclesiastical furnishing, the confessional box, appeared that assured at thesame time the making public and the secrecy of the administration of the sacrament.
This chapter deals with a current of thought, which deeply influenced the developments of political economy. Based on sensationist philosophy – sensations are the source of all knowledge and a guide for the behaviour of the agents who seek pleasures and avoid pains – sensationist political economy presented two main aspects, both in a free trade context. The first was developed by A.-R.-J. Turgot and his followers – M.-J.-A.-N. Caritat de Condorcet in particular – and the second by J.-J.-L. Graslin. Both lines of thought presented similar ideas in public economics, based on a quid pro quo approach and dealing for example with the free rider problem. But their developments are different as regards other topics. Graslin, drawing on J.-J. Rousseau’s Contrat social, developed an approach in terms of vertically integrated sectors and natural prices based on quantities of labour spent in the production of commodities. Turgot developed instead a subjective theory of value, equilibrium prices and the interest rate, as well as a theory of capitalist competition leading to an equilibrium defined by the uniformity of the profits rates in all branches. Condorcet, developing his ideas in public economics (see also Chapter 8), determined the optimal amount of public expenditure and taxes through an equilibrium at the margin. Even focusing on utility, none of these authors were utilitarians.
In contrast to traditional historiography which, until recently, has generally explained the origin of probabilism based on works written in the European academic context, this article explores pragmatic works written mostly by —and for— experienced actors making practical use of their knowledge in fields such as trade, commerce and sacraments within the new global horizon of the Hispanic Monarchy. I propose a new, more global explanation of the progressive emergence of probabilism as a theological doctrine and method for the resolution of cases. Particular attention is granted to the use of probabilistic arguments in works of American missionary literature and writings of moral theology produced in the changing context of the central decades of the sixteenth century. This analysis allows us to understand their focus on evaluating probable alternatives in unfamiliar contexts and with unforeseen doubts that already existed in Vitoria’s ideas on economy and mission. As I show in this article, this emerging focus is a tendency that later Salamancan disciples such as the novohispano theologians Alonso de la Vera Cruz (1509-1584) and Tomás de Mercado (1523-1575) went on to radicalize by appealing to the need to follow merely probable opinions in a growing range of cases. Both of them adapted European moral and religious norms to a wide range of specifically early modern problems. The evaluation of the family or marriage customs of the indigenous American peoples and of frequent practices in the transatlantic economy such as money exchange and sale on credit were among the most discussed.
La « scène de confessionnal » abonde dans la presse parisienne de la seconde moitié du xixe siècle. Le discours de presse révèle l’ambivalence de la place du confessionnal au cœur de l’église dans la ville, à la fois lieu de pratiques spirituelles publiques et mondaines et espace du secret bien protégé de la confession. La scène de confessionnal intègre progressivement le fait divers, la chronique, jusqu’aux feuilletons et aux satires anticléricales, suscitant des regards démultipliés, entre métaphore du secret des consciences et symbole des dangers recelés par le secret.
Auricular confession1 was instituted officially by the Fourth Lateran Council. Canon 21 compelled all Christians to make a full confession of all sins once a year; only after hearing the full extent of a parishioner’s sins could a confessor assign penance and grant absolution. How strictly these instructions were followed in the south German imperial city of Lindau is unknown; however, it appears that by the late fourteenth century the local clergy considered the administration of auricular confession one of the defining powers of their office. In 1395 it was the last of the parish priest’s powers to be shared with the recently arrived Franciscans.2
The practice of truth and reconciliation promised to throw a bridge between the état de droit and its rule of law, and a socio-political solution for dealing with crimes against humanity but it had a number of problems. The intermediate stage between truth and reconciliation had been identified as forgiveness. Reconciliation is the result of forgiveness. But the nature of forgiveness, what exactly it involves, whether there are different sorts of forgiveness depending on the offence, had not been thought through by the protagonists of the new policy. Nor had its relationship with justice been considered sufficiently. The three examples discussed in the preceding chapter suggest that for victims, forgiveness comes only after justice has been done. The intellectual slide made by the proponents of truth and reconciliation, from the notion that telling the truth automatically produces catharsis to an almost ipso facto forgiveness, neither was nor is borne out in fact. As a result of their failure to consider carefully what forgiveness is, they had also made the fundamental mistake of thinking that forgiveness could be decreed from on high, either as the highest virtue or as necessary if societies in transition are to have a harmonious future. But the myriad victims of crimes against humanity need more than a cultural hegemonic programme with forgiveness as its key, to placate them.
This chapter focuses on Europe, parts of Africa and the Middle East, to show how small-scale subsistence farming, typical in Europe up to the fifteenth century and other areas until the beginning of the twenty-first, imposes an economic, social and ideological myopia. Metaphorically and as lived reality, the world ends at the village stile. There is little possibility of any notion of a universal humanity; all humans outside such familial communities are considered alien and enemies. I argue that rights within such worlds are no more than at best quid pro quo and at worst masked tyranny. They are irrelevant for all but a few marginalised thinkers, who escape and are divorced from everyday life, usually from priestly or monastic castes. I discuss such thinkers as Tommaso Campanella and Giordano Bruno, but argue that even for such men as these, those who held other beliefs were not deserving of rights. Rather, as St Bernard of Clairvaux preached to the Crusaders, all Muslims should be exterminated. Men must become erectos and sidera vult before they can think of humanity. According to Marsilio di Padua, they only stared at the ground like animals in the Middle Ages. There are no masses in support of human rights, much less universal human rights in such conditions.
This article investigates how the notion of individual conscience has to be understood within the early-modern development of Catholic moral theology. It highlights that 16th-century Catholic theologians continued to understand conscience mainly in Thomist terms as a rational judgment. Yet they also came to investigate more deeply questions of intention and individual circumstances that might interfere with the perfect execution of moral reasoning. Particular emphasis is given to the question of probabilism and whether this new method of analyzing moral agency provided a stepping stone towards a more individualized conception of conscience, as some intellectual historians have contended. The article argues that whilst probabilism sharpened the awareness for problems of conscience, this development cannot be disconnected from the culture of counsel of conscience, inscribed into the fundamentally Thomist definition of it.
In this article the author studies the commitment of the laymen to evangelize the Peruvian indigenous people in the 16th and the 17th centuries, by way of their financial participation and charity. It shows that for the sixteenth-century encomenderos the practice of charity towards Indians contributed to establishing their adherence to Tridentine orthodoxy and to justifying their dominant status in the colonial society. The practice of the same kind of charity by a seventeenth-century merchant reveals that this way of social legitimation was still available and perpetuated, from the point of view of the Spanish laity, the religious distinction between Indians, considered as neophytes, and Spanish descendents, assimilated to catholic devouts.
Historians interested in sexuality in the xviith century have often noted how difficult it is to find women’s voices. Traces remain, however in the spiritual biographies and autobiographies of religious women and in the archives of the ecclesiastical courts. The intermingling of these voices with other discourses – those of men and women of the Church who noted them down, of judges who recorded them – offer little insight into the reality of sexual practices, given how hagiographic and judicial procedures, as well as censureship at times, serve to mute and obscure individual words. Nonetheless, attention to the silences in these tales reveals the importance of ignorance, innocence and dissimulation in women’s experiences of sexuality from the fantasies and discoveries of childhood to the early years of marriage.
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